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1

Gaillardetz, Richard. "II. Beyond Dissent: Reflections on the Possibilities of a Pastoral Magisterium in Today's Church." Horizons 45, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.59.

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Our roundtable wishes to explore the need for the church today to move beyond what we might call the orthodoxy/dissent binary, that is, the assumption of one narrowly construed orthodox position, over against which all other construals of the Christian faith are presented as heretical or at least dissenting positions. This binary presents, for many scholars today, insuperable difficulties. To begin with, it emphasizes doctrinal unity over theological diversity. It privileges office over charism, magisterium over the sense of the faithful, authoritative pronouncement over communal discovery. The dominance of the orthodoxy/dissent binary depends in turn on an account of doctrinal teaching authority still indebted to Pope Pius XII and his claim that when the ordinary papal magisterium has pronounced on a matter, it is no longer subject to open debate. The solution, in the minds of some, lies in dispelling dangerous notions of orthodoxy, heresy, and dissent as intrinsically hegemonic terms that mask politically oriented power regimes. I am not inclined to dismiss entirely, however, claims to doctrinal normativity, even as I acknowledge the real danger of abuse.
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2

Katz, Itamar, and Ruth Kark. "THE GREEK ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM AND ITS CONGREGATION: DISSENT OVER REAL ESTATE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 4 (September 23, 2005): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052189.

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Dissent between the clerical establishment and lay followers is not an infrequent phenomenon and has often focused on church appointments, leadership, and political issues. In the Middle East, such tensions are found between churches usually led by European clergy and their predominantly Arab congregations. Here we combine historical and geographical research methods to investigate a neglected source of contention—that of property held by the church. We reconstruct, analyze, and present detailed case studies of long-term disputes over real estate between the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem (its Greek patriarch and clergy), and its lay Arab community, known as Rum Orthodox, Roman Christians, or Greek Orthodox, and which number about 71,000 members.
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3

Solomon, Mark L. "Dancing in Solidarity and Dissent." European Judaism 49, no. 2 (September 1, 2016): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490210.

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AbstractIn this deeply personal article, Mark Solomon explores the universal dichotomy between group solidarity and individual dissent by reflecting on two formative experiences of his own life. The first was his inspiring teenage encounter with Lubavitch Hasidism and his revulsion at its extreme, particularistic views about Jewish souls, which led to a loss of faith in Judaism and a four-year spiritual struggle over whether to convert to Christianity. Later, as an Orthodox rabbi, he had to deal with a growing awareness of being gay and the need to come out, once again leaving the solidarity of the traditional Jewish family structure for a dissenting way of life. Individual dissent can create a new sense of community and bring with it a solidarity among outsiders. The challenges of belonging and personal freedom are part of the perpetual rhythm of life and can be a source of growth and energy.
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Novak, Margarita, Sergey Borisov, Andrey Borisovskiy, and Anna Doborovich. "The cultural and anthropological aspects of penance for religious dissent in previous centuries." SHS Web of Conferences 72 (2019): 03018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20197203018.

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The article analyses similar and different features concerning penalizing dissent in Western (Catholic) and Russian (Orthodox) culture. The authors have identified a similarity in the attempt to hide heresy behind iron bars and a difference in European penalizing practices being more egregious.
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5

Arnold, John H. "Voicing Dissent: Heresy Trials in Later Medieval England*." Past & Present 245, no. 1 (July 29, 2019): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz025.

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Abstract Recent work on medieval heresy has emphasized the ‘constructedness’ of heresy by orthodox power, thus undermining the coherence of heretical sects and tending to suggest that those tried as heretics were essentially unwitting victims. This article examines the evidence from the entire range of surviving Lollard trials, and argues that we can see consciously ‘dissenting’ speech alongside the standard theological positions associated with (and perhaps imposed upon) Lollardy. In each area of dissent anticlerical, sceptical, disputational and rebellious a wider cultural context is explored, demonstrating that the language of dissent is not limited to ‘Lollardy’; at the same time however it is argued that it is precisely through the voicing and reception of such wider referents that a heretical movement comes to exist. The article traces trends in medieval speech through which specific opinions and beliefs are voiced as a challenge, and the linguistic and social contexts within which they give rise to wider meanings—including collective identifications. Thus, whilst we may wish to foreground the impositions of power and orthodoxy that ‘made’ heresy, we should not make ‘heretics’ disappear completely. Through the records of prosecution, we can still hear something of the voices of those who chose to voice dissent; and we can give recognition to that choice as a form of dissenting agency—dependent also however on the reception and interpretation of those voices by neighbours, witnesses and inquisitors.
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6

Wanner, Catherine. "Inochentism and Orthodox Christianity: religious dissent in the Russian and Romanian Borderlands." Religion, State and Society 48, no. 2-3 (May 26, 2020): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2020.1763044.

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7

Hovorun, Cyril. "GOOD AND EVIL THEOLOGICAL FRUITS OF THE PANDEMIC." Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 16, no. 2 (2020): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2020.16.2.

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The article explores various approaches to the Covid-19 pandemic in both global and Ukrainian Orthodoxy. It in particular differentiates between the fideistic and realistic takes on the Eucharist and the transmissibility of viruses through it. The former rejects, and the latter affirms the risk of getting infected with coronavirus through partaking in holy communion. The article also discusses various possibilities and forms of worshipping online, including the controversial practice of celebrating liturgy through communication platforms. The article suggests an updated form of the ancient agape--the meal of love that accompanied Eucharist in the early church. It also mentions the ancient and modern forms of the distribution of communion, with a special reference to the study by Fr Robert Taft, SJ. Another topic discussed in the article is the so called "Covid dissent," when people undermine or dismiss the risks and measures to prevent the spread of the disease. This dissent is popular among the Orthodox fundamentalists and conservatives, including the ones in Ukraine. The two cases of the "Covid-dissent," articulated by former Metropolitans of Kyiv Onufriy Berezovsky and Filaret Denysenko, are in the focus of the study. The article argues that the attitude to Covid-19 that these and some other hierarchs promote, is similar to the medieval "trials by ordeal," when suspects were ordered to fish a ring from boiling water or carry hot iron. They were regarded innocent only when they remained unharmed by these tests. The same attitude, the article argues, leads to stigmatization and victimization of those who have suffered from Covid-19.
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8

Dockham, Carol. "Liturgical Commemorations, Political Dissent and Religious Schism in the Russian Orthodox Church during the 1920s and 1930s." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 306–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05303006.

