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Journal articles on the topic 'Organised hypocrisy'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Maroun, Warren, Kieran Usher, and Hafsa Mansoor. "Biodiversity reporting and organised hypocrisy." Qualitative Research in Accounting & Management 15, no. 4 (October 8, 2018): 437–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qram-07-2017-0066.

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PurposeThis study aims to examine biodiversity reporting by South African food producers and retailers. It not only draws attention to the disconnect between reporting on an important environmental issue and the sense of commitment to environmental responsibility, but also shows that over time, organisations are becoming more proactive about biodiversity reporting.Design/methodology/approachThe research uses a content analysis of sustainability and integrated reports and organised hypocrisy as a theoretical framework for analysing biodiversity-related disclosures.FindingsConsistent with an organised hypocrisy framework, the research finds that the several companies rely on corporate reporting to emphasise actions and internal management strategies that are already producing favourable results. In contrast, mission statements, firm policy commitments and forward-looking analysis are avoided. There is, however, evidence to suggest that the gaps between corporate reporting and action may be giving companies the time to reform their practices, align biodiversity disclosures with genuine corporate action and move towards truly integrated business models.Research limitations/implicationsPoor biodiversity reporting raises questions about the extent to which companies are managing serious environmental issues that can have a direct impact on their business models. Improvements in biodiversity reporting also suggest that corporate reporting is maturing and that some organisations are beginning to understand the need for managing their biodiversity impact.Originality/valueThe paper offers empirical evidence on how the disconnect between organisational rhetoric and action is used to manage stakeholder expectations and negate the need for environmental reforms. In this manner, organised hypocrisy is framed as a specific legitimisation strategy. The research also shows that organised hypocrisy is not absolute; despite the opportunity to engage in organised hypocrisy, some companies are taking a more proactive approach to biodiversity reporting. As a result, it may be appropriate to see organised hypocrisy as part of a transition to higher quality integrated or sustainability reporting.

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2

Egnell, Robert. "The organised hypocrisy of international state-building." Conflict, Security & Development 10, no. 4 (September 2010): 465–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2010.500523.

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3

Maroun, Warren. "Accounting for Strike Action: An Illustration of Organised Hypocrisy." Social and Environmental Accountability Journal 38, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 167–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0969160x.2018.1527708.

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4

Mörkenstam, Ulf. "Organised hypocrisy? The implementation of the international indigenous rights regime in Sweden." International Journal of Human Rights 23, no. 10 (June 25, 2019): 1718–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2019.1629907.

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5

Zähringer, Natalie, and Malte Brosig. "Organised hypocrisy in the African Union: The responsibility to protect as a contested norm." South African Journal of International Affairs 27, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2020.1735503.

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6

Acharya, Amitav. "State Sovereignty after 9/11: Disorganised Hypocrisy." Political Studies 55, no. 2 (June 2007): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00664.x.

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This article examines the implications of the 9/11 attacks and the US-led ‘global war on terror’ for debates about state sovereignty. To support its attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq, the Bush administration put forth a ‘selective sovereignty’ thesis that would legitimise intervention in states that are accused of supporting terrorists. This new rationale for intervention was paradoxically justified as a means of ensuring a ‘well-ordered world of sovereign states’, which had been imperilled by transnational terrorist networks. This article argues that the ‘selective sovereignty’ thesis exaggerates the challenge posed by terrorist organisations to Westphalian sovereignty, and understates the US's own unprincipled violation of its core norm of non-intervention. A related argument of this article is that on the face of it, the ‘selective sovereignty’ approach fits the notion of ‘organised hypocrisy’ put forward by Stephen Krasner, which refers to ‘the presence of long-standing norms [in this case non-intervention] that are frequently violated’ for the sake of some ‘higher principles’ – violations that are generally tolerated by the international community. But the higher principles evoked by the US to justify its war on Iraq, such as the human rights of the Iraqis, and democracy promotion in the Middle East, are now clearly seen to have been a façade to mask the geopolitical and ideological underpinnings of the invasion. In this sense, the war on terror has revived national security and naked self-interest as the principal rationale for intervention, notwithstanding the self-serving efforts by some Bush administration officials to ‘graft’ the ‘selective sovereignty’ thesis on to the evolving humanitarian intervention principle. This policy framework is hypocrisy for sure, but as the international response to the war on Iraq (including the lack of UN authorisation for the war and the transatlantic discord it generated) demonstrates, it should be viewed more as a case of ‘disorganised hypocrisy’.

