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Sparisci, Luciana. ""Excerpta" de oratoria romana." Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 12, no. 2 (August 30, 2015): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v12i2.17073.
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Entre las manifestaciones artísticas de la cultura romana, la Oratoria ocupa un lugar privilegiado. "Comunicativo" por naturaleza, el pueblo ltálico. Su evolución la examinamos no siempre en modo exhaustivo en las correspondientes etapas de la historia de la literatura latina o bien en los fragmentos o textos de los autores más o menos afortunados en la tradición de sus obras.
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García-Jurado, Francisco. "La Oratio in matritensi gymnasio, ad cathedram Litteraturae latinae obtinendam (1848). Alfredo Adolfo Camús relee a Marco Antonio Mureto y a Nicolás Funcio." Nova Tellus 37, no. 1 (January 11, 2019): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2019.37.1.809.
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En 1848, Alfredo Adolfo Camús, quien llegará a ser el profesor más importante para la enseñanza de la Literatura clásica en la España del XIX, oposita a la cátedra que va a desempeñar durante decenios en la Universidad Central de Madrid. Nuestro objetivo en este trabajo es el estudio de su ejercicio de oposición, la Oratio ad cathedram Litteraturae latinae obtinendam, redactado en latín y conservado en el Archivo General de la Administración del Estado. Nuestro principal hallazgo ha sido el establecimiento de las dos fuentes literarias que lo alimentan: el exordio se basa en la reescritura de un discurso del humanista Marco Antonio Mureto (De laudibus litterarum) y el desarrollo del tema, la vida y obra de Silio Itálico, reutiliza la prosa de un erudito del siglo XVIII: Nicolás Funcio (De imminenti Latinae linguae senectute). En suma, hemos logrado valorar el significado histórico de esta Oratio de Camús a la hora de observar cómo en ella se conjuga la oratoria latina del siglo XVI, fruto del cultivo de la perfección del latín, con la erudición literaria del XVIII, que aún se refería a la literatura latina en términos de Latinae litterae o Historia Latinae linguae.
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Martín Díaz, Marta. "‘‘No solo hilaron lana’’. Una aproximación a las desconocidas escritoras romanas." Revista Internacional de Culturas y Literaturas, no. 24 (2021): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ricl2021.i24.05.
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Las condiciones de producción de la Literatura Latina, una actividad codificada por y para la élite romana masculina, así como la decisión consciente de no conservar la obra del escaso número de mujeres que tuvieron acceso a esa esfera, debido al sesgo androcéntrico en la transmisión literaria, hacen que apenas podamos hablar de Literatura Latina producida por mujeres. No obstante, pese a los adversos avatares que a lo largo del tiempo estas autoras y su obra han padecido, hemos conservado algunos de estos nombres, así como parte de sus obras, en algunas ocasiones de manera fragmentaria. Por ende, este artículo presenta una selección de autoras que, partiendo de los orígenes de la misma Literatura Latina y llegando hasta la última escritora de la antigüedad romana tal y como la conocemos, ilustran la variedad de géneros que las autoras supervivientes de esta literatura cultivaron, tanto en verso (elegías, poesía erótica, sátira, laudatio funebris) como en prosa (oratoria judicial, memorias). A su vez, este rescate dará pie a profundizar en los mecanismos de omisión de estas escritoras y la necesidad de llevar a cabo esta recuperación en nuestros días, para darle a la Literatura Latina un enfoque propio del siglo XXI.
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Palachi, ,Cadina M. "Las Representaciones del Lenguaje en el Marco de la Oratoria Latina: Cicerón y Quitiliano en Diálogo." El Hilo de la Fabula, no. 2/3 (February 17, 2005): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14409/hf.v1i2/3.1737.
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Nascimento, Dreykon Fernandes, Leni Ribeiro Leite, and Camilla Ferreira Paulino da Silva. "A "variatio" no mito de Eco e Narciso, nas "Metamorfoses" de Ovídio, como exercício de um poeta "lascivus"." CODEX -- Revista de Estudos Clássicos 8, no. 1 (July 3, 2020): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25187/codex.v8i1.31795.
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Quintiliano, em diversas passagens da sua Institutio oratoria (4.1.77; 10.1.88-9; 10.1.93), categoriza Ovídio e as suas obras de serem excessivamente lascivi. Diferentemente de Horácio, contudo, que exercia a crítica literária enquanto ocupava também o lugar social de poeta no principado augustano, Quintiliano a exerce em posição exclusiva de orador, em nome de uma instituição retórica sólida e voltada majoritariamente para o fórum público. Assim, não crendo ser lascivus apenas um vocábulo cujo significado é facilmente localizável num dicionário de língua latina, investigamos no presente trabalho o valor objetivamente retórico subjacente ao termo, e se é adequado ou não à obra ovidiana, analisando a variatio ou a variação genérica trabalhada por Ovídio, sobretudo, no mito de Eco e Narciso, presente no canto 3 das Metamorfoses. Para tal, aparelhamo-nos com estudos de Barchiesi (2006), Farrell (2009), Fedeli (2010), Fonseca (2015), Feldherr (2006), Harrison (2006), Hutchinson (2013), Keith (2002), Oliva Neto (2013), Pavlock (2009) Perutelli (2010), Vansan (2016) entre outros sobre o uso dos gêneros poéticos em Ovídio, e com estudos de Feldherr (2006) e Fox (2007) sobre a relação entre retórica e literatura, a posição de Quintiliano e sob que instância de poder fala quando rotula Ovídio de lascivus.
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Smolarek, Dariusz. "Oratorium w Rzymie od XVII do XVIII wieku." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 65, no. 1 (March 31, 2012): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.83.
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Do powstania nowego wokalno-instrumentalnego gatunku muzycznego, który bujnie rozkwitał w okresie baroku, przyczyniła się działalność rzymskiego kapłana św. Filipa Neriego. W specjalnie na ten cel przeznaczonym budynku – zwanym w języku włoskim oratorio – organizował nabożeństwa połączone ze śpiewaniem laud. Pojęcie „oratorium”, pierwotnie oznaczające pomieszczenie modlitewne, odnoszono później do nieliturgicznych i muzycznych nabożeństw, które tam odprawiano. Laudi spiritualistopniowo zastąpione przez madrigali spirituali i motetti concertati posiadały często charakter śpiewów dialogowanych. Z tych form, w I połowie XVII wieku wykształciły się dwa typy oratorium: ludowe (oratorio volgare) i łacińskie (oratorio latino). Treścią kompozycji był nieliturgiczny tekst religijny, który czerpiąc inspiracje z Biblii, przedstawiał: starotestamentalne historie i postaci, nowotestamentalne wydarzenia i przypowieści, a także alegoryczne dialogi pomiędzy Chrystusem i duszą chrześcijanina. W oratorium, śpiewacy, którym towarzyszyła orkiestra (a niekiedy chór), wykonując określone role dramatu, nie korzystali ze środków gry aktorskiej. Oratorium jako nośnik treści religijnej służyło liturgii i stawało się jej dopełnieniem.
