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1

Bila, Hlengani, and Cornelis Roelfose. "Organised Vehicle Theft Operations: Unravelling the Matrix." Internal Security 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2269.

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Organised crime is receiving increasing attention from researchers around the world (Cf. Finckenhauer & Voronion, 2001; Gastrow, 2001; Grant; 2012; Williams, 2014; Doctorow, 20145; Bila, 2015). The many facets and focus areas of organised crime groups deal with a plethora of crimes and the operational and organisational aspects of this phenomenon. In this article the Authors focus on organised vehicle theft. The theoretical perspectives of systems theory are blended with encroachment theory to unravel the organisational matrix of a typical vehicle theft syndicate. Through the literature review the various components of such syndicates, focusing on exporting stolen vehicles, have been unravelled. In addition, the authors indicate how corruption and political connections in organised crime create matrix organisations.
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2

Bellotti, Elisa. "Syndicate women. Gender and networks in Chicago organised crime." Global Crime 20, no. 3-4 (October 12, 2019): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2019.1697565.

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3

Albini, Joseph L., R. E. Rogers, Victor Shabalin, Valery Kutushev, Vladimir Moiseev, and Julie Anderson. "Russian Organized Crime: Its History, Structure and Function." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 11, no. 4 (December 1995): 213–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104398629501100404.

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In analyzing Russian organized crime, the authors describe and classify the four major forms of organized crime: 1) political-social, 2) mercenary, 3) in-group, and 4) syndicated. Though the first three classifications of the aforementioned types of organized crime existed throughout Soviet history, it was the syndicated form that began to emerge in the late 1950's, expanding during the corrupt Breznev years (1964–82), exploding during perestroika, and reaching pandemic levels after the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991. The abrupt transformation of the Russian society from a centralized command economy to one driven by the forces of market capitalism created the socio-pathological conditions for the malignant spread of mercenary and especially syndicated organized crime. New criminals syndicates were created by an alliance of criminal gangs/groups and former members of the Soviet Union's communist nomenklatura (bureaucracy) and the consequence was the criminalization of much of the Russian economy. The social structure of these syndicates is based on a loose association of patron-client relationships rather than a centralized hierarchical system; their function is to provide illicit goods/services desired by the people. The authors conclude their study by emphasizing that what has taken place in Russia is not peculiar to the Russian people, but exemplifies what can happen to societies that experience rapid and intense social change.
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Béland, François. "L'Anti-Congrès." Articles 13, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 381–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/055589ar.