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Abstract In the early Soviet period, the long Christian tradition of praying for secular and ecclesiastical rulers played an important role in Orthodox debates over legitimate authority, especially after the death of Patriarch Tikhon (Bellavin, 1865–1925) in March 1925. When Metropolitan Sergii (Stragorodskii, 1867–1944), the acting leader of the patriarchal church, ordered the liturgical commemoration of the atheistic Soviet government as the secular authority and himself as the ecclesiastical authority in October 1927, he immediately provoked strong resistance from a group of hierarchs, clergy and laypersons in Leningrad. Because this opposition was expressed publicly at worship services, the Bolsheviks considered it a form of anti-Soviet agitation. For Orthodox believers, however, commemoration represented an ecclesiastical rather than a secular question. Sergii himself resisted Soviet pressure to stop commemorating his own superior, the imprisoned Metropolitan Petr (Polianskii, 1862–1937). Despite the bitter divisions among the followers of Patriarch Tikhon in the decade that followed his death, both Sergii and his opponents both prayed for Petr – a fragile thread that united the church’s contending factions.
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9

Al-Sudairi, Mohammed Turki A. "Marx's Arabian Apostles: The Rise and Fall of the Saudi Communist Movement." Middle East Journal 73, no. 3 (October 15, 2019): 438–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/73.3.15.

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Saudi Arabia's historic communist movement is considerably overlooked in the literature on secular dissent in the kingdom. This article attempts to address this gap by offering a historical account of the movement's early formation, dispersion, radicalization and, ultimately, transformation into the Communist Party of Saudi Arabia. This metamorphosis from a diffuse and ideologically eclectic organization into a more orthodox, Soviet-style, and structurally coherent party, paradoxically, marked the Saudi movement's political twilight as it assumed an organizational and intellectual straitjacket that contributed to its demise.
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10

Rutherford, Malcolm. "Understanding Institutional Economics: 1918–1929." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 22, no. 3 (September 2000): 277–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710050122521.

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All attempts to define American institutionalism, whether in terms of a set of key methodological or theoretical principles or in terms of the contributions of the three generally accepted “founding” figures of Thorstein Veblen, Wesley Mitchell, and John R. Commons, have run into a problem with the apparent disparities within the movement. In terms of the three “founders” there are obvious and quite dramatic differences between the methodologies and theoretical directions of the three men. Veblen is associated with an evolutionary approach, a key distinction between pecuniary institutions and technological or industrial requirements, and a biting critique of orthodox theory and business practices; Mitchell with quantitative methods and detailed research on business cycles, an approach he established at the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER); Commons with documentary histories, work on labor issues and public utility regulation, and an analytical scheme emphasizing the evolution of legal institutions and processes of dispute resolution. The same problem shows up with more explicit types of definition that often seem to capture only some parts or aspects of the movement and not others, or are so broad as to lack much specific content. Institutionalism easily appears as incoherent, as little more than a set of individual research programs with nothing in common other than a questioning of more orthodox theory and method. Thus, Mark Blaug has stated that institutionalism “was never more than a tenuous inclination to dissent from orthodox economics” (Blaug 1978, p. 712), and George Stigler has claimed that institutionalism had “no positive agenda of research,” “no set of problems or new methods,” nothing but “a stance of hostility to the standard theoretical tradition” (quoted in Kitch 1983, p. 170). This view still finds wide currency— for example Oliver Williamson has recently argued that “unable or unwilling to offer a rival research agenda, the older institutional economics was given over to methodological objections to orthodoxy” (Williamson 1998b, p. 24; see also 1998a).
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11

Nedici, Radu. "DaT18 Database: A Prosopographical Approach to the Study of the Social Structures of Religious Dissent in Mid-Eighteenth-Century Transylvania." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Digitalia 65, no. 1 (December 8, 2020): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbdigitalia.2020.1.04.

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"Drawing on the many records created by the Habsburg state during the confessional troubles in Transylvania from the 1740s to the 1760s, the DaT18 project merges digital instruments and prosopography to arrive at sketching the social pattern of the Orthodox leadership. This article briefly discusses the technical choices involved in building the relational database that my approach centres on, before talking in more detail about the challenges faced when transposing the information in the primary sources into digital format. First, the question of making use of structured vs. unstructured data, as most of the documents I work with already present some form of tabular layout, while the more narrative ones require different strategies to mitigate losses when converting them. Secondly, the difficult process of record linkage, with many of the persons only mentioned by their first name and no surname to help label each individual entered in more than one source. Lastly, the daunting task of estimating economic resources, since there was no reliable standard in an age that saw four different fiscal systems in use and many regional flavours within the same scheme. Keywords: prosopography, relational database, clerical careers, data structuring, Greek Orthodox Church."
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12

Ibrahim, Mina. "For the Sake of Marguirguis." Endowment Studies 4, no. 1-2 (December 11, 2020): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685968-04010001.

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Abstract This contribution endeavors to show that building and administrating Coptic charitable associations according to the laws of the Egyptian Ministry of Social Affairs (mosa) does not mean allying with or challenging one of the two institutions that claim control over the Coptic Christian ethics of giving in Egypt: the Coptic Orthodox Patriarchate and the Egyptian government. Especially since my interlocutors are simultaneously integral subjects of the waqf properties (endowments, i.e. the parishes) administered by the institutional Church, they are less interested in negotiating a true definition of such a practice. Beyond the power dynamics that have played out over the orthodoxy of religious practices and that are intensively analyzed in existing literature, I argue that maintaining relations with the two official entities that govern Christian charity in Egypt invites thinking about interactions developed within the context of a heavenly community. Instead of focusing on the competition of who holds and authorizes the better form of the Coptic Christian tradition of khidma (service), I suggest that the interactions with this divine community are sometimes intertwined with overlooked invisible and inaudible meanings of dissent and activism among members of the largest Christian minority in the Middle East.
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13

Pizzolato, Nicola. "Transnational Radicals: Labour Dissent and Political Activism in Detroit and Turin (1950–1970)." International Review of Social History 56, no. 1 (April 2011): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000696.

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SummaryThis article investigates the entangled histories of radicals in Detroit and Turin who challenged capitalism in ways that departed from “orthodox” Marxism. Starting from the 1950s, small but influential groups of labour radicals, such as Correspondence in Detroit and Quaderni Rossi in Turin, circulated ideas that questioned the Fordist system in a drastic way. These radicals saw the car factories as laboratories for a possible “autonomist” working-class activity that could take over industrial production and overhaul the societal system. They criticized the usefulness of the unions and urged workers to develop their own forms of collective organization. These links were rekindled during the intense working-class mobilization of the late 1960s, when younger radicals would also engage in a dialogue across national boundaries that influenced each other's interpretation of the local context. These transnational connections, well-known to contemporaries but ignored by historians, show how American events and debates were influenced by, and impinged on, distant countries, and how local activists imagined their political identity as encompassing struggles occurring elsewhere.
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14

Wert, Justin J. "Nothing New Under the Sun: The Development of Habeas Corpus and Executive Power in the Bush Administration." American Review of Politics 29 (January 1, 2009): 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.273-289.