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Lessa Vergílio Borges, Marlene. "A construção do ethos do orador no Pro Milone de Cícero." CODEX – Revista de Estudos Clássicos 2, no. 1 (July 5, 2010): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.25187/codex.v2i1.2817.
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<div class="page" title="Page 7"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>O poder de persuasão do ethos do orador é reconhecido tanto na tradição retórica grega como na latina. Mas é na prática oratória romana que a utilização do <em>ethos</em> como fonte de persuasão se torna proeminente. Com base na teoria de Cícero sobre o <em>ethos</em>, desenvolvida no <em>De oratore</em>, II, 182-184, procuramos, neste trabalho, realizar um estudo da representação do <em>ethos</em> do orador no discurso <em>Pro Milone</em>, analisando os procedimentos retóricos empregados nesse processo. </span></p><p><span><br /></span></p><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p><span>The power of the orator’s </span><span>ethos is recognized both in Greek and Latin rhetorical tradition. Yet, it is in the Roman oratorical practice that the use of the ethos as a source of persuasion stands out. Based on the Ciceronian theory concerning the ethos, exposed in the De Oratore, II, 182-</span><span>184, we aim to study in this paper the representation of the speaker’s </span><span>ethos </span><span>in Cicero’s </span><span>Pro Milone, analyzing the rhetorical procedures applied to this process. </span></p><p><span><strong>Keywords:</strong> Ethos; Cicero; Pro Milone; rhetoric; Roman oratory. </span></p></div></div></div><p><span><br /></span></p></div></div></div>
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Schwartz Lerner, Lía. "En torno a la enunciación en la sátira: los casos de El Crotalon y los Sueños de Quevedo." Lexis 9, no. 2 (April 10, 1985): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/lexis.198502.003.
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En el marco de las teorías actuales de la literatura resulta problemática la clasificación de la sátira como forma literaria. No lo eraen el ámbito de la literatura latina, en el que la satura constituía ungénero perfectamente identificado para sus receptores y, por ello,podía ser definida en sus rasgos esenciales. El corpus clásico de sátirasincluía dos variantes: la satura en hexámetros y la sátira menipeaque podía combinar prosa y verso. El concepto de satura parece yacircunscripto en un texto de Lucilio. Pero sin duda Horacio explicitalas normas del género literario que escoge en, por lo menos, tres ocasiones: dos en sus sermones 1,4, 1-4, donde cita a Lucilio y establece losantecedentes griegos del género romano y II, 1, sobre la necesidad deescribir sátiras- una en su EpistuJae, II,2,58-60; A partir de Horacío, por lo tanto, la satura se presenta como realización histórica deun tipo de discurso literario, es decir, como un género definido porconvenciones propias según el modelo ya ofrecido por Lucilio 1• Sin duda, los tratadistas romanos reconocían la influencia de obras satíricasgriegas en los escritores de Saturae. Pero Quintiliano no vacila en señalar el carácter de novedad genérica de la sátira en verso; por elloexcluye la posibilidad de un prototipo griego: "satura. . . tota nostraest." (lnstitutio oratoria, 10,1,95).
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Spáčilová, Jana. "Between Opera and Oratorio. The Pasticcio Oratorios in Prague and Brno ca 1720–1760." Musicology Today 18, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/muso-2021-0011.
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Abstract The phenomenon of the pasticcio oratorio was quite widespread in the Czech Lands around the middle of the eighteenth century. The first evidence of this practice was a Latin oratorio based on opera arias by George Frideric Handel (Prague 1725). In Brno, the capital of Moravia, the performances of oratorios were supported by Bishop Wolfgang Hannibal Schrattenbach, who was also an important patron of Italian opera. Therefore, opera arias were frequently interpolated into the Italian oratorios produced in his palace every week during Lent. Some works from the 1730s were even created as pasticcios composed of contrafacted opera arias. The only surviving score, La vittima d’amore by Joseph Umstatt (Brno 1741) with music by Caldara, Hasse, Leo, Feo, Porta and Pescetti, shows the process of creating this type of oratorio in detail. The reprise of this work by the Crusaders in Prague on Good Friday 1744 and its favourable reception stimulated the considerable development of this practice in the mentioned church. Between 1749 and 1758, at least six pasticcio oratorios were performed here. The music was selected not only from the works of popular composers of the time (Hasse, Jomelli, Graun), but also from the compositions of the older generation (Fux, Lotti, Conti, Porpora). Based on an analysis of librettos and music sources, the paper shows some examples of this phenomenon, crossing the boundaries between the opera and the oratorio in both directions.
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Herren, Michael W. "The transmission and reception of Graeco-Roman mythology in Anglo-Saxon England, 670–800." Anglo-Saxon England 27 (December 1998): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004816.
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Rhetoricians, orators, and public speakers of all stripes, if asked the question, which Greek or Roman deity they should invoke in case of need, would surely answer ‘Hermes’ or ‘Mercury’. Members of this profession who also read early Latin-Old English glossaries might therefore be surprised to learn that the deus oratorum was none other than Priapus! This came as good news to me as one who occasionally looks for novel ways to arouse an audience. However, as I reflected further on the meaning of Épinal Glossary 10v32, my expectations wilted. Oratorum must be a simple error for hortorum, ‘of gardens’. Priapus may be fecundus, but he is not facundus.
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Sinclair, Patrick. "Political Declensions in Latin Grammar and Oratory 55 BCE - CE 39." Ramus 23, no. 1-2 (1994): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000240x.
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In a discussion of the rhetorical styles of Caesar and the early principes, Fronto formulates the maxim thatimperium…non potestatis tantummodo uocabulum, sed etiam orationis(‘’command’…is a word connoting not only power, but also oratory’ [p.123.16-17 van den Hout]). This essay will explore the political background and implications of trends and shifts in Roman ways of thinking about language and oratory in the transition from Republic to Principate. The word declension in my title functions in two senses: literally, in the case of Caesar's discussion of the nature of the Latin language (inDe Analogia) and his rivalry with Cicero's views on oratorical style; and figuratively, in the perception of decline in oratory expressed by the elder Seneca and other writers of the early Principate. I hope to be able to present a new approach to, and understanding of, both these aspects.
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Gordon, Alex L. "Au service de l'argumentation : le classement des figures chez Guillaume Tardif." Études littéraires 24, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/500984ar.
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Le Rhetoricae artis ac oratoriae facultatis compendium de Guillaume Tardif est la seconde rhétorique intégrale en langue latine à être publiée par un auteur français. Remaniée dans trois éditions postérieures, elle témoigne d'un intérêt profond pour la tradition oratoire et d'un désir pressant de l'adapter aux besoins contemporains. Tardif montre sa plus grande originalité dans le classement des figures : les divisant selon leur convenance aux différentes parties du discours, il essaie d'envisager le style en fonction du contenu, restaurant ainsi à la rhétorique son unité perdue. Cette ingénieuse tentative a été reprise par Pierre Fabri dans son Grand et Vray Art de pleine rhétorique (1521). L'influence de Tardif a cessé quand le travail de Fabri fut éclipsé dans la deuxième moitié du XVIe siècle par la nouvelle rhétorique ramiste.