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Karlsrud, John. "Responsibility to Protect and Theorising Normative Change in International Organisations: From Weber to the Sociology of Professions." Global Responsibility to Protect 5, no. 1 (2013): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00501002.

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How does normative change occur in international organisations (IOs)? The literature has theorised IO behaviour as being a consequence of the interest of powerful states, or has applied concepts borrowed from organisational sociology related to bureaucratic dysfunction, such as ‘dysfunctional behaviour’, ‘pathologies’, or ‘organised hypocrisy’. This article argues that using the sociology of professions can augment constructivist theorising of IO behaviour and offer a better understanding of normative change in IOs. The evolving norm of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) has a significant impact on how the UN supports and intervenes in member states, and on the core principle of sovereignty in the international system. By examining the R2P concept and process, this article shows how key donor states, think tanks, and academic institutions have, together with the UN, pushed for R2P, effectively driving normative change in the international system. Such change is seen not solely as a top–down function of state interests, but as also a bottom–up process driven by advocacy and support from key donor states, think tanks, and academic circles. Further, for grasping how norms develop, a constructivist framework influenced by the sociology of professions appears better suited than existing constructivist frameworks.

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Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. "Allan Pinkerton: Informed Scot or Scottish Informer?" Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 42, no. 2 (November 2022): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2022.0354.

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Allan Pinkerton (1819–1884) has a conflicted legacy. To some, the founder of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency (PNDA) pioneered law and order on the American frontier, upheld principles of racial equality, and prepared the way for better public police forces including the FBI. To others, Pinkerton betrayed the values of his Scottish youth: he had been a champion of militant workers in Scotland, and participated in revolutionary uprisings in Wales and England, yet was instrumental in crushing organised labour in the United States. In truth, Pinkerton never played a part in Wales’ Newport uprising, and took with him, when he crossed the Atlantic in 1842, knowhow about repression that he had acquired on his native soil. He may have learned about informers because he was one of their victims, or he may have promoted labour espionage in Pennsylvania in the 1870s because he had been himself an informer before he emigrated. The Scottish authorities’ deliberate abstinence from record-keeping and the serial, defensive destruction of PNDA records mean it is impossible to prove or disprove the informer hypothesis, but the role of the informer in Scottish political culture does help to explain Pinkerton’s behaviour and apparent hypocrisy.

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Latella, Dario. "The shareholder derivative suits: disfunction and remedies against a "paradoxal" inactivity." Corporate Ownership and Control 7, no. 4 (2010): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv7i4c2p5.

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The derivative action exerted by shareholders (rectius, by a single shareholder or by a minority of them) falls within the wider topic of the defence of shareholder minorities. Considered as one of the pillars of corporate governance, the above-mentioned subject tends to be a control tool as to the accurate execution of the managerial task. Some empirical studies show that, in spite of corporate fraud by managers, in listed companies there are no such lawsuits. This “physiological paradox” – under which the others’ indifference enables a few organised individuals to control the company – has urged the need for a deep re-examination of control power over management. According to the European Directive on the Cross-border Exercise of Shareholders’ Rights, effective shareholder control is a prerequisite to sound corporate governance and should, therefore, be facilitated and encouraged. But control power over management is usually based on “empty” procedures and frequently false meeting practices. The fundamental “hypocrisy” of corporate governance is due to different quality and quantity of information available for deeply different groups of people. From this point of view, the European Directive makes it easier to exercise some traditional rights, but still does not give a “full” right to be informed about management.

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10

Allen, B. "Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy." Common Knowledge 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-8-2-422.

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11

Lipson, Michael. "Peacekeeping: Organized Hypocrisy?" European Journal of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 2007): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066107074283.

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12

Alsaadi, Abdullah. "Financial-tax reporting conformity, tax avoidance and corporate social responsibility." Journal of Financial Reporting and Accounting 18, no. 3 (June 23, 2020): 639–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfra-10-2019-0133.

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Purpose This study aims to investigate the effect of financial-tax reporting conformity jurisdictions on the association between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and aggressive tax avoidance. Design/methodology/approach Using a sample comprising firms domiciled in Europe for the period 2008–2016, this study uses regression analysis to test the impact of financial-tax reporting conformity jurisdictions on the association between CSR and aggressive tax avoidance. Findings The empirical results show that there is a positive association between CSR and tax avoidance, and firms headquartered in low financial-tax reporting conformity jurisdictions are more likely to engage in CSR to hedge against the potential negative consequences of aggressive tax-avoidance practices as compared to firms domiciled in countries with high level of financial-tax reporting conformity. Practical implications This study confirms Sikka’s (2010, 2013) view of “organised hypocrisy” act committed by firms to cover their socially irresponsible activities of aggressive tax avoidance by engaging in CSR. Results have implication for various regulatory bodies and investors in that the type of financial-tax conformity does impact the link between CSR and tax avoidance, and based on that, CSR firms may engage in CSR to overcome any negative reactions that could be caused as a result of tax avoidance. Originality/value To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study is the first to investigate the impact of financial-tax reporting conformity jurisdictions on the association between CSR and aggressive tax avoidance. This study also contributes to the literature in that, it uses an alternative data set which offers a more objective assessment of CSR measure and covers multiple countries.