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This article details the origins of the Bush administration’s policies with respect to executive power and access to the writ of habeas corpus. I argue that the administration’s policies devised to prosecute the “War on Terror” were simply extensions of already developing patterns of conservative legal and constitutional theory. This account suggests that as an “Orthodox Innovator” president, it is likely that President Bush’s particular developments and additions to this larger regime stance went too far to continue to remain legitimate, but not in the way that the literature suggests. As a result of the Bush presidency, then, dissent is more likely to come from the judiciary and not the party faithful.
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15

Fink, David C. "Was There a “Reformation Doctrine of Justification”?" Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 2 (April 2010): 205–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000556.

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In this essay I take up cudgels against a central construct in the confessional historiography of the Protestant Reformation: The notion that there existed a clear, well-defined doctrine of justification shared by all the major reformers from the earliest stages of the conflagration and that this “Reformation doctrine of justification” served as the “material principle” in the formation of the emerging Protestant self-identity.1 In contrast with this traditional view, I argue that the first-generation reformers, galvanized by Luther's protest against the indulgence trade, adopted a common “rhetoric of dissent” aimed at critiquing the regnant Catholic orthopraxy of salvation in the interest of a common set of primarily existential-religious concerns. During the course of the next several decades following the initia Lutheri, however, an “orthodox” doctrine of justification quickly emerged'several of them, in fact. The Roman Catholic church and the emerging Protestant confessions, Lutheran and Reformed, quickly found it necessary to formulate their teachings in increasingly precise terms, so as both to integrate their central soteriological affirmations within a wider body of contested doctrines and practices and to demarcate clearly the boundaries of confessional identity in opposition to competing confessions. As with earlier periods of intense theological controversy within the Christian tradition, this conflict represented not a sudden breakthrough, but rather “a search for orthodoxy, a search conducted by the method of trial and error.”2 Unlike earlier debates, however, what emerged in the aftermath of the Reformation was not a single, dominant orthodoxy which carried the field, but rather multiple, competing orthodoxies, each one with its own Gospel.
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Paert, Irina. "Regulating Old Believer Marriage: Ritual, Legality, and Conversion in Nicholas Fs Russia." Slavic Review 63, no. 3 (2004): 555–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1520344.

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In this article, Irina Paert reexamines the relationship between Old Believers and officialdom. She focuses on the impact the criminalization of Old Believer marriages had on dissenting communities in Nicholas I's Russia (1825-55). Although Paert emphasizes the difference between Old Believer and official approaches to marriage, she also draws attention to endemic conflicts and contradictions within the local and central governments regarding the implementation of policies, and she identifies a variety of grass-root responses to these problems. In addition to ecclesiological disagreements between different branches of Old Belief, conflicts existed within specific congregations, which were divided along class and gender lines. Paert thus raises new questions about the boundaries separating the official culture from that of religious dissent, and Orthodox from Old Believer communities, and she questions the persistent representation of the Old Believer community as a “counter-society.”
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17

Hamilton, Bernard, and Janet Hamilton. "St. Symeon the New Theologian and Western Dissident Movements." Studia Ceranea 2 (December 30, 2012): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.12.

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The trial at Orleans in 1022 of a group of aristocratic clergy, who included the confessor of Queen Constance of France, and their followers on the charge of heresy is the most fully reported among the group of heresy trials which were conducted in the Western Church during the first half of the eleventh century. Although the alleged heretics of Orleans are usually considered a part of a wider pattern of Western religious dissent, the charges brought against them differ considerably from those levelled against the other groups brought to trial in that period. The heterodox beliefs with which the canons of Orleans were charged bear a strong resemblance to the teachings of the Byzantine abbot, St. Symeon the New Theologian, who died in 1022. St. Symeon taught that it was possible for a Christian to experience the vision of God in this life if he or she received ascetic guidance from a spiritual director, who need not be a priest. In the late tenth and early eleventh centuries a significant number of Orthodox monks visited northern Europe, including Orleans, and some of them settled there. It is therefore possible that the Canons of Orleans who were put on trial had been trained in the tradition of St. Symeon by one of those Orthodox monks who were familiar with it. St. Symeon was part of the Hesychast tradition in the Byzantine Church. Even so, his emphasis on the supremacy of personal religious experience at the expense of the corporate worship of the institutional Church was strongly criticised by some of his contemporaries. A study of his writings shows that he was, in fact, completely Orthodox in faith and practice and that these criticisms were ill-judged. Nevertheless, if, as we have suggested, the Canons of Orleans had tried to live in accordance with his teachings, the hostile reactions of the Western hierarchy would be comprehensible. For there was no tradition of Hesychasm in the spirituality of the Western Church, and the fact that the dissidents at Orleans saw little value in observing the rituals of the established Church would have alarmed conventional churchmen.
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18

Harvey, Margaret. "Unity and Diversity: Perceptions of the Papacy in the Later Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015394.

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One feature of late medieval life always strikes the modern student as most strange: the Roman Church was an institution which you could, if you had the courage, opt out of, but you did not opt in, or rather, it was assumed that you were in unless you took steps to make dissent clear. Here I would want to add that being ‘in’ included accepting the papacy. My object in this paper is to discuss aspects of this situation, to ask how the papacy was perceived before opinions were distorted by the need to accommodate the impact of Luther. There are few areas where it is more important not to write history from the Reformation backwards; between Protestant polemic and Catholic apologetic the late medieval papacy remains in need of an impartial historian. Textbooks are few and detailed studies of many aspects non-existent. In this paper I will merely try to illuminate a few questions which arise when one begins to consider what it meant to say that in the late Middle Ages all orthodox Latin Christians accepted the papacy.
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Hameed, Abdullah Abdul. "Mappila literature as a paradigm for countercultures: Reading Moinkutty Vaidyar in context." Performing Islam 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pi_00003_1.

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Abstract Recent studies on Mappila literature revisit Mappila culture in an attempt to understand the 'Mappila Muslim' beyond earlier representations by colonial and nationalist scholarship. Mappila literature is studied as a paradigm for understanding traditions of dissent and resistance by indigenous communities in colonized contexts. This article positions Mappila poet Moinkutty Vaidyar in a lineage of Mappila writings of resistance in Arabic, Arabimalayalam and Malayalam, and studies Vaidyar's works as a continuum of Mappila counterculture while also placing him as a link between two distinct eras in Kerala's literary history through synchronic and diachronic reading of Malayalam literary history. It critically explores the reasons behind marginalization of Mappila literature by mainstream academic studies until the early years of twenty-first century. While considering Moinkutty Vaidyar as a continuum of the Mappila counterculture, this research also presents a case for Vaidyar as an anti-orthodox social reformer, a secular thinker, a successor of the pāttu and bhakti traditions, a harbinger of romanticism and modernism in Kerala's literature and finally as the creative genius who created a new linguistic and literary landscape for Mappila society.
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McRae, Peter. "The Search for Meaning: continuing Problems with the Interpretation of Treaties." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 33, no. 2 (September 2, 2002): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v33i2.5844.