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Andrijasevic, Marina. "Cicero’s mission of transferring Greek philosophy into Latin language and the creation of Latin philosophical terminology." Theoria, Beograd 64, no. 3 (2021): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo2103039a.
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Marcus Tullius Cicero is considered to be one of the greatest Roman statesmen and orators, however, this lucid creator?s philosophical writings lie in the shadow of his highly valued speeches, rhetorical writings and letters. He is widely regarded as a politician, lawyer, orator, yet few consider him a philosopher. This seems unjustified, having in mind that he received an outstanding philosophical education, wrote about numerous philosophical subjects, translated and explicated Greek authors and their philosophical doctrine. The goal of this paper is to show Cicero?s contribution to the transfer of Greek philosophy onto Latin soil, illuminate his role in the creation of Latin philosophical terminology, as well as reasons which motivated him to do so. Our subject will be presented from a linguoculturological aspect with the analysis of some of the terms, which Cicero imported into Latin philosophical vocabulary.
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Prus, Robert. "Influence Work, Resistance, and Educational Life-Worlds: Quintilian’s [Marcus Fabius Quintilianus] (35-95 CE) Analysis of Roman Oratory as an Instructive Ethnohistorical Resource and Conceptual Precursor of Symbolic Interactionist Scholarship." Qualitative Sociology Review 18, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 6–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-8077.18.3.01.
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Despite the striking affinities of classical Greek and Latin rhetoric with the pragmatist/interactionist analysis of the situated negotiation of reality and its profound relevance for the analysis of human group life more generally, few contemporary social scientists are aware of the exceptionally astute analyses of persuasive interchange developed by Aristotle, Cicero, and Quintilian.
Having considered the analyses of rhetoric developed by Aristotle (384-322 BCE) and Cicero (106-43 BCE) in interactionist terms (Prus 2007a; 2010), the present paper examines Quintilian’s (35-95 CE) contributions to the study of persuasive interchange more specifically and the nature of human knowing and acting more generally.
Focusing on the education and practices of orators (rhetoricians), Quintilian (a practitioner as well as a distinctively thorough instructor of the craft) provides one of the most sustained, most systematic analyses of influence work and resistance to be found in the literature.
Following an overview of Quintilian’s “ethnohistorical” account of Roman oratory, this paper concludes by drawing conceptual parallels between Quintilian’s analysis of influence work and the broader, transcontextual features of symbolic interactionist scholarship (Mead 1934; Blumer 1969; Prus 1996; 1997; 1999; Prus and Grills 2003). This includes “generic social processes” such as: acquiring perspectives, attending to identity, being involved, doing activity, engaging in persuasive interchange, developing relationships, experiencing emotionality, attaining linguistic fluency, and participating in collective events. Offering a great many departure points for comparative analysis, as well as ethnographic examinations of the influence process, Quintilian’s analysis is particularly instructive as he addresses these and related aspects of human knowing, acting, and interchange in highly direct, articulate, and detailed ways.
Acknowledging the conceptual, methodological, and analytic affinities of The Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian with symbolic interactionism, an epilogue, Quintilian as an Intellectual Precursor to American Pragmatist Thought and the Interactionist Study of Human Group Life, addresses the relative lack of attention given to classical Greek and Latin scholarship by the American pragmatists and their intellectual progeny, as well as the importance of maintaining a more sustained transcontextual and transhistorical focus on the study of human knowing, acting, and interchange.
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Milovanović-Barham, Čelica. "Three Levels of Style in Augustine of Hippo and Gregory of Nazianzus." Rhetorica 11, no. 1 (1993): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.1993.11.1.1.
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Abstract: In Book 4 of De doctrina Christiana St. Augustine suggests that the three levels of style in Christian oratory should reflect the level of emotional impact on the audience, which would result in frequent variation through the course of the speech. Augustine's literary theory seems to be in complete agreement with contemporary oratorical practice, not only Latin, in the West, but Greek too—witness St. Gregory of Nazianzus, whose Oration 42, The Last Farewell,is used as an example in this article. Finally, a comparison between Augustine's views and those of some later Greek rhetoricians suggests that he may have been influenced as much by their ideas as by his acknowledged source and predecessor, Cicero.
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Gouvêa Júnior, Márcio Meirelles. "Ars Rhetorica: Petrônio, Satyricon, 5." Nuntius Antiquus 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.9.1.215-233.
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The twenty-two verses that make up Chapter 5 of <em>Satyricon </em>describe the guidelines of the formation of <em>perfectus orator</em>, as defined by Cato, Tacitus and Quintilian. However, the function of the poem in the assembly of this Latin novel is to accentuate the gap between educational theory during the early empire and the practice of an effective teaching of oratory – a practice deemed decadent since the final years of the republic. The poem, therefore, satirizes the educational processes at the time, serving as an object of sarcasm to the readers of ancient Rome
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JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.
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Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.
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Urbaniak, Artur. "Contemporary homo politicus as an ideal orator. A pragmalinguistic analysis of the inaugural addresses of American presidents from 1981 to 2021." Scripta Neophilologica Posnaniensia 22 (December 30, 2022): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/snp2022.22.11.
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The article is a pragmalinguistic analysis of the inaugural addresses delivered by U.S. presidents from 1981 to 2021. The study was conducted using Voyant Tools, a computer software used in corpus linguistics. Four aspects/parameters of the text that affect its level of complexity and thus the level of assimilation of the message (reading ease) were examined. The analysis included (1) lexical density; (2) average sentence length; (3) readability indices including: Gunning Fog, Flesch-Kincaid and SMOG Index; and (4) a tag cloud (cirrus). The point of reference is the classical Ciceronian concept of the Ideal Speaker, which assumes that the political communicator is both erudite, and linguistically competent, encompassing Latin terms sapientia (the personification of widsdom) and eloquentia (the art of oratory). It boils down to an assumption that a fully competent political actor knows the rules of making speeches so as to reach both elites (Latin: optimates) and ordinary citizens (Latin populares). Using a pragmalinguistic approach, it was questioned whether the presidential addresses analyzed provide evidence that the communicators delivering them meet the criteria, fitting into the role of the ideal orator.
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Labate, Mario. "Rolling words: un’idea dell’espressione oratoria e dell’ispirazione poetica fra Antichità e Rinascimento." DILEF. Rivista digitale del Dipartimento di Lettere e Filosofia, no. 1 (March 8, 2022): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35948/dilef/2022.3297.