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Souvenons-nous des étudiants de 1968. Dès janvier, ils ébranlent les fondements des organisations syndicales qui les représentent et des administrations scolaires ou universitaires qui gèrent leurs artivités académiques. Les nouvelles revendications s'expriment hors des cadres traditionnels : l'A.G.E.U.M. est exclue de la grève des étudiants de la Faculté des sciences sociales de l'Université de Montréal. Les revendications des « nouveaux » étudiants sont inconnues des « anciens » militants syndicaux : méthodes pédagogiques libertaires, refus de toute hiérarchie universitaire ou scolaire et responsabilité de l'étudiant envers le savoir qu'on lui enseigne. Pendant l'été, les associations étudiantes collégiales et universitaires engagent des animateurs syndicaux étudiants. L'U.G.E.Q. abandonne le rôle d'encadrement idéologique et organisationnel que lui avaient légué ses fondateurs. Elle refuse toute mission représentative, elle s'en remet au « milieu » étudiant, lieu de spontanéité et de créativité culturelle et politique, tandis que les plus militants de ses membres font un « tour du Québec », rencontrent les permanents syndicaux étudiants et les leaders locaux des institutions d'enseignement. Un cahier de revendications et un nouveau mode d'action revendicative émergent lors d'une session d'étude organisée par l'U.G.E.Q. : la semaine syndicale d'août. Militants, animateurs, leaders locaux sont présents à cette véritable préfiguration d'octobre, réunion d'un combat nouveau, comme le congrès de février 1969 allait en marquer la fin apocalyptique. Éclatent les événements d'octobre (1968). Logique, l'U.G.E.Q. informe, prête assistance technique, mais ne dirige pas. Les centres d'action sont les unités locales, plus ou moins militantes, qui se transforment en communautés libertaires révolutionnaires. L'unité du mouvement est donnée par quelques revendications, par l'intention libertaire commune et par les expressions idéologiques raffinées de leaders locaux dont l'audience s'élargit grâce aux média d'information. Après les événements d'octobre, les directions des cégeps prennent les mesures disciplinaires que l'on sait : exclusion de leaders, interdiction d'assemblées, renvoi d'étudiants, suspension de professeurs, saisies de journaux étudiants, contrôle des présences étrangères sur les campus, etc. L'U.G.E.Q. se révèle impuissante à organiser la résistance des étudiants et à empêcher l'application de ces mesures. En fait, ce n'est déjà plus son rôle : coordonner, informer n'est pas organiser. Donc, contestée de l'intérieur, incapable de réagir aux actions les plus vexatoires des administrations scolaires, asphyxiée par une grave crise financière, l'U.G.E.Q. disparaît en juin 1969 de l'horizon politique et syndical du Québec à la suite d'un congrès en parfaite continuité historique avec les événements qui l'avaient précédé depuis presque un an et demi. Il nous semble en effet que le congrès de février 1969 doit se comprendre comme la dernière manifestation d'un cycle commencé en janvier 1968. Le syndicalisme étudiant que le Québec avait connu pendant la révolution tranquille, disparaît avec la conjoncture politique qui avait favorisé ce mode d'organisation. Des revendications nouvelles, des actions nouvelles, le fractionnement des organisations syndicales en groupuscules politiques ne sont pas des événements indépendants les uns des autres, ils se présenteront en une même et courte période historique, contemporaine d'événements similaires en d'autres pays. Ce sera une période d'interrogation radicale de la pensée occidentale, du capitalisme qui la soutient, de la techno-structure qui en profite, du contenu de l'enseignement, de la hiérarchie des savoirs, des titres universitaires qui la cristallisent ; cette interrogation est pourtant inconditionnellement liée à chacune des formations sociales dont elle manifeste les contradictions. Le congrès de février reprend l'ensemble des débats, questions et affrontements caractéristiques de cette période troublée. Les groupuscules, survivants de la dislocation des organisations syndicales, le domineront. Tellement que ce qui demeure de syndicats étudiants verront leurs représentants s'organiser spontanément en groupuscules à l'intérieur du congrès même. Le congrès est le lieu de leur rencontre ultime. C'est d'eux qu'il sera question ici,) des thèmes de leur discours, homonymiques de par leur condition commune d'étudiant ; à la fois opposition à la « rigidité de l'intelligence contemporaine », exorcisme de la parole et copie fidèle de l'académisme.
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DellaPosta, Daniel. "Syndicate Women: Gender and Networks in Chicago Organized Crime." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 49, no. 6 (November 2020): 534–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306120963121v.

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6

Dan, Zarina Othman. "Illicit Drug Syndication Threat towards Juvenile in Malaysia." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 5, no. 4 (December 30, 2014): 284–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v5i4.828.

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The issue of international drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking is a problem that is often associated with transnational organised crimes. Malaysia is of no exception where the threat from drug syndicates has become more prevalent especially since the existence of the internet facilities all over the world. Thus, this paper examines the reason why the juvenile are exposed to illicit drugs and are vulnerable to become victims to these substances to an extent that they are caught as Juvana offenders. This paper applying neolibralisme theoretical approach, as a guiding and analyzing the issue of juvenile involvement in illicit drug trafficking in Malaysia. Primary data was collected through document analysis, interviews, and for the case study, an interview was carried out on selected Juvana offenders. The findings of the research have shown the roles of the syndicates, to recruit the juvenile as trafficker as well as to bind them from staying away from the syndicate after they are released from the detention. It is hoped that by creating a more effective and systematic policy, the threat on juvenile from the illicit drug issue can be addressed accordingly and in turn, will enable them to contribute to the development and security of the country in the future.
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GINGERAS, RYAN. "Beyond Istanbul's ‘Laz Underworld’: Ottoman Paramilitarism and the Rise of Turkish Organised Crime, 1908–1950." Contemporary European History 19, no. 3 (June 29, 2010): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000135.