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This paper argues that old controversies regarding the objects and methods of treaty interpretation have not been resolved by the coming into force of articles 31 and 32 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969. The articles, it is argued, have not so much resolved previous debates between "schools" of interpretation, as obscured them under an apparently clear regime, while interpreters continue to adopt their own preferences. The paper describes the three main schools – textualist, intentions of the parties, and teleological – and concludes none offers a satisfactory scheme by itself. It then examines the development of the Convention articles, and concludes they represented a compromise in which the drafters failed to resolve the key issue of the underlying purpose or object of interpretation. It then shows that an orthodox interpretation of the articles has developed, which assumes they embody the textualist position. The paper then discusses how this orthodoxy has been accepted by the majority of the International Court of Justice in the 1990s, but with significant dissent drawing on insights from especially an intentions of the parties approach. The paper then draws on insights from modern approaches to the interpretation of commercial contracts, to suggest that the best resolution of the "text versus intentions" dichotomy lies in accepting that establishing the actual intentions of parties is the purpose of interpretation, and that therefore an apparently clear text will be strong but not conclusive evidence of such intentions. The paper examines how this refinement would have helped to resolve difficult interpretations before the ICJ, and concludes that such an approach is both desirable and consistent with articles 31 and 32.
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Krupa, Christopher. "The politics of intellectual labor under contemporary capitalist restructuring." Focaal 2019, no. 84 (July 1, 2019): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.840107.

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Originally published in 2014, Gavin Smith’s Intellectuals and (Counter-) Politics: Essays in Historical Realism felt like a jolt of adrenaline for politically engaged scholarship, in anthropology and beyond. One of the book’s core provocations was methodological: it asked how exactly, in a pragmatic sort of way, we might do intellectual work that is not only politically effective (i.e. that gives additional “leverage” to collective struggle) but also works with, not against, the unique forms of intervention open to members of our profession. Its answer was deliciously heretical. Smith suggested the most politically valuable contributions of intellectual work might not come from the orthodox methods we tend to adopt when we commit ourselves to joining political struggles, such as aligning ourselves with the collective movements we support and offering them an audience and theoretical lens for their voices of dissent. The importance of ground-level solidarity work cannot be overstated. But allowing such alliances and their immediate challenges to shape the scope of our intellectual practice may confuse the kinds of practical knowledge necessary for one mode of activist struggle with that necessary for, and made possible by, another.
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Mira, Manuel. "El sínodo de Alejandría del 362 y la pacificación de la Iglesia antioquena." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 48, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04801003.

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The antagonism between the followers of Nicaea and the bishops who believed in the divinity of Jesus Christ, but did not accept the term “homoousios”, prevented for long time the creation of an anti-Arian party. The synod of Alexandria of 362, summoned by Athanasius of Alexandria, took a first step in the process of approaching these two theological groups. One of the decisions taken by the synod was the writing and sending to the church of Antioch of Syria of a letter with which the Fathers of the Alexandrian synod wanted to facilitate the reconciliation between the followers of Eustachius, whose leader was then Pauline, and those who saw Meletius as the representative of the Orthodox faith. The letter proposes a protocol of dialogue that constitutes an itinerary of reconciliation, that could be followed in contexts of theological dissent similar to that of the Antiochian church. This itinerary is composed by three steps: the determination of a common basis of faith, the rejection of the heresy of which each group is accused by the rival party, the proposal of the doctrine of which each group consider himself the only defender.
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Fitzgerald, E. V. K. "Private Sector Investment and Savings Behaviour: The Policy Implications of Capital Account Disaggregation (The Distinguishedl Lecture)." Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4I (December 1, 1992): 491–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v31i4ipp.491-510.

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After a prolonged period of macroeconomic adjustment, lasting at least a decade in most LDCs, much has been learned (and in many cases re-learned) and a consensus reached about many key policy points, such as the virtues of budgetary balance, the need for a strong real exchange rate, and the requirement for microeconomic reforms if markets are to work properly. To a considerable extent, moreover, there has been success in closing current account deficits, reducing government expenditure and moderating rates of inflation. Much of this logic is reflected in the standard policy models employed by the Bank and the Fund which I shall discuss today. However, to the extent that macroeconomic adjustment is intended to lead on to renewed growth (and eventually poverty alleviation) the debate is far less consensual. Two main lines of critique have been directed at what can be called the 'Washington Consensus': The first suggests that macroeconomic adjustment - as theorised and practised - has had negative effects in terms of employment, income distribution and even the environment, particularly because of the reduction in real wages and key public expenditures. The second line of dissent from the standard model stresses the deleterious effect of orthodox macroeconomic adjustment packages on output growth itself, both through unnecessarily severe demand reductions on the one hand, and excessive adjustments (upward) to real interest rates and (downward) to public investment levels without taking into account the domestic implications of external debt positions.
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Backhouse, Roger E. "Progress in Heterodox Economics." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 22, no. 2 (June 2000): 149–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710050025358.

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There is great variety within contemporary economics. As Coats (2000) points out, not only are there several schools of thought that would conventionally be labeled “heterodox,” there are numerous economists whose work is in a significant sense unorthodox or unconventional. How, then, can a dividing line be drawn between dissent within orthodoxy and dissent from orthodoxy? The suggestion I make here is that a heterodox school of thought has to satisfy three criteria.
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Bosworth, Lucy. "A thirteenth-century genealogy of heresy." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001322x.

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How did the medieval Church cope with the existence, both in its past and its present, of dissent and heresy within its own body? The churchmen who were engaged in writing anti-heretical treatises in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries did not view the Church’s doctrinal history as a process of interplay between new, and possibly heterodox, ideas which defined and refined those ‘orthodox’ doctrines which became acceptable to the Church. Still less did they conceive of it in terms of Bauer’s ‘competing orthodoxies’, one of which eventually became dominant. For these polemicists, the Pauline injunction – Oportet et haereses esse in its Vulgate form (I Corinthians 11.9) – was interpreted as meaning that there must always be heresies among them. Heresy had existed as a separate entity from the inception of the Church; indeed, it was viewed almost as God-given, part of God’s scheme and the natural life of the Church, one of the four temptations sent to test and mould her. Moreover, although the heresies which had troubled the Church at various times sometimes seemed to be only distinctly related, polemicists held firmly to the conviction that all of these apparently distinct heresies were in fact offshoots of the one heresy. Their understanding of the Church’s doctrinal history, therefore, was of the intermittent manifestation, in a variety of guises, of this ‘heresy’ and its subsequent detection and repulsion by the Church. In looking back on this long history, polemicists were able to use past heresies to identify contemporary sects as heretical. At this level retrospection offered a means of combating the appeal of the ascetic and evangelical groups which were springing up during this period, many of which displayed an alarming potential to evade the control of the institutional Church. The retrospective example of the great heresies – the Arians and the Manicheans, for instance – thus provided a simple but effective method of warning the laity away from groups which the clerical and episcopal hierarchies found suspicious or threatening.
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Patricio, Maria Teresa. "Orthodoxy and dissent in the Portuguese Communist Party." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 4 (December 1990): 204–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415064.