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AbstractL’articolo intende portare nuovi contributi all’interpretazione di un luogo famoso dell’Ars poetica di Orazio (323 ore rotundo...loqui) in cui il poeta esprime apprezzamento e ammirazione nei confronti dei Greci per le loro nobili attitudini e le eccellenti realizzazioni sul piano artistico e linguistico-letterario. Qual è il preciso significato nel contesto oraziano? Quali sono i precedenti greci e/o latini di una formula destinata, come tante altre incisive espressioni del poeta, ad assumere valore di proverbio? Quale ne è stato l'impiego nella significativa ricezione umanistica e quali eventuali slittamenti di senso ha comportato? In particolare ci si sofferma su aspetti trascurati della terminologia retorica e critico-letteraria come volubilis/volubilitas, in relazione all’asianesimo e alla poetica dell’ispirazione divina.This paper intends to make new contributions to the interpretation of a famous passage in Horace's Ars poetica (323 ore rotundo...loqui) in which the poet expresses his appreciation and admiration of the Greeks for their noble attitudes and excellent achievements in the artistic and linguistic-literary spheres. What is the precise meaning in the Horatian context? What are the Greek and/or Latin precedents of a formula destined, like so many other incisive expressions of the poet, to take on the value of a proverb? What was its use in the significant humanistic reception and what shifts in meaning did it entail? In particular, we focus on neglected aspects of rhetorical and critical-literary terminology such as volubilis/volubilitas, in relation to Asianism and the poetics of divine inspiration.
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Arbea, Antonio. "VIRGILIO SEGÚN JUAN PABLO II." Onomázein Revista de lingüística filología y traducción 8 (2003): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/onomazein.8.13.
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El año 1981, con motivo de la conmemoración de los dos mil años de la muerte de Virgilio, el Papa Juan Pablo II pronunció un ilustrado discurso, en latín, en torno a la figura y la obra del poeta latino. En este artículo se traducen y comentan algunos pasajes destacados de esta singular pieza oratoria.
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Desilva, David A. "What has Athens to Do with Patmos? Rhetorical Criticism of the Revelation of John (1980—2005)." Currents in Biblical Research 6, no. 2 (June 2008): 256–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x07083629.
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While Revelation does not immediately recommend itself for analysis along the lines of Greek and Latin rhetoric, scholars have made considerable progress analyzing the persuasive strategies of Revelation from this methodological orientation. Energetic attention has been given to John's strategies for establishing authority for his message and deconstructing the authority of rival 'orators'. A number of articles have identified and analyzed implicit and explicit enthymemes in Revelation, the deployment of typical epideictic and deliberative topics, and the contributions of intertexture to rational persuasion. Study of John's style has demonstrated John's finesse and purposefulness in deploying standard figures of thought and diction, while investigation of rhetorical arrangement has generally proceeded in ways that have respected Revelation's complexity and its distance from the standard forms of oratory. Although critics generally affirm the importance of John's appeals to the emotions, this line of investigation has been the least developed.
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Kaniecki, Rafal. "L’influsso del luogo e del rito della santa messa sull’adempimento del precetto festivo." Prawo Kanoniczne 63, no. 4 (November 6, 2020): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2020.63.4.01.
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Il Concilio di Adge (506) decise che si poteva adempiere il precetto festivo soltanto nella propria chiesa parrocchiale. Questa norma si è diffusa nella Chiesa latina e sopravviveva fino al Concilio di Trento (1545-1563), quantunque già in precedenza essa fosse stata indebolita dal diritto consuetudinario che permetteva di soddisfare l’obbligo, in determinate situazioni, anche in altre chiese parrocchiali, e anche, grazie ai privilegi papali, nelle chiese degli ordini mendicanti. Dal Concilio di Trento in poi i fedeli possono essere soltanto invogliati all’adempimento del precetto nella propria chiesa parrocchiale. Inoltre i loro concesso farlo negli oratori semi-privati, semi-pubblici, in alcuni oratori privati, e fuori dei luoghi sacri, partecipando alla Messa celebrata sugli altari portatili. Nella normativa vigente attuale basta partecipare alla Messa celebrata in qualunque luogo, però la celebrazione eucaristica fuori del luogo sacro richiede, per la liceità, il previo consenso dell’Ordinario.
Il precetto festivo viene adempiuto attraverso la partecipazione alla Messa celebrata nel rito cattolico. Dal XIX secolo i cattolici latini e orientali possono adempierlo partecipando alla Messa nel rito diverso dal loro proprio. Mentre il “Direttorio ecumenico” (1967) aveva ammesso anche la possibilità di adempierlo occasionalmente attraverso la partecipazione alla Messa celebrata dai non cattolici, il “Direttorio ecumenico” (1993) attuale ha abrogato espressamente questo privilegio.
La partecipazione alla Messa cattolica celebrata da un sacerdote scomunicato, interdetto, sospeso, se la sua pena è pubblica, adempie il precetto festivo, però un fedele può essere punito con giusta pena per la partecipazione in essa.
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Lucas, Mônica. "Johann Mattheson e o ideal do Músico Perfeito." Per Musi, no. 35 (December 2016): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/permusi20163506.
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Resumo: O Der Vollkommene Capellmeister ("O mestre-de-capela Perfeito") é o último escrito musical de Johann Mattheson (1671-1764) e, sem dúvida, sua obra mais ambiciosa. Ela representa o mais importante dos escritos pertencentes ao gênero de preceptivas musicais conhecidas como Musica Poetica - um conjunto de tratados surgidos entre os sécs. XVI e XVIII que faz uso sistemático de conceitos oriundos da instituição oratória para descrever os elementos da composição e da actio musical. Neste texto discorrer-se-á sobre a noção do músico-orador perfeito. Inicialmente, será examinada a maneira como Mattheson se representa em sua autobiografia, não como sujeito individual, mas como tipo cortesão humanista, cristão, luterano, propondo uma leitura da mesma a partir do universo poético-retórico. Nesta parte, será possível definir também o tipo constituído pelos destinatários da obra. Com isto, será possível evidenciar como o autor alemão emula lugares-comuns já apresentados em retóricas latinas, em especial o De Oratore ciceroniano e a Institutio Oratoria, de Quintiliano ao definir o mestre-de-capela perfeito. Finalmente, serão examinados lugares-comuns diretamente ligados à ideia do músico perfeito: a possibilidade de se atingir a perfeição, os requisitos para alcançá-la, assim como a contribuição da natureza e da arte para esta tarefa e a importância de conhecimentos extrínsecos à técnica musical para se atingir este ideal.
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Baycer Junior, Ivan. "AVGVSTINVS HIPONENSIS, VIR CHRISTIANUS, DICENDI PERITUS: Análise das influências clássicas na proposta de formação oratória agostiniana." CODEX – Revista de Estudos Clássicos 2, no. 2 (December 5, 2010): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25187/codex.v2i2.2810.