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13

Krasner, Stephen D. "Recognition: organized hypocrisy once again." International Theory 5, no. 1 (March 2013): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971913000092.

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14

Braumoeller, Bear F. "Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy. Stephen D. Krasner." Journal of Politics 63, no. 2 (May 2001): 681–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.63.2.2691793.

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Krasner, S. D. "Organized hypocrisy in nineteenth-century East Asia." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 1, no. 2 (August 1, 2001): 173–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/1.2.173.

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Karim, Abdul, Abdul Rashid Mohamed, Shaik Abdul Malik Mohamed Ismail, and Mohammad Mosiur Rahman. "Organized Hypocrisy in EFL Teacher Training Programs." International Journal of Instruction 11, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 437–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12973/iji.2018.11230a.

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17

Cho, Charles H., Matias Laine, Robin W. Roberts, and Michelle Rodrigue. "Organized hypocrisy, organizational façades, and sustainability reporting." Accounting, Organizations and Society 40 (January 2015): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aos.2014.12.003.

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18

Cheng, Isabelle. "Reality or pretense? Renouncing nationality and organized hypocrisy of the sovereignty of Taiwan." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 26, no. 4 (December 2017): 436–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196817746429.

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Adopting Krasner’s thesis of organized hypocrisy, this research examined the institution of sovereignty in regard to the naturalization of migrant spouses in Taiwan. Using migrant spouses as a case study, this article argues that the hypocrisy of Taiwan’s sovereignty lies in demanding migrants to renounce their native nationality or cancel their household registration. This demand not only fails to prevent statelessness but also prompts the origin state to recognize or reject Taiwan’s sovereignty. The interactions between Taiwan and the origin states of migrant spouses from Japan, Vietnam and China underline the hypocrisy of Taiwan’s sovereignty. The more Taiwan insists on migrant spouses renouncing their original nationality, the more this destabilizes Taiwan’s sovereignty because of its lack of international recognition.

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Sommer, Jamie M., John M. Shandra, Michael Restivo, and Holly E. Reed. "The African Development Bank, Organized Hypocrisy, and Maternal Mortality." Sociology of Development 5, no. 1 (2019): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.5.1.31.

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We draw on the theory of organized hypocrisy and examine how different forms of lending by the African Development Bank affect maternal mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa. We do so by using a two-way fixed effects model for a sample of 33 Sub-Saharan African nations from 1990 to 2010. We find that the bank's structural adjustment lending in the health sector is associated with increased maternal mortality, and its reproductive health investment lending is associated with decreased maternal mortality, consistent with the organized hypocrisy approach. These findings remain stable and consistent even when controlling for World Bank lending and other relevant control variables. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for global health and development.

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Sommer, Jamie M., John M. Shandra, and Michael Restivo. "The World Bank, contradictory lending, and forests: A cross-national analysis of organized hypocrisy." International Sociology 32, no. 6 (August 11, 2017): 707–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917722893.

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This article draws on the theory of organized hypocrisy to test the hypothesis that World Bank lending in different sectors has contradictory impacts on forests. The authors use ordinary least squares regression to analyze newly available satellite imagery data on forest loss from 2001 to 2014 for a sample of 89 low and middle income nations. The analysis finds support for the theory of organized hypocrisy. The results indicate that World Bank structural adjustment lending and investment lending in the agriculture and forestry sectors are related to more forest loss but World Bank investment lending in the environmental sector is related to less forest loss. The article concludes with a discussion of the theoretical, methodological, and policy implications.

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21

Lawson, Fred H. "Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisyby Stephen D. Krasner." Political Science Quarterly 114, no. 4 (December 1999): 716–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657807.

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22

She, Chaoyuan, and Giovanna Michelon. "Managing stakeholder perceptions: Organized hypocrisy in CSR disclosures on Facebook." Critical Perspectives on Accounting 61 (June 2019): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cpa.2018.09.004.