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Kolosova, Alison. "Inochentism and Orthodox Christianity. Religious dissent in the Russian and Romanian borderlands. By James A. Kapaló. (New Religions.) Pp. xviii + 277 incl. 26 figs and 2 maps. London–New York: Routledge, 2019. £120. 978 1 4724 3218 6." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 2 (April 2021): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920002821.

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Backhouse, Roger. "The Social Context of Dissent: A Response to Barnett and Samuels." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 28, no. 1 (March 2006): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710500509656.

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In my note on dissent (2004), I emphasized that heterodoxy and dissent had to be defined socially. Given that crucial elements of the social context differ from one society to another, it follows that the meaning and significance of dissent may vary too. Barnett (2006) has pointed out a conclusion I should have drawn explicitly: that my suggestions for thinking about dissent make sense only in Western economics. In the former Soviet Union, as he points out, dissent in economics could not be understood apart from the political situation. The examples he cites illustrate some of the ways in which dissent in Soviet economics differed from that in the West, where there was no officially sanctioned orthodoxy comparable to Marxism-Leninism (or rather to what the Soviet authorities chose to call by that name) from which economists wished either safely to signal their dissent or to which they wished, despite their dissent, to be seen to adhere. We see here, it might be argued, a simple difference between two types of society.
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Godrej, Farah. "Orthodoxy and Dissent in Hinduism’s Meditative Traditions: A Critical Tantric Politics?" New Political Science 38, no. 2 (March 22, 2016): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2016.1153194.

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АЙЛАРОВА, С. А. "POSSIBILITY OF DIALOGUE (ON A.A. GASSIEV’S ISLAMIC WORKS)." Известия СОИГСИ, no. 39(78) (March 31, 2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2021.78.39.011.

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Статья посвящена анализу исламоведческих трудов осетинского просветителя, философа, публициста А.А. Гассиева. Исследования богословского и религиоведческого характера по истории и культуре ислама относятся к раннему этапу творчества просветителя. Являясь частью противомусульманской полемики – особой формы православного богословия – эти работы далеко выходят за рамки своей «жанровой» природы. Они демонстрируют широту кругозора автора, обширные познания в богословской и специальной исламоведческой литературе XIX в., блестящее знание истории и культуры мусульманства, его текстов, образов и символов. Гассиев выделяет и анализирует те пункты коранического (исламского) вероучения, которые сближают, но в то же время отличают его от христианского, пытается освоить внутреннюю логику Корана. Рассмотрены основные догматические положения ислама о едином Боге, отношение Корана к Христу и христианству, предопределение и свобода воли человека и т.д. Подчеркивается своеобразная диалектика трактовки Корана и ислама вообще: его универсальный, гуманный характер как изначального учения, и определенные искажения его принципов в ходе истории мусульманских обществ. Изучение такой литературы (богословской, миссионерской) в сегодняшней современности весьма полезно для понимания традиционной логики общения христианства (православия) с инаковерием и инакомыслием, характерной для XIX в. Несмотря на полемико-апологетический характер, в работах Гассиева есть определенная установка на понимание другой веры. Это первый шаг на пути диалога, на пути взаимопонимания. Исламоведческие труды А.А. Гассиева, благодаря глубине и разносторонности, идейной открытости и отсутствию тенденциозности и предвзятости, могут быть основой (безусловно, учитывая время их написания) поиска форм мирного сосуществования и взаимодействия христиан и мусульман на Северном Кавказе и в целом в России. The article is devoted to the analysis of Islamic studies of the Ossetian educator, philosopher, publicist A.A. Gassiev. Studies of a theological and religious nature on the history and culture of Islam belong to the early stage of the enlightener’s work. As part of anti-Muslim polemics – a special form of Orthodox theology – these works go far beyond their “genre” essence. They demonstrate the breadth of the author’s horizons, extensive knowledge of theological and special Islamic literature of the XIXth century, excellent knowledge of the history and culture of Islam, its texts, images and symbols. Gassiev identifies and analyzes those points of the Qur’anic (Islamic) doctrine that bring it together, but at the same time distinguish it from the Christian, tries to master the inner logic of the Qur’an. The main dogmatic provisions of Islam about one God, the attitude of the Koran to Christ and Christianity, predestination and free will of man, etc. are considered. A peculiar dialectic of the interpretation of the Koran and Islam in general is emphasized: its universal, humane character as an original teaching, and certain distortions of its principles in the course of the history of Muslim societies. The study of such literature (theological, missionary) in today’s modernity is very useful for understanding the traditional logic of communication between Christianity (Orthodoxy) with disbelief and dissent, characteristic of the 19th century. Despite the polemical and apologetic nature, in the works of Gassiev there is a certain orientation towards understanding another faith. This is the first step towards dialogue, towards mutual understanding. The Islamic studies of A. Gassiev, thanks to the depth and versatility, ideological openness and the absence of tendentiousness and bias, can be the basis (of course, seeing the time of their writing) for the search for forms of peaceful coexistence and interaction between Christians and Muslims in the North Caucasus and in Russia in general.
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Salgrl, Saygn. "Orthodoxy, Dissent and Politics in Medieval France and Anatolia: A Comparative Perspective." Medieval History Journal 15, no. 1 (April 2012): 63–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194581001500103.

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Gruber, Judith. "Conclusion: Dissent in the Roman Catholic Church: A Response." Horizons 45, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.64.