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<div class="page" title="Page 42"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Neste trabalho expor-se-á uma análise das influências clássicas presentes na proposta de formação oratória agostiniana, a ser desenvolvida paralelamente ao estudo das concepções de retórica no seio do cristianismo. Buscando-se observar que a apresentação elaborada por Agostinho de Hipona à eloquência clássica reflete simultaneamente a repulsa por seu passado e as concepções herdadas pela formação cristã. Desta forma, perceber-se-á que o antigo retor propõe bases para uma eloquência não artificiosa, cujas bases espelham as concepções paulinas </span><span>– </span><span>profundamente influenciadas pelo platonismo </span><span>– </span><span>e a herança retórica latina, representada principalmente por Cícero. Proposta desenvolvida no decorrer do quarto livro do tratado <em>De doctrina christiana</em>, foco deste estudo, onde se vê Agostinho refletir e embasar o ideal de orador simples, de fala sábia e não artificiosa. </span></p><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><strong>AVGVSTINVS HIPONENSIS, VIR CHRISTIANUS, DICENDI PERITUS: Analysis of classical influences in the proposal of Augustinian oratorical training</strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><span>This work will expose an analysis of classical influences present in the proposal of Augustinian oratorical training, being developed in parallel with the study of concepts of rhetoric within Christianity. Aiming to note that the presentation prepared by Augustine of Hippo to the classical eloquence simultaneously reflects the rejection to his past and the ideas inherited by the Christian formation. Thus, it will realize that the old rhetorician proposes bases for a non artificial eloquence, whose bases reflect the Pauline conceptions </span><span>– </span><span>strongly influenced by Platonism </span><span>– </span><span>and the Latin rhetorical heritage, represented mainly by Cicero. Proposal developed during the fourth book of the treatise De doctrina Christiana, the focus of this study, where we see Augustine to reflect and to base the ideal of simple orator, with wise speech and non artificial. </span></p><p><span><strong>Keywords:</strong> Christianity; Latin Patristics; Augustine of Hippo; Rhetoric. </span></p></div></div></div><p><span><br /></span></p></div></div></div>
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Azarova, Valentina Vladimirovna. "The “undying archaic elements” in dramatic oratorio by Arthur Honegger “Joan of Arc at the Stake”." Человек и культура, no. 1 (January 2020): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2020.1.31950.
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The subject of this research is the integration of the elements of old genres in to a composition of Arthur Honegger’s dramatic oratorio. Particular attention is paid to formation of the system of interrelated intonation-dramaturgical spheres and vocal-symphonic development of recurring themes, motifs and sound symbols. The author examines the interaction of verbal and vocal-symphonic elements of sound fabric. The goal consists in identification of the traits of old genres and other archaic elements within the synthetic form of musical/dramatic theatre, as well as determination of the dominant aspect of musical meaning therein. Research methodology is based on the musical-hermeneutic reconstruction of the process of composing, detection of the fundamental principles of musical dramaturgy along with functions of cited by the composer Latin texts in the synthetic form of dramatic oratorio. The main method for this work became the musical-theoretical analysis of polyphonic vocal-symphonic musical fabric, and analysis of the verbal texts of voice part in the French and Latin languages, in de visu score. This article is first to interpret integration of the genre codes of medieval mystery play and citations from liturgical texts of the previous eras, including the Holy Scripture, into the compositions of dramatic oratorio of Arthur Honegger as the means for creating temporal multidimensionality of the synthetic form of French musical/dramaturgical theatre of the XX century within the context of Christian tradition. Honegger has overcome the linearity of narration through integration into the composition of the traits of previous eras. The citation of liturgical texts, including Holy Scripture, lead to expansion of the semantic space of literary text of the dramatic oratorio. This established the idea of synthesis of time and eternity characteristic to Christianity.
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Lorenzo Lorenzo, Juan. "Una confrontación político-retórica: los discursos de Filipo, Perseo y Demetrio en Tito Livio (40, 5-16)." Veleia, no. 32 (September 15, 2015): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/veleia.14977.
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En los múltiples trabajos acerca de la relación entre retórica e historiografía son objeto de especial atención las alocuciones pronunciadas por destacados personajes políticos y las arengas militares, clasificadas entre los discursos de naturaleza deliberativa. Sin embargo, apenas han despertado el interés de los investigadores los escasos discursos pertenecientes al género judicial. En este trabajo estudio, desde el punto de vista de la preceptiva retórica, los discursos de acusación y defensa pronunciados por Perseo y Demetrio, única muestra de oratoria forense en la monumental obra del historiador latino Tito Livio.
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Renzo, Anthony Di. "His Master's Voice: Tiro and the Rise of the Roman Secretarial Class." Journal of Technical Writing and Communication 30, no. 2 (April 2000): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/b4yd-5fp7-1w8d-v3uc.
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The foundation for Rome's imperial bureaucracy was laid during the first century B.C., when functional and administrative writing played an increasingly dominant role in the Late Republic. During the First and Second Triumvirates, Roman society, once primarily oral, relied more and more on documentation to get its official business done. By the reign of Augustus, the orator had ceded power to the secretary, usually a slave trained as a scribe or librarian. This cultural and political transformation can be traced in the career of Marcus Tullius Tiro (94 B.C. to 4 A.D.), Cicero's confidant and amanuensis. A freedman credited with the invention of Latin shorthand (the notae Tironianae), Tiro transcribed and edited Cicero's speeches, composed, collected, and eventually published his voluminous correspondence, and organized and managed his archives and library. As his former master's fortune sank with the dying Republic, Tiro's began to rise. After Cicero's assassination, he became the orator's literary executor and biographer. His talents were always in demand under the new bureaucratic regime, and he prospered by producing popular grammars and secretarial manuals. He died a wealthy centenarian and a full Roman citizen.
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O'Sullivan, Neil. "Two notes on [Vergil] Catalepton 2." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (December 1986): 496–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012234.
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The difficulty of this little poem is shown by the facts that Ausonius had no idea what it was about, and that Westendorp Boerma's commentary takes 22 pages to explicate its five lines. The latter relies on Quintilian 8.3.27ff., who quotes the poem, saying that Vergil wrote it to attack a certain Cimber for his taste in obsolete words. This is no doubt the Annius Cimber whom Augustus ridiculed when reprimanding Mark Antony for a similar foible (Suet. Aug. 86) and who, as an antiquarius is contrasted with the Asiatici oratores. For convenience, I have kept Westendorp Boerma's text, but I take issue with his interpretation on two points.4 tau Gallicum: since Bücheler tentatively suggested it in RhM 38 (1883), 508, the standard explanation of this has been to point out that a number of Latin inscriptions in Gaul use a Greek θ or else a barred D (Ð), to represent what appears to have been a dental fricative elsewhere indicated in Latin by -sd- or -st-. Thus Frank, AJP 56 (1935), 255, quotes (T)HYÐRITANVS (CIL xii 686) for what is elsewhere spelled Thysdritanus, and says that ‘Ð clearly represents the best that one Celt could do with sd’. On the basis of this supposed Gallic incompetence, Frank went on to see the repeated -st- sounds in the poem as some sort of joke on the orator's inability to pronounce this sound. His view seems to have been generally accepted.There seems to me a profound error in this viewpoint which shows cultural imperialism at its worst. First, let us note that none of the examples of alleged substitution are in Latin words; they are native names for people or places or things. The Latin names by which we know some of them are only the approximation of foreigners, and not in any sense the ‘correct’ names of those people or places.
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Kim, Charles G. "“Ipsa ructatio euangelium est”." Augustinian Studies 50, no. 2 (2019): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies201961354.