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23

Cusumano, Eugenio. "Migrant rescue as organized hypocrisy: EU maritime missions offshore Libya between humanitarianism and border control." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 1 (June 6, 2018): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836718780175.

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In November 2014, Frontex started its Southern Mediterranean border monitoring operation Triton, followed in June 2015 by the Common Security and Defence Policy anti-smuggling mission EU Naval Force Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med) ‘Sophia’. Both operations’ outward communication has placed considerable emphasis on the conduct of maritime search and rescue. Still, this commitment was not matched by consistent action. Triton and EUNAVFOR Med have conducted a relatively limited number of search and rescue operations, prioritizing border control and anti-smuggling tasks. This article explains the gap between the European Union missions’ humanitarian rhetoric and an operational conduct primarily focusing on curbing irregular migration as a form of organized hypocrisy. Decoupling talk and action allowed Triton and EUNAVFOR Med to reconcile the conflicting expectations arising from European governments’ willingness to reduce migrant arrivals and the normative imperative to act against the loss of life at sea. However, the European Union missions’ organized hypocrisy had several negative externalities, hindering effective management of the humanitarian crisis offshore Libya.

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Hirschmann, Gisela. "Peacebuilding in UN Peacekeeping Exit Strategies: Organized Hypocrisy and Institutional Reform." International Peacekeeping 19, no. 2 (April 2012): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2012.665686.

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25

Holsti, K. J. "Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (May 2000): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900210189.

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Mamede de Andrade, Eurídice, Lúcia Lima Rodrigues, and José Paulo Cosenza. "Corporate Behavior: An Exploratory Study of the Brazilian Tax Management from a Corporate Social Responsibility Perspective." Sustainability 12, no. 11 (May 28, 2020): 4404. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114404.

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A look into the literature on corporate social responsibility (CSR) reveals few studies focusing on the relationship between ethical concerns and corporate behavior of companies that perform tax evasion management. This study links tax management with ethics and CSR reporting. The purpose of this article is to analyze financial and social responsibility information disclosed by the five main Brazilian construction companies that are being investigated in Brazil’s Operation Car Wash (Operação Lava-Jato—in Portuguese) because of inappropriate behavior. Based on the theoretical concepts of organizational façades and organized hypocrisy, we used content-analysis methodology and lexical search approach to analyze the consistency between the practices of tax management and CSR reporting. The results reveal evidence of aggressive tax management. To meet its tax management objectives, a company usually manages and plans taxes accordingly, delaying the payment of tax debt and not reporting all tax risks, thus being fined for violations of the law. We found evidence of organized hypocrisy and organizational façades, since there are contradictions between the tax behavior of the investigated companies and their CSR and ethical discourse.

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27

Lawson, George, and Ayşe Zarakol. "Recognizing injustice: the ‘hypocrisy charge’ and the future of the liberal international order." International Affairs 99, no. 1 (January 9, 2023): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac258.

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Abstract Struggles for recognition, rooted in the desire to be acknowledged by others, are fundamental to the stability of international orders. All international orders face actors with recognition grievances, and sometimes these grievances become major sources of contention. At the same time, each international order faces struggles that are specific to its mode of legitimation because they are rooted in challenges over the constituent elements of that order. The liberal international order (LIO) is no exception to this rule. Unlike international orders that are organized through explicit social hierarchies, the LIO claims to foster egalitarian, meritocratic justice based around universal, ‘rational’ standards. Yet it is clear to many actors around the world that the LIO has historically been, and remains today, premised on ‘irrational’, unjust forms of hierarchical recognition, often organized around group identity. This opens up the LIO to charges of hypocrisy. We trace the ways in which this ‘hypocrisy charge’ is levelled by both LIO ‘outsiders’ and ‘insiders’, arguing that it generates an irresolvable tension within the LIO. This tension may not spell the end of the LIO, but it does point to a period of extended contention.

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Madurapperuma, Madurapperuma Arachchige Yasantha Daminda. "Sustaining Business Beyond Corporate Hypocrisy: Social Distance and Corporate Social Initiatives." International Journal of Business Administration 12, no. 6 (November 8, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijba.v12n6p45.

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The involvement of firms in charitable initiatives has been put into practice utilizing direct corporate donations, corporate volunteering, and cause-related marketing. Despite the popularity of such marketing tools, consumers have become skeptical of such practices. The corporate sector and charity organizations struggle to channel more resources toward charity causes. In light of this, the study investigates how value-driven individual differences – self-construal – moderate the relationship between social distance and donation behavior. The results of two experiments reveal that, when individuals evaluate donation options jointly, social distance evokes a mental process through which individuals tend to go for time donations, if the event is organized by someone similar, whereas individuals tend to choose the money donation option if the event is organized by someone dissimilar. The interaction effect is well pronounced, concerning money donations compared to time donations. Moreover, the lower social distance attenuates skepticism towards Cause-Related Marketing (CRM) and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives.