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The contributions to this roundtable weave a rich tapestry of dissent in the Roman Catholic Church. Together, they expose some of the divergent voices within the church—voices that resist easy reconciliation and unification. Dissent, this roundtable shows, takes many forms; it can be directed ad intra (Willard) or ad extra (Gonzalez Maldonado), it can be geared toward the justification of hegemonic structures (Slattery) or aim at their subversion (Steidl). Moreover, these contributions do not just highlight the multiplicity of voices within the church. Indeed, each of them points to conflict and contestation between the diverse Catholicisms they discuss: each of these sometimes-contradictory Catholicisms claims to be authentically and normatively Catholic. This indicates that a discourse about plurality within the church is at the same time a discourse about the struggle for sovereignty of interpretation over the church. Further, the contributions also show that these contestations over the right to define orthodoxy take place under asymmetrical relations of authority and power. The struggle over right belief and right practice is first and foremost a struggle over who has a voice to define Catholic orthodoxy in the first place—who can participate, from which position, in this struggle? Ultimately, therefore, this roundtable demonstrates that questions of normativity by no means become arbitrary or sidelined once we reveal the silent and silenced voices underneath the established master narrative of the church about itself as one and stable. Yet, at the same time, it also becomes obvious that established theological approaches to this inner-ecclesial plurality no longer hold. The dominant theological readings of Catholic tradition have always reckoned with a history of plural, deviant Catholicisms, but they have subjected this inner-ecclesial plurality to the theological ideal and a historical construction of unity and consensus. However, as Gaillardetz and Slattery point out, this narrative of unity has lost both its innocence and its self-evidence as the only legitimate framework for organizing the “raw material” of Catholic tradition. Rereadings of church history through the lens of power-critical studies make visible that Catholic tradition, too, is a power/knowledge regime. They reveal that orthodoxy is, in a literal sense, “heresy”: it takes its shape through epistemopolitical choices (αἵρεσις); it is forged through the exclusion of alternative theological narratives. Where do we stand after this destabilization of tradition, after this loss of innocence? Once stability and consensus have been problematized as the normative organizing principles of Catholic tradition, how else should we think of the church? Can we develop alternative models that take conflict and contestation into account as constitutive moments in our understanding of the church, rather than an afterthought to be eradicated?
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Backhouse, Roger E. "A Suggestion for Clarifying the Study of Dissent in Economics." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 26, no. 2 (June 2004): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1042771042000219064.

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The answer to this question might seem obvious: like Everest, dissent and controversy are there. However, for most academic economists, dissent is negligible and controversy is far less important than it is commonly made out to be. To draw attention to disagreements between economists is to offer a distorted picture of what economics is about. Instead, they argue, the focus of attention should be on the enormous extent to which economists agree. From this perspective, dissent and controversy are not worth much attention. Another justification for studying controversy is that it is exciting. James Tobin once argued (explaining the appeal of Keynesian economics) that when you are young you like theoretical controversy: you like hearing about the good guys and the bad guys, and the idea of being on the side of progressive thought and against an encrusted orthodoxy. Similarly, historians are interested in dissent and controversy in much the same way that writers of thrillers are more interested in neighborhoods where murders happen than in ones where everyone just watches TV all day! What these answers have in common is that they associate controversy and dissent with the pathology of the subject. Disagreement is something to be avoided and which reflects badly on the profession. The most famous representative of this view was probably Alfred Marshall. In his attempt to establish economics as a science that carried authority with the public, he studiously refrained (most of the time) from entering into controversy, and he sought to reconcile within his own work divergent trends that were tearing apart the subject in other countries.
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Shrimali, Krishna Mohan. "Heresy, heterodoxy and nonconformism in early India." Studies in People's History 7, no. 1 (March 16, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448920908235.

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The issue of heterodoxy arises when an orthodoxy is established. Even by the Buddha’s time a large number of variant views existed. Even the Ṛksaṃhita contained hymns with contrary beliefs and opposing gods. In time the Cārvākas or materialists contested the whole fabric of beliefs represented by the Vedas. In the Buddhist case a similar deviant was found in Devadatta who is represented as opposing Gautama Buddha’s doctrines. One can also trace elements of dissent from the theologically recognised dharma in texts such as Arthaśāstra and Kāmasutra. In early mediaeval times the Jainas could be identified as the major ideological critics of Brahmanism. In today’s India, where all dissent with the official dogma is being denounced as anti-national, it is time to project history from the point of view of the so-called heretics or dissidents as well.
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Fishburn, Janet F. "Gilbert Tennent, Established “Dissenter”." Church History 63, no. 1 (March 1994): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167831.

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Gilbert Tennent (1703–1764), an “Ulster Scot” born the same year as John Wesley, is usually remembered as a leader of revivals during the “Great Awakening” in the middle-colonies. John Witherspoon (1723–1794), a “champion of orthodoxy” from Edinburgh called to be the President of the College of New Jersey, is usually treated as a “founding father” of the Presbyterian Church in the United States. However, many events leading up to the first General Assembly in 1788 reflect the influence of Gilbert Tennet, the moderator of the newly re-united Synods of Philadelphia and New York in 1758.
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Sperling, Jutta. "Milk and Miracles: Heteroglossia and Dissent in Venetian Religious Art after the Council of Trent." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 51, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 285–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8929073.

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This essay investigates Benedetto Caliari's Nativity of the Virgin (1576) with its provocative and unorthodox depiction of a bare-breasted wet-nurse in the context of both Protestant and Catholic criticism of “indecent” religious imagery. Reformers on both sides drew a connection between the Virgin Mary's ostentatious display of her lactating breasts and her presumed, derided, or hoped-for miracle-working capacities or intercessory powers. In post-Tridentine Venice, several artists, including Tintoretto and Veronese, all of whom were connected to the Scuola de’ Mercanti that commissioned Caliari's painting, employed religious breastfeeding imagery in a wide array of iconographies in order to express dissent with the Counter-Reformation church's emphasis on orthodoxy. In contrast to writers, artists were able to claim a certain degree of nonconformity and freedom from prosecution. In light of Mikhail Bakhtin's concept of heteroglossia, it is argued that religious lactation imagery after Trent produced irony, parody, doubt, and dissent.
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Rochford, Francince. "Morally motivated protest in the face of orthodoxy – environmental crisis and dissent in Australian democracy." Journal of Human Rights and the Environment 11, no. 3 (December 25, 2020): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/jhre.2020.03.03.

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The circumstances in which civil disobedience is appropriate are, in most theories of justice, circumscribed and subject to preconditions. In his justification of the role of ‘ambivalent dissidents’, Habermas emphasizes the role of civil disobedience as a corrective to inadequacies in deliberative democracies. Other commentators have bolstered his commentary by exploring the conditions of social power that would justify civil disobedience in a deliberative democracy. This article continues such reflection on the conditions under which civil disobedience are justifiable in complex modern societies, building in particular, on the mass protests of Extinction Rebellion, and exploring the role of communicative freedom as a necessary precondition to the validity of civil disobedience. Manifestations of modern protest appear to inhibit speech: both progressive and conservative interests utilize strategies with potentially censoring effects. ‘No-platforming’, social media pile-ons and online shaming are deployed to effectuate ‘moral education’ in the face of orthodoxy, and defamation suits and other forms of strategic litigation are deployed to leverage existing forms of power. This article will reconsider Habermas' discursive will formation and the place of ‘no-saying’ and mass protest in an established democracy. Building upon the idea of ambivalent dissidents, the article will use the Australian experience to critique mass protest as dissent, and in particular to consider the conditions of environmental crisis justifying a suspension of discursive mediation of norms.
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HARP, GILLIS J. "TRADITIONALIST DISSENT: THE REORIENTATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1865–1900." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 3 (November 2008): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001777.