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In a curious turn of phrase that he offered to a particular congregation, Augustine claims that a belch became the Gospel: “Ipsa ructatio euangelium est.” The reference comes at the end of a longer digression in Sermon (s.) 341 [Dolbeau 22] about how John the Evangelist, a fisherman, came to produce his Gospel, namely he belched out what he drank in. The use of a mundane word like ructare in an oration concerning a divine being contravenes a rhetorical prohibition known as tapinosis. This kind of speech was prohibited in ancient oratory because it humiliated the subject of the declamation, and this was especially problematic if the subject was divine. According to Augustine’s reading of scripture, if the divine willfully chose to be humiliated in order to teach humility to others by example, then the person delivering a speech about the divine could contravene this oratorical vice. This article argues that Augustine does precisely that in s. 341 by examining the reasons for Augustine’s use of the terms ructare and iumentum. Specifically, it traces their usage in various Latin texts from Cicero to Plautus to the Psalms. It argues that the virtue of humility is manifest in the very language which Augustine deploys all along the way.
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ZUGRAVU, Nelu. "Veterum principum exempla superare: un motiv retoric și ideologic în epigrafia, istoriografia și oratoria latină târzie." Classica et Christiana 17, no. 1 (2022): 309–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/cetc-2022-17.1.309.
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Buchanan, Brad. "From Adfectatio to “Affectation”: Affection as Catachresis in Shakespearean Texts." Rhetorica 40, no. 4 (2022): 383–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2022.40.4.383.
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This article argues that the catachrestic usage of “affection” to mean “affectation” in Shakespearean drama may be best understood with reference to Quintilian’s Institutio oratoria, which employs catachresis in using the existing Latin word adfectatio to render the Greek word κακόζηλον [cacozēlon]. Quintilian’s influential picture of the all-encompassing rhetorical vice of adfectatio, his catachrestic practice, and his descriptions of catachresis as both a necessary extension of the meaning of an existing word and a poetic device, appear to have influenced Shakespeare’s portrayal of some of his most complex and articulate characters, among them Hamlet and Leontes (of The Winter’s Tale). Through these characters and their catachrestic speeches, we are forced to contend with the possibility that their “affections” may be nothing more (or less) than “affectations.”
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Margolin, Jean-Claude. "Clarence H. Miller, Un fin connaisseur d’Érasme et de son temps." Moreana 35 (Number 135-, no. 3-4 (December 1998): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1998.35.3-4.8.
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Éditeur, commentateur, traducteur d’Érasme et de More, C. Miller s’est particulièrement illustré dans ses travaux sur l’Encomium Moriae et dans sa traduction des poèmes de l’humaniste hollandais. Attentif aux “métamorphoses” de la Moria, il a étudié avec une rigueur extrême les diverses éditions de ce texte fameux, en tenant compte notamment du commentaire de Listrius, pour donner en 1979 une excellente traduction de The Praise of Folly (Yale U.P.) et une non moins excellente édition critique de ce texte (Amsterdam, North-Holland Publ. Comp.). Plus récemment (en 1993), s’attaquant avec Harry Vredeveld aux poèmes d’Érasme—Vredeveld est l’éditeur des Carmina dans l’édition critique d’Amsterdam—il en fournit la première traduction complète en langue anglaise, sans chercher à opposer aux différents mètres latins les équivalents approximatifs d’ une métrique anglaise: mais c’est une prose poétique, d’une parfaite rigueur, brillante—souvent plus brillante que le modèle latin—, attentive aux nuances subtiles de l’affectivité d’Érasme comme à ses variations d’humeur, passant du grave au mélancolique, ou du dévotieux à l’humoristique selon la couleur du temps, le thème choisi, le destinataire, l’étiage psychique du poeta orator.
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Curtright, Travis. "Thomas More and the “genius” of Utopia." Moreana 54 (Number 207), no. 1 (June 2017): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2017.0003.
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Was Thomas More a “genius”? This essay examines the meaning and English translation of the Latin word ingenium in the prefatory letters to the 1518 edition of Utopia. In the context of the classical oratorical tradition and its important iteration and adjustment in De copia (1512–34), the uses of ingenium indicate how humanist readers of Utopia assessed More's rhetorical abilities.
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Giunta, Fabio. "Il Predicatore di Francesco Panigarola: un nuovo modello di eloquenza sacra per il seicento." Acta Neophilologica 45, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2012): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/an.45.1-2.109-118.
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The seventeenth century marks the advent of preaching, in both Italy and Europe, as a literary form. Francesco Panigarola (1548-1594) did certainly play a major role in this process thanks to his treatises on sacred oratory and years of preaching activity in several Italian and European cities - during which he developed important relationships and personally experienced some of the most significant events of the century. Panigarolaʼs Il predicatore is a seventeenth-century example of rhetoric that whilst based on classical oratory complies with the precepts of the Counter- Reformation. This treaty, published posthumously in 1609, is structured as a commentary on the pseudo-Demetriusʼs work on eloquence. Il predicatore, besides serving as an Italian/Florentine translation of and commentary on Pier Vettoriʼs De elocutione (the Latin version of Perì Ermeneias), passes on and adapts the rhetorical precepts of classical oratory to the renewed exigencies of the language and of Italian preachers.
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Schniebs, Alicia. "El estado soy yo: salus rei publicae e identidad en Cicerón." Minerva. Revista de Filología Clásica, no. 16 (February 5, 2019): 107–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/mrfc.16.2003.107-117.
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Salus rei publicae is a standard expression of the Latin political vocabulary that implies the personification of the state. In this paper we study how this personification works as a tool of pathos used to build the opponent’s identity as hostis publicus and his own identity as a savior within the ciceronian oratory between 63 BC and 52 BC.
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Caravolas, Jean Antoine. "Apprendre à Parler Une Langue Étrangère à la Renaissance." Historiographia Linguistica 22, no. 3 (January 1, 1995): 275–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.22.3.02car.
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Résumé À la Renaissance la pédagogie des langues est fortement influencée par l’Institution Oratoire de Quintilien. En règle générate, on apprend à parler le latin au collège, de manière formelle, par les règles, sans grand succès, semble-t-il. On apprend à parler les langues vivantes, d’habitude, hors de l’école, de manière informelle, par l’usage, mieux et plus rapidement. Àvec le recul du latin la conversation entre étrangers se déroule, de plus en plus, en une langue vivante. Vers la fin du XVIIe siècle, dans certains collèges, les langues modernes, étudiées jusque-là comme option, entrent dans le programme. Les maîtres qui les enseignent ajoutent alors à leur enseignement l’étude systématique de la grammaire. De leur côté, beaucoup de professeurs de collège, pour rendre l’étude du latin plus attrayante, accordent une plus grande place àl’enseignement de l’oral. L’introduction de cette méthode ‘mixte’ ou de ‘compromis’ mène rarement àl’amélioration de la compétence orale des élèves, en latin ou en langue vivante. Apprendre àparler une langue étrangère reste l’habileté la plus difficile à acquérir en milieu scolaire, peu importe la méthode utilisée.
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Sgarbi, Marco. "Francesco Robortello's Rhetoric. On the Orator and his Arguments." Rhetorica 34, no. 3 (2016): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2016.34.3.243.