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AbstractAlthough the Turkish mafia is increasingly recognised as a powerful force in the ongoing trade in weapons, narcotics and people in Europe and beyond, there are few critical histories of organised crime's origins in Turkey. Rather than present some pedantic general survey of the history of organized crime in modern Turkey, this essay attempts to address two broader critical points of departure. First, how did Anatolia's journey from imperial to republican rule impact, and how was it impacted by, criminal gangs? Second, how do we situate the experience of modern gangs in Turkey in a global context? In attempting to answer these questions, this paper looks at the development of criminal syndicates among Laz migrants in the greater Istanbul area during the first half of the twentieth century. The case of the Laz shows particularly how war, migration, imperial politics, urbanisation and the rise of the international drug trade shaped the parallel development of organised crime and the nascent Turkish Republic.
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8

Thapa, Rabi Raj. "State Fragility and Organized Crime." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 2, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v2i1.26752.

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There are always probabilities of strong relationships between transnational organized crime group, the government, semi-government agencies and irregular formations. Because, at the fundamental level, motivations and aspirations of all these agencies and groups may be similar, i.e. making as much money or profit as quickly as possible; whether in a semi-legitimate or illegitimate means and ways. For this, they will be ready to use any modus operandi; the end result and harm they cause to the nation and society will be the same. Therefore, more often it is also very difficult to distinguish them one from another. In this regard, they all can be termed “the silent partners” of the legitimate government agencies, semi-government corporations and the organized crime groups (OCGs) and wherever they belong: they converge at a single platform, i.e. the Organized Crime. Therefore, the silent partners of the Organized Crime Group can be any of these: a private party or person, a government officer or his office, a semi-government official or a group of people belonging to these organizations. There may be another similarity among these too;…i.e. they all do their utmost to avoid their appearance in public or willingly acknowledged their involvement in any form and deeds on such cooperative undertaking. There are many ways such organized syndicates apply their methods that may be soft, peaceful to even gruesomely violent means to get access to state power, money or government resources. In this regard, they may apply all types of legitimate and illegitimate means, to name the few, such as protection rackets, and capture public resources, seize of property and land forcibly in an illegitimate way, and eventually entry into the licit private sector by money laundering and other means.
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9

Lubis, Muhammad Ridwan. "Kejahatan Terorganisir Terhadap Pelacuran Anak Di Kota Medan Ditinjau Dari Psikologi Kriminil (Studi Penelitian di Kota Medan)." Jurnal Hukum Kaidah: Media Komunikasi dan Informasi Hukum dan Masyarakat 20, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30743/jhk.v20i1.3463.

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Crimes that used to be committed by individuals are now mostly committed by organized groups where the legal force of the group is illegal. Theft, muggings, fraud, murder, corruption, money loundry, prostitution, terrorism are some forms of the crime that are mostly committed in an organized manner.The development of the world of the child prostitution has spread in various big cities in Indonesia, including Medan. The sparkling of the city has attracted many people who come from various places in Indonesia and outside Indonesia who want to taste the sweetness of the sparkle of the city with all its spices like a laron approaching a torch which eventually destroys them. The condition of the child prostitution in Medan City has become apprehensive where many children aged 14-17 are involved in the prostitution business. Their involvement tends to be due to the factor of deception committed by collectors who work as collectors and suppliers of children to the prostitution places. This crime was committed in an organized manner as evidenced by the existence of syndicates that collaborated, ranging from child collectors and suppliers (collectors) and those who accommodate and employ children as the prostitutes (pimps / pimps), with recruitment areas covering malls, plazas, suburban areas, as well as other entertainment centers, which are generally the place where teenagers hang out.In conclusion, the factors that cause organized crime against the child prostitution in Medan are environmental factors (there is good interaction and communication between them, both those from the same environment and those from different environments), economic factors and unemployment and which is very dominant is the psychological factor. The obstacles that are faced in overcoming organized crime against the child prostitution business are the obstacles in terms of legislation due to weaknesses rather than the scope of the law itself in ensnaring perpetrators of criminal acts of the child prostitution as well as the criminal threats which are still classified mild.Keywords : Organized Crime, Child Prostitution, Criminal Psychology
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Lubis, Muhammad Ridwan. "Kejahatan Terorganisir Terhadap Pelacuran Anak Di Kota Medan Ditinjau Dari Psikologi Kriminil (Studi Penelitian di Kota Medan)." Jurnal Hukum Kaidah: Media Komunikasi dan Informasi Hukum dan Masyarakat 20, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30743/jhk.v20i1.3464.