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Lavenex, Sandra. "‘Failing Forward’ Towards Which Europe? Organized Hypocrisy in the Common European Asylum System." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 56, no. 5 (May 18, 2018): 1195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12739.

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KARP, DAVID JASON. "The utopia and reality of sovereignty: social reality, normative IR and ‘Organized Hypocrisy’." Review of International Studies 34, no. 2 (April 2008): 313–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210508008048.

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AbstractThis article applies E. H. Carr’s analysis of utopia and reality, and a Searlean-constructivist analysis of rules and norms, to the concept of ‘sovereignty’ in general, and Stephen Krasner’s argument in Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy in particular. In doing this, the article charts a theoretical space that incorporates insights from classical realism, scientific realism, and philosophical (social) constructivism. To view ‘utopia’ and ‘reality’ as distinct yet equally important planes of International Relations (IR) inquiry, thereby treating ‘sovereignty’ as a single concept with descriptive and normative elements, highlights both the merits and the shortcomings of Krasner’s approach. Furthermore, this type of analysis suggests a fruitful way to continue a contemporary normative discussion about what sovereign entities ought to do.

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Hansen, Susanne Therese, and Nicholas Marsh. "Normative power and organized hypocrisy: European Union member states' arms export to Libya." European Security 24, no. 2 (October 23, 2014): 264–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2014.967763.

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do Nascimento Ferreira Barros, Arthur, Raimundo Nonato Rodrigues, and Luiz Panhoca. "Information on the fight against corruption and corporate governance practices: evidence of organized hypocrisy." International Journal of Disclosure and Governance 16, no. 2-3 (June 19, 2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41310-019-00060-2.

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Perkins, Richard, and Eric Neumayer. "The organized hypocrisy of ethical foreign policy: Human rights, democracy and Western arms sales." Geoforum 41, no. 2 (March 2010): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2009.09.011.

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Shandra, John M., Heidi Rademacher, and Carolyn Coburn. "The World Bank and organized hypocrisy? A cross-national analysis of structural adjustment and forest loss." Environmental Sociology 2, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23251042.2016.1160471.

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Bachmann, Sascha-Dominik, and Gerhard Kemp. "AGGRESSION AS “ORGANIZED HYPOCRISY?” – HOW THE WAR ON TERRORISM AND HYBRID THREATS CHALLENGE THE NUREMBERG LEGACY." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 30, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v30i1.4365.

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Modern threats to international peace and security from so called “Hybrid Threats”, multimodal threats such as cyber war, low intensity asymmetric conflict scenarios, global terrorism etc. which involve a diverse and broad community of affected stakeholders involving both regional and international organisations/structures, also pose further questions for the existing legacy of Nuremberg. The (perhaps unsettling) question arises of whether our present concept of “war and peace”, with its legal pillars of the United Nations Charter’s Articles 2(4), 51, and the notion of the criminality of waging aggressive war based on the “legacy” of Nuremberg has now become outdated to respond to new threats arising in the 21st century. This article also serves to warn that one should not use the definition of aggression, adopted at the ICC Review Conference in Kampala in 2010, to repeat the most fundamental flaw of Nuremberg: ex post facto criminalisation of the (unlawful) use of force. A proper understanding of the “legacy of Nuremberg” and a cautious reading of the text of the ICC definition of aggression provide some markers for purposes of the debate on the impact of new threats to peace and security and the use of force in international law and politics.Les menaces modernes à la paix et à la sécurité internationales, par exemple les menaces dites « hybrides », les menaces multimodales comme la cyberguerre, les conflits asymétriques de faible intensité et le terrorisme mondial, qui impliquent un groupe vaste et diversifié d’intervenants provenant de structures et d’organismes régionaux ou internationaux, remettent en cause l’héritage du procès de Nuremberg. Se pose également la question (peut-être troublante) de savoir si la notion actuelle de « guerre et paix » ancrée juridiquement dans le paragraphe 2(4) et l’article 51 de la Charte des Nations Unies et la criminalisation de la guerre d’agression fondée sur l’« héritage » du procès de Nuremberg demeure encore pertinente en ce qui concerne la réponse aux menaces du 21e siècle. Le présent article sert également à prévenir qu’il ne faut pas utiliser la définition du terme « crime d’agression » adoptée à la Conférence de révision du Statut de Rome (ayant instauré la Cour pénale internationale (CPI)), qui a eu lieu à Kampala en 2010, pour reproduire la lacune la plus fondamentale du procès de Nuremberg : la criminalisation a posteriori du recours (illégal) à la force. Une compréhension adéquate de l’héritage du procès de Nuremberg et une lecture prudente de la définition du terme « crime d’agression » de la CPI fournissent des balises au débat sur l’incidence des nouvelles menaces à la paix et à la sécurité, ainsi qu’à l’utilisation de la force en politique et en droit internationaux.