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This paper deals with the conception of rhetoric of one of the most prominent Renaissance scholars, Francesco Robortello, and focuses in particular on his vernacular manuscript entitled Dell'oratore, probably his final statement on the topic, the transcription of which is included in the appendix. The study of the manuscript will be integrated with the examination of Robortello's Latin published works on rhetoric, that is De rhetorica facultate (1548) and De artificio dicendi (1567), as well as of some of his schemes in printed and manuscript form.
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Dozier, Curtis. "RHETORICAL DISPLAY AND PRODUCTIVE DISSONANCE IN QUINTILIAN'S QUOTATIONS OF POETRY." Ramus 51, no. 2 (December 2022): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2022.14.
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Among Latin rhetorical treatises and imperial writers on technical subjects, the Institutio Oratoria stands out for the sheer number of quotations of poetry that Quintilian incorporates into his discussion. Whereas Cicero's De Inuentione has 13 quotations of poetry and the Rhetorica ad Herennium 16, the index locorum in Russell's Loeb edition of the Institutio records 320 quotations from Greek and Latin poets. Despite the distinctive scale of Quintilian's engagement with poetry, scholars have not taken much interest in it, perhaps under the influence of the persistent belief that in the imperial period ‘the introduction of poetry into orations as an ornament of style’ was ‘often a useless affectation’ or that such quotations constitute mere ‘window dressing’. Early twentieth-century treatments such as that of Cole, who evaluated Quintilian's citations of poets for their ‘textual accuracy’, and Odgers, who used the relative infrequency of Quintilian's quotation of Greek literature to establish the limits of Quintilian's knowledge of Greek, set a tone of dismissiveness in relation to any question of how and why Quintilian quotes poetry as he does: Cole and Odgers attribute any ‘discrepancies’ between Quintilian's quotations and those found in the manuscripts of the poets he quoted to a (presumed) tendency to quote from memory that made him ‘rather liable to errors’. Later critics have extrapolated from their findings to attribute to Quintilian the ‘grave deficiency’ of ‘know[ing] little directly of the major Greek writers’ and to diagnose ‘intellectual stagnation’ in his engagement with Latin literature. These negative judgements are, of course, in line with the traditional assessment of Quintilian as ‘neither a great writer nor a great thinker’, one who is ‘more often belittled than understood’.
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D'Elia, Anthony F. "Marriage, Sexual Pleasure, and Learned Brides in the Wedding Orations of Fifteenth-Century Italy." Renaissance Quarterly 55, no. 2 (2002): 379–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262314.
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In the fifteenth century, Guarino Guarini, Ludovico Carbone, Francesco Filelfo, and other humanists composed and delivered Latin orations at courtly weddings in Ferrara, Naples, and Milan. In these epithalatmia, which are mostly unpublished, orators adapt a classically inspired conception of marriage to Italian court culture. They defend physical beauty and sexual pleasure, praise learned brides, and assert the importance of mutual affection, revealing a complex picture of ideal gender relations in courts. Against the ancient and Christian anti-marriage ascetic traditions, humanists offer biblical, philosophical, political, economic, and hedonistic arguments in defense of marriage.
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Ótott, Noemi. "Siete voi qui, ser Brunetto?». I volti di Brunetto Latini: rappresentazione e autorappresentazione." Italianistica Debreceniensis 23 (December 1, 2017): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.34102/italdeb/2017/4642.
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As in portrait (attributed to Giotto) of Brunetto Latini and Dante Alighieri, history has tended to pair the two poets, who were both exiled from their native Florence. The role played by Brunetto Latini in Florence’s history paralleled that of the orator Cicero in Republican Rome and Dante, his student, was Florence’s Virgil. The famous “Brunetto’s Song” (Canto XV of Inferno) has generated many controversies, determined and justified by an uninterrupted and secular reflection. The encounter between the protagonist-traveler and his master has great importance also from the point of view of the creation of The Divine Comedy. But the old florentine intellectual does not only appear in this canto: in fact, he is the author and, at the same time, the protagonist of the famous opera Il Tesoretto, a didactic-allegorical poem written in volgare. In my study I focus on the figure of Brunetto Latini and on his representation by Dante. At first I examine the protagonist Latini: how he appears in the canto and what his part is in The Divine Comedy. Then I concentrate on the author Latini and I try to identify the poet’s voices in the texts and descriptions according to the context.
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Zugravu, Nelu. "Tempestatis obsequium in principem." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 34, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v34i1.912.
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Among the sources that reflect the transformations occurred in the imperial ideology during the 3rd-4th centuries, we find the speeches uttered between 289 and 389 in official and solemn circumstances by orators from Gallia (some of them anonymous), reunited since the Antiquity in the corpus entitled Panegyrici Latini. A special place in this respect is occupied by the divine nature of the emperor. The biography on the matter is rather consistent, but we may still add to the discussion an aspect that has not been approached thus far, and that I will approach in this paper, namely the relation between the princeps and the elements of nature. The analysis of the paragraphs concerning the control over the physical universe by the sovereigns allows the emphasis on aesthetical formulas through which the orators have accentuated certain defining elements of the ideology conveyed using their discourses – the cosmocratic rulership, exceptional civilian and military powers, legitimate election, the consensus between the Court and the provincial political circles. The sections of the paper are based on these aspects: 1. Maximianus – fortitudo; fortuna; felicitas; 2. Constantius and the providentia; 3. Constantine – utilitas publica; virtus; princeps salutaris; 4. Theodosius and the meritocratic principality.
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Stępkowski, Aleksander. "Wawrzyniec Grzymała Goślicki - życie i działalność." Prawo Kanoniczne 42, no. 1-2 (June 15, 1999): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1999.42.1-2.09.
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The article is sacrificed to the person of Wawrzyniec Grzymała Goślicki (Laurentius Grimaldus Goslicus), senator and bishop of Poland, author of the political treaties De optimo senatore. The treaties is one of less known in Poland, but was very popular in England, where it was published in English three times (The Counsellor [1598], A Comonwealth of good counsaile [1607], The Accomplished Senator [1733]). We do knowalso that the treaty was twice plagiarised, first in Germany as Jurisprudentiae Politicae, apud Antonium Hummium (1611), second one was The Sage Senator published in England (1660). There is also a manuscript of English translation of the first book of the treaties (1585). There are other evidences of its popularity in England and western Europe. In USA the treaties is considered as influencing authors of Declaration of Independence and Constitution of USA. Reprint of The Accomplished Senator was published in USA in 1992. The most probable date of his birth is 1538 in Goślice near Płock. He studied at Jagiellonian University theology and liberal arts (1556-1562). Than hewas continuing his education in Padua and Bologna studying theology, philosophy, oratory, Greeks, astronomy and law, finishing it as utrisque iuris doctor. It was stressed that he was one of the most educated person in Poland. As humanist he was not only political writer but also splendid orator and poet, writing in Latin. After his return to Poland Goślicki acts in the Royal secretary, proceeding many diplomatic missions. Simultaneously he is member of hierarchy of Catholic Church in Poland. In 1587 he entered Senat as a bishop of Kamieniec, than Chełm (1590), Przemyśl (1591), Poznań (1601). As bishop he had been introducing reforms of Tridentina. In 1593 with few persons was preparing Union of Brześć on the ground of which the orthodox hierarchy returned to Catholic Church. In politics Goślicki was acting as mediator between conflicting parties. Died in 1607 in Ciążyń preparing synod in Poznań. His sepulchre is in Cathedral in Poznań.