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Crimes that used to be committed by individuals are now mostly committed by organized groups where the legal force of the group is illegal. Theft, muggings, fraud, murder, corruption, money loundry, prostitution, terrorism are some forms of the crime that are mostly committed in an organized manner.The development of the world of the child prostitution has spread in various big cities in Indonesia, including Medan. The sparkling of the city has attracted many people who come from various places in Indonesia and outside Indonesia who want to taste the sweetness of the sparkle of the city with all its spices like a laron approaching a torch which eventually destroys them. The condition of the child prostitution in Medan City has become apprehensive where many children aged 14-17 are involved in the prostitution business. Their involvement tends to be due to the factor of deception committed by collectors who work as collectors and suppliers of children to the prostitution places. This crime was committed in an organized manner as evidenced by the existence of syndicates that collaborated, ranging from child collectors and suppliers (collectors) and those who accommodate and employ children as the prostitutes (pimps / pimps), with recruitment areas covering malls, plazas, suburban areas, as well as other entertainment centers, which are generally the place where teenagers hang out.In conclusion, the factors that cause organized crime against the child prostitution in Medan are environmental factors (there is good interaction and communication between them, both those from the same environment and those from different environments), economic factors and unemployment and which is very dominant is the psychological factor. The obstacles that are faced in overcoming organized crime against the child prostitution business are the obstacles in terms of legislation due to weaknesses rather than the scope of the law itself in ensnaring perpetrators of criminal acts of the child prostitution as well as the criminal threats which are still classified mild.Keywords : Organized Crime, Child Prostitution, Criminal Psychology
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11

Hoffstaedter, Gerhard, and Antje Missbach. "Facilitating Irregular Migration into Malaysia and from Indonesia: Illicit Markets, Endemic Corruption and Symbolic Attempts to Overcome Impunity." Public Anthropologist 3, no. 1 (March 4, 2021): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891715-03010002.

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Abstract Discourses around illicit markets for irregular migration focus on criminality and global dimensions threatening border security and the sovereignty of the state. Organised crime has generally been understood to be committed by crime syndicates outside or parallel to the dominant order and formal economy. In Malaysia and Indonesia, however, the state (or parts thereof) is heavily implicated in such crime and essential for the success of unsanctioned trans-border movements. The participation of state officials could be analysed as a convergence of extralegal income generation and symbolic law enforcement. This article presents case studies from Malaysia and Indonesia that could only have taken place because security officials facilitated them. It challenges the orthodoxy of a state versus criminal network opposition and seeks to explain the circumstances under which legal prosecution occurs. The symbolic punishment of low-ranking officials reinforces networks of control, power hierarchies and cooperation of the state in illicit markets.
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Roth, Mitchel P., and Murat Sever. "The Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) as Criminal Syndicate: Funding Terrorism through Organized Crime, A Case Study." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 30, no. 10 (September 18, 2007): 901–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100701558620.

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Ardiyanto, Sulistiyawan Doni, Eko Soponyono Soponyono, and Achmad Sulchan. "Judgment Considerations Policy In Decree Of The Court Criminal Statement Based On Criminal Destination." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 3, no. 1 (April 22, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v3i1.8409.

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Crime theft is usually influenced by several factors, such as livelihoods with neatly organized networks or syndicates or some that do so due to economic pressures that force the offender to commit the crime because in his mind there is no longer a way out other than stealing. The formulation of the problem in this research is What is the judge's judgment policy in deciding cases of theft based on criminal destinations in the Draft Law of the Criminal Code, and in Act No. 48 On judicial power ?. The method of approach used is sociological juridical. This type of research is descriptive method. Source of data used from primary and secondary data. In this case the judge in providing a criminal decision must provide the benefit of the convicted person to undergo his conviction and life after leaving the prison to return to the community again. Because the provision of an unfair criminal will affect the survival of the convicted person. The purpose of punishment is as a judge's consideration in deciding the theft of criminal case which is supported by a juridical element in Article 56 of the Criminal Code Bill, and Act No.48 of 2009 On Judicial Power in Article 5 paragraph (1) and Article 8 paragraph (2).Keywords: Judge's Considerations, Theft of Crimes, Criminal Purpose.
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VAN ONSELEN, CHARLES. "JEWISH POLICE INFORMERS IN THE ATLANTIC WORLD, 1880–1914." Historical Journal 50, no. 1 (February 13, 2007): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005942.