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Anderson, Lisa. "The State and Its Competitors." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2018): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818000223.

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For many in the Arab world, the modern European-style state is an awkward device, imposed after the demise of the Ottoman Empire and sustained for the succeeding century by little more than what Stephen Krasner famously called the “organized hypocrisy” of international sovereignty. In fact, the interwar efforts to fasten the institutions of European-style states to the populations of the region introduced several deeply dysfunctional dynamics into modern political life. They established expectations for government that would prove impossible to meet while imposing a system of rule that, far from creating citizens, often reinforced nonstate identities and created deep communal resentment and anger.

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Pasic, Amir. "Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy, Stephen D. Krasner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 248 pp., $49.50 cloth, $16.95 paper." Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679400008777.

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Cronin, Bruce. "Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy. By Stephen Krasner. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. 207p. $69.95 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401862018.

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Few concepts in international relations have aroused as much debate and emotion among political leaders, activists, and scholars as that of sovereignty. Diplomats continually invoke it, transnational organizations attempt to circumvent it, and scholars debate its meaning and wonder whether globaliza- tion is making it obsolete. Yet, most accept the premise that sovereignty is not only the foundation of our international system but also one of the few consequential institutions we have in world politics.

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Fuller, Steve. "If Science Is a Public Good, Why Do Scientists Own It?" Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 57, no. 4 (2020): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps202057454.

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I argue that if science is to be a public good, it must be made one. Neither science nor any other form of knowledge is naturally a public good. And given the history of science policy in the twentieth century, it would be reasonable to conclude that science is in fact what economists call a ‘club good’. I discuss this matter in detail in two contexts: (1) current UK efforts to create a version of the US DARPA that would focus on projects of larger, long-term societal interests – i.e. beyond the interests of the academic specialities represented in, say, the US NSF; (2) what I call the ‘organized hypocrisy’ involved in presenting science as a public good through the so-called ‘peer review’ process.

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Dorsch, Christian, and Thomas Dörfler. "Organized Hypocrisy of the International Community: An Institutionalist Explanation of the UN Security Council’s Con- tradictory Activity on Darfur." Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung 15, no. 1-2 (2014): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8.

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Coburn, Carolyn, Holly E. Reed, Michael Restivo, and John M. Shandra. "The World Bank, Organized Hypocrisy, and Women's Health: A Cross-National Analysis of Maternal Mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa." Sociological Forum 32, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/socf.12320.

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Bures, Oldrich, and Eugenio Cusumano. "The Anti-Mercenary Norm and United Nations’ Use of Private Military and Security Companies: From Norm Entrepreneurship to Organized Hypocrisy." International Peacekeeping 28, no. 4 (January 11, 2021): 579–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2020.1869542.

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Ćurak, Nerzuk. "Memory of Oblivion and Oblivion of Memory." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 30, no. 1 (2021): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice2021301/21.

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Nationalist narratives in Bosnia and Herzegovina generate organized hypocrisy against the culture of memory which involves different protagonists of this society. The real name of the culture of memory of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the culture of denial. This is the very structure of its culture. By examining the perpetuation of memory into organized oblivion as a particular form of structural and cultural violence, the author will establish scholarly and axiological criteria in favor of the creation of conditions to end the culture of oblivion. In contrast to the ontology of oblivion, as an instrument of the culture of denial, this article affirms Emmanuel Levinas’s principle of the responsibility for the Other, as a relationship of pure holiness, as an a priori ethical requirement. Also, to reinforce the argument in favor of a responsible culture of memory in the face of its ideological stagnation, the author also examined critical objection to culture of memory by radical left intellectuals, in whose view culture of memory inhibits emancipation of the oppressed class. Although such argumentation should not be dismissed outright, it dances around the reality of post-conflict communities like Bosnia and Herzegovina, where war victims cry for justice, and hold it as important as their very existence.

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Pusterla, Elia, and Francesca Pusterla. "The Uniqueness of the EU Humanitarian Aid Policy between Sovereignty and Humanitarian Concerns." European Foreign Affairs Review 20, Issue 2 (May 1, 2015): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2015018.