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The last couple of decades has brought a renewed interest in American conservatism among historians. Yet most recent studies have focused on the emergence of neoconservatism after World War II and virtually no recent scholarly work has pursued the history of conservatism before the 1920s. Both Richard Hofstadter and Clinton Rossiter agreed that the late nineteenth century was an important watershed in the evolution of American conservative thought. Hofstadter argued that the new laissez-faire conservatism that became dominant during the Gilded Age was remarkable in that “it lacked many of the signal characteristics of conservatism as it is usually found.” Yet some conservatives refused to accept key features of what Clinton Rossiter once branded this new “contradictory conservatism.” This essay focuses mostly on Protestant clerical intellectuals (both Northern and Southern) who dissented from the new orthodoxy and attempted to preserve older conservative principles. Against the laissez-faire conservatives' hyperindividualism, these dissenting conservatives stressed an organic view of the social order and the importance of mediating institutions such as family and church. To the others' secularism, they offered a social theory suffused with evangelical Protestantism. This analysis highlights where these dissidents differed from their fellow conservatives and seeks also to elucidate their alternative conservative vision of the American republic. Such a study serves to clarify just how profound an ideological shift occurred among conservatives during the Gilded Age and illuminates some of the persistent tensions within American conservatism still evident today.
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WHITE, MICHAEL V. "THIRSTING FOR THE FRAY: THE CAMBRIDGE DUNNING OF MR. MACLEOD." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 32, no. 3 (August 27, 2010): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837210000428.

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In 1883 Henry Sidgwick complained that, with the recent undermining of the authority of political economy, “utterances of dissent from economic orthodoxy” could obtain a ready hearing. This was of particular concern to those writing and teaching on political economy at Cambridge University. As Henry Dunning Macleod was one of the dissenters named by Sidgwick, it appears odd that Macleod was also recognized as a lecturer in political economy at Cambridge between the late 1870s and mid-1880s. This article examines that peculiar occurrence, showing how Macleod exploited the struggle between reformers and conservatives over teaching reform in the university.
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Kalb, Don. "The Ghost of Milton Friedman. Dissident remarks on the New Social Orthodoxy." Czech Sociological Review 34, no. 1 (February 1, 1998): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1998.34.1.03.

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YOUNG, B. W. "JOHN JORTIN, ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, AND THE CHRISTIAN REPUBLIC OF LETTERS." Historical Journal 55, no. 4 (November 15, 2012): 961–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000210.

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ABSTRACTThe writing of ecclesiastical history is rarely disinterested, and this was especially so in eighteenth-century England. Its leading practitioner, John Jortin, wrote with a clear, determined, and dynamic purpose: to offer an effective critique of orthodoxy and its ally, persecution, and to secure civil and religious liberty in a way commensurate with maintaining an established church and liberal learning. His life and writings meditated on early eighteenth-century tendencies in thought and scholarship in a spirit that allowed often radical developments to take place. Unambiguously heterodox in tone and conclusions, Jortin's researches were drawn on by radical dissent. A scion of a Huguenot family, Jortin was a critical mediator between the culture of the Huguenot Refuge and English scholarship. He was a pioneer in the study of English literature, moving such study away from the narrowly philological methods of Richard Bentley towards more reflective literary scholarship. Above all, Jortin was determined that the Republic of Letters should be a Christian Republic; his contribution to and experience of Enlightenment substantiates J. G. A. Pocock's contention that, in England, it was largely clerical and conservative: study of Jortin in context challenges the hegemony of the Radical Enlightenment thesis that is rapidly becoming an interpretative orthodoxy.
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Forster, Greg, and Kim Ian Parker. "“Men Being Partial to Themselves”: Human Selfishness in Locke's Two Treatises." Politics and Religion 1, no. 2 (July 1, 2008): 169–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048308000163.

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AbstractConventional wisdom describes Locke as an “optimist” about human nature; some scholars go further and say that he denied the Christian view that human beings are naturally sinful. But Locke's works, including the Two Treatises, clearly and firmly hold that human nature has a consistent tendency to desire selfishness and evil. Locke's view of the origin of human sinfulness is unorthodox – he dissents from the traditional doctrine of “original sin” – but on the question of whether human nature is in fact sinful his views are perfectly orthodox, and are in harmony with the Calvinism of the Church of England in his time. Understanding this is crucial to grasping the fundamental problem of the Two Treaties, which is the need to cope with humanity's selfishness. Locke argues that the persistent moral corruption of human nature is the primary reason government exists.
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LEVY, IAN CHRISTOPHER. "Holy Scripture and the Quest for Authority among Three Late Medieval Masters." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 61, no. 1 (December 2, 2009): 40–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909991436.

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John Wyclif (d. 1384), Thomas Netter (d. 1430) and Jean Gerson (d. 1429) had a good deal in common. They were all theologians, and thus ‘masters of the sacred page’ by trade. They all recognised the absolute authority of Scripture in matters of the Catholic faith over and against any pretensions of canon law. What separated them, therefore, was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. Rather than being a simple tale of heresy and orthodoxy, therefore, this late medieval conflict turned on the question of professional expertise, rights and responsibilities.
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ACLE-KREYSING, ANDREA. "A Neglected Religious Thinker: José María Blanco White (1775-1841)." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 98, no. 6 (June 1, 2021): 561–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.2021.32.

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‘Dissent is the great characteristic of liberty’ was the central tenet in the life of José María Blanco White (1775-1841), a Spanish exile in Britain, whose fame as a man of letters often obscures the fact that he was first and foremost a religious thinker. The milestones of his life were set by his conversions, from Catholicism to Anglicanism (1814), and finally to Unitarianism (1835). Yet his theological ideas continue to be the least researched part of his oeuvre, mostly due to the problematic reception of his work, so that the ex-Catholic Blanco White - rather than the Protestant Blanco White - continues to occupy centre stage. This article reconstructs the spiritual biography of Blanco White, showing how skilfully he navigated through the world of European Protestantism, arguing that it was in Observations on Heresy and Orthodoxy (1835) that he reached the peak of his creative powers as an original religious thinker.
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Freeze, Gregory L. "Keeping the Faith: Russian Orthodox Monasticism in the Soviet Union, 1917–1939. By Jennifer Jean Wynot. Eugenia and Hugh M. Stewart ’26 Series on Eastern Europe. Edited by, Stjepan Meštrović. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2004. Pp. xviii+235. $45.00.Old Believers, Religious Dissent, and Gender in Russia, 1760–1850. By Irina Paert. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003. Pp. xi+257. £47.50." Journal of Modern History 78, no. 2 (June 2006): 537–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/505848.