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The great migration from the tsarist empire, sparked by the assassination of Alexander II, in 1881, saw two to three million east European Jews re-settling in the great cities of the Atlantic world before the First World War. Often discriminated against in labour markets, and socially marginalized in new environments, Russo-Polish males either persisted in, or resorted to, organized crime centred on the illicit sale of alcohol, professional gambling, and prostitution to survive. Atlantic states, however, were reluctant to employ Jews as uniformed police or detectives in their fight against syndicated crime. In order to overcome the challenge of ethnicized crime, law-enforcement agencies, like nineteenth-century tsarist administrations before them, employed informers. Jewish informers who, unbeknown to police handlers, were sometimes also psychopaths in an era before the condition was clinically identified, were used to infiltrate underworld structures. By nature, informing offered a short-term, unstable, existence fraught with unintended consequences for police and spies alike – thereby encouraging extraordinary geographical mobility amongst informers. Orthodox histories of law-enforcement agencies tend to focus on structural changes in police forces but a re-examination of the role of informers in organized crime should allow for the development of more subtle insights into the evolution of policing as a dynamic, interactive, social process.
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Desroches, Frederick. "Research on Upper Level Drug Trafficking: A Review." Journal of Drug Issues 37, no. 4 (October 2007): 827–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204260703700405.

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This article examines research on upper level drug traffickers in the U.S., the UK, Canada, and the Netherlands. Included is an analysis and critique of typologies of drug traffickers and theoretical models of organized crime as they apply to upper level drug networks. Studies of higher level drug trafficking indicate that drug markets represent informal and loosely organized associations of relatively small syndicates or crews of independent drug entrepreneurs. They compete for market share and deal primarily or exclusively with trusted associates chosen from ethnic, kinship, and friendship networks. Most dealers are highly cautious, eschew the use of violence, typically make huge profits, attempt to maintain a low profile, rationalize their conduct as business activity, and operate within geographically niche markets.
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Bennett, Elizabeth L. "Another inconvenient truth: the failure of enforcement systems to save charismatic species." Oryx 45, no. 4 (June 7, 2011): 476–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003060531000178x.

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AbstractIn spite of significant recent advances in understanding how to conserve species we are failing to conserve some of the most beloved and charismatic, with severe population losses, shrinking ranges and extinctions of subspecies. The primary reason is hunting for illegal trade of highly valuable body parts, increasingly operated by sophisticated organized criminal syndicates supplying wealthy East Asian markets. Current enforcement systems were not established to tackle such crime, and weak governance, low capacity and inadequate resources facilitate the trade. To save these species this trade must be treated as serious crime, with allocation of sufficient resources, highly trained personnel, and appropriate technologies to allow it to be tackled effectively. Success in tackling this trade will necessitate commitment from governments and non-governmental organizations and the support of civil society.
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Presley, Lisa. "Book Review: Crips and Bloods: A Guide to an American Subculture." Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, no. 4 (July 1, 2016): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n4.324b.

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The features of this slim volume include ten chapters that are arranged topically; in addition, there is a glossary, references section, and index. In the front matter, there is a very useful timeline that highlights some of the key events associated with the formation and history of the Crips and Bloods from the 1960s to 2005. In the introductory chapter, the author explains that “there is very little systematic research on the Bloods and Crips” (12), with limited and biased information being reported and published either by gang members in autobiographies or by law enforcement and government agencies. The author does a good job of offering a balanced viewpoint about these gangs (sets) by neither demonizing nor glorifying them. The author provides information about Crips’ and Bloods’ role in crime and drug dealing but rejects the notion that they are an organized criminal syndicate, due to their lack of hierarchical features.
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Britz, Marjie T. "A New Paradigm of Organized Crime in the United States: Criminal Syndicates, Cyber-gangs, and the Worldwide Web." Sociology Compass 2, no. 6 (November 2008): 1750–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2008.00172.x.