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This article investigates the European Union Humanitarian Aid Policy's (EUHAP's) institutional shape. A theoretical approach referring to the literature on sovereignty is adopted, hypothesizing that the EUHAP has ideal institutional settings to cope with European Union (EU) integration and Member States' concerns about the maintenance of sovereignty. Challenging the formalist approach assuming sovereignty as an organized hypocrisy whereof states are the incontrovertible promoters, the article shows how EUHAP's implementation, rather than negotiation, indicates evidence of arguable sovereign control by Member States over the EU's activity. The enhancing of EU's competences within EUHAP's implementation, sometimes going beyond what has been agreed with Member States within negotiations, signals the inability of EUHAP's sui generis institutional setting to combine the advantages of supranational cooperation with an absence of risk for Member States' sovereignty. EUHAP's institutional uniqueness must depend on reasons associated with the satisfaction of humanitarian aid priorities rather than on the EU's internal logics.

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Michelon, Giovanna, Silvia Pilonato, Federica Ricceri, and Robin W. Roberts. "Behind camouflaging: traditional and innovative theoretical perspectives in social and environmental accounting research." Sustainability Accounting, Management and Policy Journal 7, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 2–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sampj-12-2015-0121.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, it examines nuances that specific camouflaging perspectives provide to enhance traditional and widely adopted theories in social and environmental accounting. Second, within research on camouflaging, the paper stimulates multidisciplinarity and cross-fertilization by presenting recent developments in organizational theory that hold promise for enhancing our understanding of camouflaging. Finally, it discusses how the research contributions published in this special issue help advance the notion of corporate camouflaging. Design/methodology/approach – The paper makes use of an extensive literature review and discusses research implications related with the choice of theoretical framework. Findings – The idea of camouflaging may provide narrower and more refined perspective(s) that can help researchers delve deeper into their topic of interest and thereby support potentially substantive contributions to the field. Originality/value – The paper offers suggestions for future social and environmental accounting research that adopts the concepts of organized hypocrisy, organizational façades and functional stupidity into the study of organizations.

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Steinberg, Richard H. "In the Shadow of Law or Power? Consensus-Based Bargaining and Outcomes in the GATT/WTO." International Organization 56, no. 2 (2002): 339–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802320005504.

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This article explains how consensus decision making has operated in practice in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO). When GATT/WTO bargaining is law-based, consensus outcomes are Pareto-improving and roughly symmetrical. When bargaining is power-based, states bring to bear instruments of power that are extrinsic to rules, invisibly weighting the process and generating consensus outcomes that are asymmetrical and may not be Pareto-improving. Empirical analysis shows that although trade rounds have been launched through law-based bargaining, hard law is generated when a round is closed, and rounds have been closed through power-based bargaining. Agenda setting has taken place in the shadow of that power and has been dominated by the European Community and the United States. The decision making rules have been maintained because they help generate information used by powerful states in the agenda-setting process. Consensus decision making at the GATT/WTO is organized hypocrisy, allowing adherence to the instrumental reality of asymmetrical power and the sovereign equality principle upon which consensus decision making is purportedly based.

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Kingsbury, Benedict. "Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy. By Stephen D. Krasner. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999. Pp. x, 264. Index. $49.50, £30, cloth; $16.95, £10.50, paper." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 3 (July 2000): 591–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2555329.

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Singh, Jitendra K., Girishwar Misra, and Boele De Raad. "Personality Structure in the Trait Lexicon of Hindi, a Major Language Spoken in India." European Journal of Personality 27, no. 6 (November 2013): 605–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.1940.

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The psycho–lexical approach is extended to Hindi, a major language spoken in India. From both the dictionary and from Hindi novels, a huge set of personality descriptors was put together, ultimately reduced to a manageable set of 295 trait terms. Both self and peer ratings were collected on those terms from a sample of 511 participants. Factor analyses (principal components analysis), performed separately on self and on peer ratings, suggested three up to six factors. From a comparison with an ancient but still popular system of personality description, called the triguna, and from a comparison with a recently developed comprehensive trait taxonomy in Dutch, it was concluded that only three factors, not to be confused with the Big Three, firmly stood out, all three belonging to the three–dimensional triguna. Congruence coefficients between factors based on self and on peer ratings confirmed the stability of these three factors. The three factors are called rajasic, representing ambition, friendliness, humility versus hypocrisy, deception and violence, tamasic, representing egoism, mean mindedness and concealment, and finally sattvic, representing competence, impartiality, being organized, sober and harmonious. Copyright © 2013 European Association of Personality Psychology