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Mari, Tommaso. "The Grammarian Consentius on Errors Concerning the Accent in Spoken Latin." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 623–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.54.
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Summary:The 5th-century Gaulish grammarian Consentius wrote an extensive treatise on errors in spoken Latin. In the Roman grammatical tradition, errors in single words are deemed to arise by means of the improper addition, removal, substitution, and misplacement of one of the constitutive elements of the word (letter, syllable, quantity, accent, and aspiration). Late grammarians assumed that the four catego- ries of change applied to accents too, but only Consentius provided an example for each of these cases. However, his discussion poses some problems. The examples of removal, substitution and misplacement of an accent all concern the word orator and present oddities such as a circumflex accent on the antepe- nultimate syllable; they were clearly made up for the sake of completeness and have no bearing on our understanding of Vulgar Latin. On the other hand, the example of addition of an accent is tríginta, with retraction of the accent on the antepenultimate syllable; this must be genuine and fits in well with current reconstructions of most Romance continuations of Latin triginta (Italian trenta, French trente, etc.) and other vigesimals (uiginti, quadraginta, etc.).
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García-Bryce, Iñigo. "Transnational Activist: Magda Mortal and the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), 1926–1950." Americas 70, no. 04 (April 2014): 677–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500003606.
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In March of 1929, die young Peruvian poet and political activist Magda Portal departed from die Yucatan in Mexico to give a series of lectures in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Colombia. She traveled as an emissary of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (American Popular Revolutionary Alliance, APRA), a recendy founded political organization that sought to transform Latin America by creating a united front against foreign imperialism. On July 14, in Santo Domingo she gave a lecture titled “Latin America Confronted by Imperialism,” at “the largest theater in town” to an audience of about 200. Her presence as an intelligent, energetic, and beautiful woman, standing on stages normally reserved to men, enhanced the power of her words, and she was well aware of the striking effect on audiences of seeing a woman in the traditionally male role of political orator
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García-Bryce, Iñigo. "Transnational Activist: Magda Mortal and the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA), 1926–1950." Americas 70, no. 4 (April 2014): 677–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0052.
Full textAbstract:
In March of 1929, die young Peruvian poet and political activist Magda Portal departed from die Yucatan in Mexico to give a series of lectures in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Colombia. She traveled as an emissary of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (American Popular Revolutionary Alliance, APRA), a recendy founded political organization that sought to transform Latin America by creating a united front against foreign imperialism. On July 14, in Santo Domingo she gave a lecture titled “Latin America Confronted by Imperialism,” at “the largest theater in town” to an audience of about 200. Her presence as an intelligent, energetic, and beautiful woman, standing on stages normally reserved to men, enhanced the power of her words, and she was well aware of the striking effect on audiences of seeing a woman in the traditionally male role of political orator
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Marotta, Giovanna. "On Cicero’s fine-grained perception of the prosodic features in Latin." Journal of Latin Linguistics 17, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe long tradition of philology and comparative linguistics acknowledges the distinctive value of vowel length in Latin phonology. However, to think of Latin as a spoken language, and not only as a literary one, implies the adoption of a sociolinguistic perspective based on the idea of variation, at all levels of grammar. In this view, with due caution, it is possible to argue that vowel length was unstableab antiquoin spoken Latin, at least in the low diaphasic and diastratic levels. In this view, the paper analyzes some passages by Cicero often interpreted as testimonies in favor of the maintenance of contrastive vowel length in the phonological competence of Roman speakers. In those passages, Cicero compares the performance of the orators in theforumto the one of the actors in the theater. This comparison is based on the idea that the competence in the phonetic and prosodic elements of language could determine the success of the locutory act in both communicative contexts. The detailed analysis of the texts suggests that the whistles of the audience in the theater of which Cicero speaks to us might refer to prosodic errors concerning the length of the verse rather than that of the vowel. Therefore, those testimonies could not be considered an evidence in favor of the fine-grained perception of vowel length by all the speakers of Latin.
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De Martino, Marcello. "A proposito di I, V, 22–25 dell’Institutio Oratoria di Quintiliano: corrispondenze ed “interferenze” tra sistemi grafemici e fonologici del greco e del latino." Indogermanische Forschungen 107, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 190–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2002-0110.
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Walser-Bürgler, Isabella. "Staging Oratory in Renaissance Germany: The Delivery of Andrés Laguna's Europa Heautentimorumene (1543)." Rhetorica 38, no. 1 (2020): 84–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2020.38.1.84.
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Not much is known about the actual practice of delivering orations in the Renaissance. In some instances—particularly in instances of orations held at universities—there is the possibility to consult sources like the diaries of the faculties, in order to get some information about the actio of a specific oration. In other instances, sometimes the printed orations themselves, the context they were given in, the author's rhetorical upbringing, and the links between oratory and contemporary acting can provide indications of the way orations were performed. The Latin oration Europa heautentimorumene by the Spanish doctor Andrés Laguna, which was delivered in January 1543 at the University of Cologne and printed shortly afterwards, constitutes such a case.
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Skouen, Tina. "The Vocal Wit of John Dryden." Rhetorica 24, no. 4 (2006): 371–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2006.24.4.371.
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Abstract The English poet-critic John Dryden (1631–1700) took a keen interest in refining the mother tongue. As a literary critic, he was particularly concerned with the contrast between the sound of the vernacular and that of Latin. This study establishes a connection between Dryden's observations on sound and the recommendations concerning elocution found in such seventeenth-century rhetorics as Some Instructions Concerning the Art of Oratory (1659) by Obadiah Walker. In order to appreciate Dryden's use of sound in his own poems, I argue that one should also take into account the phonetic theory provided by contemporary grammars. The study thus pays tribute to the fact that in the age of Dryden the concerns of rhetoric and grammar were closely interwoven.
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Poisson-Gueffier, Jean FranÇois. "« Si res ad synodum traheretur » (I, 416) Les procès imaginaires dans le livre I de l'Ysengrimus." Rhetorica 38, no. 4 (2020): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2020.38.4.411.
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The first book of medieval Latin beast epic, Ysengrimus, relates imaginary trials. In the episodes of the stolen ham and the fishing, the characters, Ysengrin and Renart, imagine that they would convene an ecclesiastic assembly, a synod, and that they would plead their case. Their plead reverses right and wrong (translatio criminis), invents speeches to denigrate each other (sermocinatio), and seems to take the form of large digressions. These speeches, which have been considered as “interminable” and “wordy” by J. Mann and É. Charbonnier, can be reassessed through classical rhetoric. This paper aims to demonstrate that, in spite of the extent of these speeches' apparent rambling, we can extricate some rhetorical structures (constitutiones) from the judicial oratory. This is the first point of a speech that also uses prolixity as an “art of being right.”