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Theobald, Robin. "Lancing the Swollen African State: Will it Alleviate the Problem of Corruption?" Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 4 (December 1994): 701–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015937.

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International concern over the pathology of political corruption increases apace. The last five years have witnessed a proliferation of organisations, conferences, and meetings dedicated to analysing the phenomenon as well as proposing workable policies of containment and control.This rising concern is a consequence partly of accelerating globalisation which not only increases awareness of the incidence and appalling scale of corruption but, more seriously, allows the contagion to infect the international system of trade and finance as a result of the activities of organised crime syndicates, money launderers, arms dealers, and the like. Furthermore, the ending of the cold war has meant that the ‘great’ powers are now having to confront the consequences of their longstanding indulgence, in the interests of political expediency, of sundry seedy dictators and their cronies; kleptocrats who seemed to devote much of their incumbency to transferring millions of dollars, sometimes billions, from the public treasury into Swiss bank accounts.
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Sirait, Adi Syahputra. "Kedudukan dan Efektivitas Justice Collaborator di dalam Hukum Acara Pidana." Jurnal el-Qanuniy: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Kesyariahan dan Pranata Sosial 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2020): 241–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24952/el-qonuniy.v5i2.2148.

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This article aims to analyze and explain the position of justice collaborator in criminal procedural law and the effectiveness of justice collaborator in proof, as an analysis instrument this research uses a case study of a narcotics-specific criminal decision in the Supreme Court where narcotics is an extraordinary crime committed in an organized manner by a drug syndicate narcotics, this research uses a social legal research approach using juridical type, the research data is obtained from an analysis of the decision of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Indonesia Number: 920K / Pid.Sus / 2013 which is then analyzed using the effectiveness theory. The Supreme Court Judge determines the defendant as a justice collaborator based on the Supreme Court circular number 4 of 2011 regarding the treatment of whistleblowers and witnesses of collaborating actors (justice collaborator). The results of this study are that the supreme court judge considered the defendant's petition as a justice collaborator who could reveal the illicit trafficking network of international channels and also reveal the main perpetrators of the narcotics distribution.
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Kehoe, Thomas J., and Elizabeth M. Greenhalgh. "Bias in the Treatment of Non-Germans in the British and American Military Government Courts in Occupied Germany, 1945–46." Social Science History 44, no. 4 (2020): 641–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.25.

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AbstractNon-Germans—particularly “displaced persons”—were routinely blamed for crime in occupied western Germany. The Allied and German fixation on foreign gangs, violent criminals, and organized crime syndicates is well documented in contemporary reports, observations, and the press. An abundance of such data has long shaped provocative historical narratives of foreign-perpetrated criminality ranging from extensive disorder through to near uncontrolled anarchy. Such accounts complement assertions of a broader and more generalized crime wave. Over the last 30 years, however, a literature has emerged that casts doubt on the actual extent of lawlessness during the occupation of the west and, in turn, on the level non-German participation in crime. It may be that extensive reporting of non-German criminality at the time reflected the preexisting bigotries of Germans and the Allies, which when combined with anxieties about social and societal integrity became focused on the most marginalized groups in postwar society. This process of “group criminalization” is common and can have different motivations. Regardless of its cause, it was clearly evident in postwar western Germany and we hypothesized that it should have created harsher outcomes for non-German versus German criminal defendants when facing the Allied criminal justice system, such as greater rates of conviction and harsher punishments. This hypothesis was tested using newly collected military government court data from 1945 to 1946. Contrary to expectations, we found a more subtle bias against non-Germans than expected, which we argue reveals important characteristics about the US and British military government criminal justice system.
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Pruchniak, Józef. "Dysfunction of Mexico in terms of Personal Security." Security Dimensions 36, no. 36 (July 19, 2021): 200–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.0493.