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Ahen, Frederick. "Futures of new post-truth: new research frontiers on disturbingly fascinating pathologies affecting information dissemination and knowledge production." foresight 21, no. 5 (September 10, 2019): 563–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fs-10-2018-0088.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore in depth the anatomy of post-truth in the quest to set a new research agenda. The author interrogates knowledge production/dissemination and the political positions of those behind them. This study diagnoses and challenges existing claims of supremacy of certain hegemonic epistemological and ontological orthodoxies that have been weaponized. Design/methodology/approach This study philosophically engages with different worlds of credible ‘pluriversal’ knowledge(s) and leads to the exposure of historically ‘taken-for-granted’ definitions of the nature and composition of acceptable truth and how it is deeply entrenched in interest group politics. Findings Each generation in different contexts has had to battle with specific troubling forces of deception and organized hypocrisy. Here, both new social actors and incumbents influence the disgruntled, deceive the gullible or connect with the enlightened masses at the emotional level whilst strongly undermining the rules-of-logic and fact-based discourses using disruptive social media technologies. The author specifies how the five P’s: political power, profits, populism, politics and the private visions of technologists and scientists will continue to play very influential roles in how knowledge production will affect future policies and global governance. Social implications Based on historicized explanations, the author argues that deception and mass ignorance as weaponized features of global governance and its capitalist order are typical Machiavellian strategies for gaining control over knowledge production/information dissemination. Massive changes are not expected in the future unless society and academia introduce novel science, technology and political platforms for engaging society and policy-makers. Originality/value The author provides ample historical illustrations to support the claims made in this study that public insights into the postulated structures of post-truth remain extremely superficial, making people insufficiently informed to engage in crucial discourses about knowledge production and dissemination that affect their futures. This study provides several ingredients for stimulating further debate.

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Yadav, Asha. "International Politics and Abhyudaya Patra." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.017.

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Hindi papers, especially 'Abhyudaya', by bringing international events to the public, not only clarified the foreign policy of the Congress, but also made Indians aware of the bloodshed of various nations for political selfishness, diplomacy and economic benefits. . The letter believed that only India had the right to decide on the internal condition of India, its relations with foreign countries and national defense etc. In 1920 AD, the most discussed in the world was about communism and the League of Nations. The capitalist countries were opposing the communist policy of Russia. On the other hand, in the name of world peace, the League of Nations was establishing its dominance over the world by forming an institution. Hindi letters and Abhyudaya neither supported nor opposed communism because they believed that if they did not live up to their principles, it would probably end. In view of the decision of the League of Nations and its functioning, the letter described it as an organized hypocrisy and sent a message to the suffering nations to strengthen their position. Abstract in Hindi Language: हिन्दी पत्रों, विशेष रूप से ’अभ्युदय’ ने अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय घटनाओं को जनमानस तक पहुँचाकर न केवल कांग्रेस की विदेश नीति को स्पष्ट किया अपितु भारतीयों को राजनीतिक स्वार्थ, कूटनीति और आर्थिक लाभों के लिए विभिन्न राष्ट्र, जो रक्तपात कर रहे थे, उसका भी ज्ञान कराया। पत्र का मानना था भारत की आन्तरिक अवस्था, उसके विदेशों से सम्बंध और राष्ट्रीय रक्षा आदि प्रश्नों पर निर्णय लेने का अधिकार केवल भारत का था। 1920 ई0 में संसार में सबसे अधिक चर्चा साम्यवाद और राष्ट्रसंघ की ही थी। पूँजीवादी देश रूस की साम्यवादी नीति का विरोध कर रहे थे। दूसरी ओर, विश्व में शांति के नाम पर राष्ट्रसंघ संस्था बनाकर विश्व पर अपना प्रभुत्त्व कायम कर रहे थे। हिन्दी पत्रों और अभ्युदय ने साम्यवाद का न तो समर्थन ही किया और न विरोध क्योंकि उनका मानना था कि अपने सिद्धांतों पर खरा न उतरनें पर इसका अन्त सम्भवतः ही हो जायेगा। राष्ट्रसंघ के निर्णय और उसकी कार्यप्रणाली को देखते हुए पत्र ने उसे एक संगठित पाखंड बताया और पीड़ित राष्ट्रों को अपनी स्थिति सुदृढ़ करने का संदेश दिया। Keywords: साम्राज्यवाद का विस्तार, साम्यवादी विचारधारा, राष्ट्रसंघ, ब्रिटिश सरकार की अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय राजनीति

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