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HALL, DAVID D. "Transatlantic Puritanism and American Singularities." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 1 (January 2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916000610.

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The taunting question posed in the 1820s by the English critic Sidney Smith, ‘Who reads an American book?’, has long since tumbled into the dustbin of literary history. Yet it continues to reverberate in how Americanists describe the workings of Puritanism in their own country, its presence felt in two respects. One of these is resentment at the indifference to their own work of historians of the Puritan movement in Britain. Another is the assumption among Americanists that the Puritanism of the colonists who arrived in the early seventeenth century was singular in certain respects, be it their sense of ‘errand’, their modifications of Reformed orthodoxy, or perhaps their daring experiment with a congregation-centred polity, the ‘New England Way’. Whenever historians turn to the larger project of Church and State in colonial and modern America, assertions of singularity dominate the telling of our religious history. Do these endeavours warrant returning to Sidney Smith's question and rephrasing it to ask whether Americanists are making the most of European studies of Reformed theology, Puritanism in Britain, and conformity or dissent?
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Jenks, Timothy. "Contesting the Hero: The Funeral of Admiral Lord Nelson." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 4 (October 2000): 422–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386227.

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In the days before Christmas 1805, William Thomas Fitzgerald's Nelson's Tomb; a Poem made its appearance in London book shops. Fitzgerald was one of the foremost loyalist versifiers of his day—and had previously published an ode to Nelson after the Battle of the Nile. When he took pen in hand, Britain was mourning Nelson's recent death at Trafalgar. Nelson's Tomb then, considered the manner in which Britons would mark his passing. Nelson's funeral would be, Fitzgerald boasted, “no hireling pageant.”Fitzgerald's words conveyed the contemporary loyalist sense that the funeral for Lord Nelson would be genuine, ordered, harmonious, and widely acceptable—that it would avoid the accusations of artificiality and the expressions of dissent that had greeted previous patriotic pageants such as the Naval Thanksgiving of 1797. At first glance, Fitzgerald's expectation would seem to accord with the recent orthodoxy concerning state spectacle in Britain during the wars of 1793–1815, an orthodoxy holding not only that the public pageants of the period were an important manifestation of the particular brand of patriotism that loyalists were interested in marketing but also that the product itself had unifying and socially cohesive effects. But Nelson's funeral—which was held on 9 January 1806 and drew crowds of between twenty and thirty thousand people—has not been widely treated as a loyalist spectacle, largely because those who have considered it have joined Linda Colley in recognizing its apparently iconoclastic nature. Colley was attentive to the state pageants of the period; they featured in her argument for the privileging of a cult of monarchy in officially consecrated expressions of British nationalism.
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Amonya, Fred. "Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) on moulding state structures: The Non-Ergodic Africa." Risk Governance and Control: Financial Markets and Institutions 6, no. 4 (2016): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/rcgv6i4art2.

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Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) is a ubiquitous reality. In Africa, the wave of PPP has hit states in their infancy – still moulding following only 50 years since independence. The common perspective of PPP on the realms of scholarship is transactional (focused on the delivery-end of infrastructure). This paper presents a deeper and broader perspective, and it is a distillate of a case study on PPP as a policy phenomenon. It dissects and illuminates the interaction between the forces of state formation and the wave of PPP hitting the continent. The lens of this case study is Institutional Rational Choice (IRC). The tools are a variety, comprising textual analysis, hermeneutics and econometrics – in keeping with the essence of case study (explication of reality in-situ). The product is not the orthodox generalization (claiming ‘the way’). Instead, the explication offers a viewpoint (and trigger questions) on public space of Africa, while underpinning the non-ergodic character of that space.
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49

Wünsch, Désirée, Angelina Hahlbrock, Christina Heiselmayer, Sandra Bäcker, Christian Schrenk, Franziska Benne, Oliver Schilling, and Shirley K. Knauer. "Evolutionary divergence of Threonine Aspartase1 leads to species-specific substrate recognition." Biological Chemistry 396, no. 4 (April 1, 2015): 367–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hsz-2014-0318.

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Abstract Proteases are key regulators of life. Human Threonine Aspartase1 processes substrates, such as the mixed-lineage leukemia (MLL) protein, containing two cleavage sites, CS1 and CS2. Likewise, MLL’s Drosophila ortholog trithorax is cleaved by Drosophila Threonine Aspartase1 (dTasp), suggesting a mechanistic coevolution. However, a detailed analysis of dTasp’s function was missing so far. Here, active and inactive dTasp mutants allowed to compare substrate recognition and cleavage site selectivity of human and Drosophila enzymes. In contrast to the human protease, our cell-based assay revealed a preferential processing of CS2-like (QLD↓Gx[xD/Dx]) targets for dTasp, whereas cleavage of CS1-like targets (QVD↓Gx[xD/Dx]) was significantly impaired. Systematic mutagenesis of the CS2 sequence defined the motif x[FILMW]D↓Gx[xD/Dx] as the consensus cleavage sequence for dTasp. Substrate species selectivity of the enzymes was uncovered by demonstrating that dTasp cleaves Drosophila TFIIA, but not the human ortholog, suggesting evolutionary divergence of TFIIA downstream networks. Also, Drosophila USF2 was neither predicted nor cleaved by dTasp. Moreover, we found that dTasp cleavage site selectivity is independent of heterocomplex formation, as dTasp exists predominantly as an αβ-monomer. Collectively, we provide novel insights into evolutionary similarities and divergence concerning Threonine Aspartase1 function in different species, which may aid to dissect and better target human Threonine Aspartase1 in malignancies.
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50

Stewart, John. "Reform and Religious Heterodoxy in Thomas Robert Malthus’s “Crises” and the First Edition of the Essay on the Principle of Population." Circumscribere: International Journal for the History of Science 19 (June 28, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/1980-7651.2017v19;p1-17.

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The first edition of Thomas Robert Malthus’ Essay on the Principle of Population is best understood as an exploration of human nature and the role of necessity in shaping the individual and society. The author’s liberal education, both from his father and his tutors at Warrington and Cambridge, is evident in his heterodox views on hell, his Lockean conceptualization of the mind, and his Foxite Whig politics. Malthus’ unpublished essay, “Crises,” his sermons, and the the last two chapters of the Essay (which were excised from subsequent editions) reveal a pragmatic, compassionate side of the young author that was under appreciated by both his contemporary critics and modern historians. The Essay has been mischaracterized by David McNally (2000) as a “Whig response to Radicalism” and by Patricia James (1979) as a reaction by Malthus against his father’s liberalism. This article argues that when he wrote the first edition of the Essay on the Principle of Population, Malthus was himself a liberal dissenter and Foxite Whig rather than an orthodox Anglican or a Burkean defender of traditional class relations.
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