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The article refers to the currently shaped issues of human personal safety in relation to threats arising from events and situations. At the same time, it points out that an exhaustive expression of the need for security is rather unfeasible because this scope in personal view will be categorized by: physiological properties, age, environmental and situational conditions, knowledge, and socio-cultural conditions, as well as life experiences. The author focuses in particular on the analysis of organized crime in Mexico and the impact of these structures on the personal safety of people, social, ethnic, and professional groups, indicating their causes. The rooting or deepening of the indicated social problems and the lack of perspectives to improve them means that the main assumptions of the security strategy, including among others public safety improvement programs, and thus personal safety, is a very complex and extended process. The analysis of the functioning of the Mexican state in the security sphere clearly shows that in this respect state institutions transfer this issue to the citizen. Fears for their safety result from the presence of criminal structures, shocking ones, their uncompromising attitude, sense of impunity, and ruthlessness towards anyone who has been defined by "crime syndicates" as a threat to their existence.
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Friedman, Lawrence M. "Syndicate Women: Gender and Networks in Chicago Organized Crime. By Chris M.Smith. Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2019. 208 pp. $29.95 paperback." Law & Society Review 54, no. 3 (August 21, 2020): 720–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lasr.12488.

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Degenshein, Anya. "Syndicate Women: Gender and Networks in Chicago Organized Crime. By Chris M. Smith. Oakland: University of California Press, 2019. Pp. 208. $85.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper)." American Journal of Sociology 126, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 752–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/710566.

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25

Loader, Ian. "Policing, securitization and democratization in Europe." Criminal Justice 2, no. 2 (May 2002): 125–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17488958020020020201.

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We have witnessed over recent decades the extension across Europe of an enhanced policing capacity—one comprising a complex, ever-shifting mix of informal professional networks, inter-governmental co-operation, and nascent supranational institutions (notably Europol). These developments have been accompanied— and justified—by a set of public narratives that highlight the threat posed by various `criminal' and `alien' Others (migrants, drug traffickers, organized crime syndicates and so forth) to Europe, its borders and its citizens. How though can we best account for these developments and assess their likely trajectories? What do they signify about the kind of political order that is being constructed within the European Union? Is Europe today being governed through security and, if so, with what effects? In taking up these questions this article has two aims. First, to develop a heuristic framework that can help us make better sociological sense of both the meanings and interests that are competing to shape the field of European policing, and the processes of securitization that presently dominate it. Second, to consider the problems of authorization and legitimation raised by the onset of thinly accountable police processes and institutions at the European level, and to offer a sketch of the issues that must be addressed, and the criteria that might orientate us, in seeking to advance—in the policing domain—a project of postnational democracy.
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26

Wannenburg, Gail. "PUTTING PAID TO THE UNTOUCHABLES? The effects of dissolving the Directorate of Special Operations and the Specialised Commercial Crime Units." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 24 (March 8, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2008/v0i24a956.

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When law enforcement agencies arrest abalone poachers on the Western Coast of South Africa, they may not be aware that the drying and processing of the delicacy takes place in Gauteng and that the buyers are organised crime networks in China. It will not be evident that the criminals use the profits (at about R1 400 per kilogram) to buy drugs for the local Southern African market. The syndicate or loose network of crime groups may have a distribution chain of dispensable individuals of different nationalities encompassing several countries, specialising in particular aspects of the trade and dealing in a wide variety of illegal goods. Indeed, the arrest of the poachers is unlikely to reveal that the profits are being used to barter for drugs and that a large number of illegal and apparently legal companies are being used to transfer money across the globe. Catching these kinds of transnational, cross-border, multi-ethnic and flexible criminal groups is difficult unless law enforcement agencies have a multi-faceted strategy, use the skills of a wide range of personnel and have the time and resources to investigate and prosecute them effectively. Traditional law enforcement is geared towards arresting the criminal ‘runners’ rather than the ‘kingpins’. The DSO and the SCCU acquired a reputation as the ‘untouchables’ – units that are admired, revered and feared – and it seems unlikely that their replacement will enjoy the same success and reputation.
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27

van Uhm, Daan P., and Rick C. C. Nijman. "The convergence of environmental crime with other serious crimes: Subtypes within the environmental crime continuum." European Journal of Criminology, February 10, 2020, 147737082090458. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370820904585.

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The rising global scarcity of natural resources increasingly attracts transnational criminal organizations. Organized crime syndicates diversify into the lucrative business of tropical timber, endangered species, and natural minerals, alongside their traditional activities. The developing interconnectedness between environmental crime and other serious crimes shows that traditional lines of separation are no longer appropriate for understanding and dealing with the increasing complexities of organized crime. Therefore, this article aims to analyse the nexus between environmental crime and other serious crimes through cluster analyses to identify subtypes of organized crime groups that have diversified into the illegal trade in natural resources. The two-step cluster algorithm found a cluster solution with three distinct clusters of subtypes of criminal groups that diversified into the illegal trade in natural resources in various ways: first, the Green Organized Crime cluster, with a high degree of diversification and domination; second, the Green Opportunistic Crime cluster, with flexible and fluid groups that partially diversify their criminal activities; and, third, the low-level diversifiers of the Green Camouflaged Crime cluster, shadowing their illegal businesses with legitimate companies. The three clusters can be related to specific stages within the environmental crime continuum, albeit with nuances.
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28

Rubin, Ashley T. "Book review: Chris M Smith, Syndicate Women: Gender and Networks in Chicago Organized Crime." Theoretical Criminology, November 27, 2020, 136248062097721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480620977213.

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29

MILLER, VIVIEN. "“A Ringer Was Used to Make the Killing”: Horse Painting and Racetrack Corruption in the Early Depression-Era War on Crime." Journal of American Studies, January 14, 2021, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875820001759.

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Peter Christian “Paddy” Barrie was a seasoned fraudster who transferred his horse doping and horse substitution skills from British to North American racetracks in the 1920s. His thoroughbred ringers were entered in elite races to guarantee winnings for syndicates and betting rings in the Prohibition-era United States. This case study of a professional travelling criminal and the challenges he posed for the Pinkerton National Detective Agency in the early 1930s war on crime highlights both the importance of illegal betting to urban mobsters and the need for broader and more nuanced critiques of Depression-era organized-crime activities and alliances.
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30

Higgins, Silke. "Yakuza Past, Present and Future: The Changing Face of Japan's Organized Crime Syndicates." Themis: Research Journal of Justice Studies and Forensic Science 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.31979/themis.2014.0212.

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31

Evans, Bryan. "The Politics of Public Sector Wages: Ontario’s Social Dialogue for Austerity." Socialist Studies/Études Socialistes 7, no. 1 / 2 (July 23, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.18740/s47302.

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The economic crisis has revealed the extent to which sustaining the key tenets of the ‘Common Sense Revolution’, implemented by the Conservative government of Premier Mike Harris, have eroded the fiscal capacity of Ontario. The proposal to freeze public sector wages and the ensuing consultation with public sector unions and employers in the spring/summer of 2010 signal Ontario is about to return to the rollback neoliberalism that dominated the 1990s. The difference between now and then is the more defensive posture of organized labour and the limited capacities that exist to resist such an assault. La crise économique a révélé l’étendue avec laquelle le maintien des principaux principes du ‘Common Sense Révolution’, introduits par le gouvernement conservateur du Premier Mike Harris, a érodé la capacité fiscale de l’Ontario. La proposition de geler les salaires de la fonction publique et la consultation qui s’ensuivit avec les syndicats et les employeurs du secteur public au cours du printemps et de l’été de 2010 indiquent que l’Ontario est sur le point de retourner au néolibéralisme qui dominait les années 1990. La différence entre aujourd’hui et hier est la position plus défensive du mouvement syndical et les capacités limitées qui existent pour s’opposer à une telle attaque.
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32

Van As, Hendrik. "Poaching of marine living resources: Can the tide be turned?" South African Crime Quarterly, no. 69 (December 24, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2020/vn69a8351.

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Certain marine living resources of South Africa are under severe threat from international organised crime syndicates in conjunction with local fishers. These criminal activities erode respect for the rule of law and lead to socio-economic degradation and the proliferation of gangsterism. The current government approach as custodians of the resources is to maximise the return from confiscations. SAPS are not using the full power of the law to address poaching of marine living resources, particularly abalone, as a priority crime and do not allocate their resources commensurate with the value of the commodity. As a country that is beleaguered by fisheries crime, overfishing and exploitation, South Africa must take a tough stance and should pursue criminal organisations with all the power that the state can muster. It must also ensure that national fisheries resource management is improved so that local communities can benefit. The implementation of a conforming strategy would be socially and politically unpopular, but the future benefits will outweigh the outlay.
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