Academic literature on the topic 'Oratoria latina'

Entre las manifestaciones artísticas de la cultura romana, la Oratoria ocupa un lugar privilegiado. "Comunicativo" por naturaleza, el pueblo ltálico. Su evolución la examinamos no siempre en modo exhaustivo en las correspondientes etapas de la historia de la literatura latina o bien en los fragmentos o textos de los autores más o menos afortunados en la tradición de sus obras.

En 1848, Alfredo Adolfo Camús, quien llegará a ser el profesor más importante para la enseñanza de la Literatura clásica en la España del XIX, oposita a la cátedra que va a desempeñar durante decenios en la Universidad Central de Madrid. Nuestro objetivo en este trabajo es el estudio de su ejercicio de oposición, la Oratio ad cathedram Litteraturae latinae obtinendam, redactado en latín y conservado en el Archivo General de la Administración del Estado. Nuestro principal hallazgo ha sido el establecimiento de las dos fuentes literarias que lo alimentan: el exordio se basa en la reescritura de un discurso del humanista Marco Antonio Mureto (De laudibus litterarum) y el desarrollo del tema, la vida y obra de Silio Itálico, reutiliza la prosa de un erudito del siglo XVIII: Nicolás Funcio (De imminenti Latinae linguae senectute). En suma, hemos logrado valorar el significado histórico de esta Oratio de Camús a la hora de observar cómo en ella se conjuga la oratoria latina del siglo XVI, fruto del cultivo de la perfección del latín, con la erudición literaria del XVIII, que aún se refería a la literatura latina en términos de Latinae litterae o Historia Latinae linguae.

Las condiciones de producción de la Literatura Latina, una actividad codificada por y para la élite romana masculina, así como la decisión consciente de no conservar la obra del escaso número de mujeres que tuvieron acceso a esa esfera, debido al sesgo androcéntrico en la transmisión literaria, hacen que apenas podamos hablar de Literatura Latina producida por mujeres. No obstante, pese a los adversos avatares que a lo largo del tiempo estas autoras y su obra han padecido, hemos conservado algunos de estos nombres, así como parte de sus obras, en algunas ocasiones de manera fragmentaria. Por ende, este artículo presenta una selección de autoras que, partiendo de los orígenes de la misma Literatura Latina y llegando hasta la última escritora de la antigüedad romana tal y como la conocemos, ilustran la variedad de géneros que las autoras supervivientes de esta literatura cultivaron, tanto en verso (elegías, poesía erótica, sátira, laudatio funebris) como en prosa (oratoria judicial, memorias). A su vez, este rescate dará pie a profundizar en los mecanismos de omisión de estas escritoras y la necesidad de llevar a cabo esta recuperación en nuestros días, para darle a la Literatura Latina un enfoque propio del siglo XXI.

Quintiliano, em diversas passagens da sua Institutio oratoria (4.1.77; 10.1.88-9; 10.1.93), categoriza Ovídio e as suas obras de serem excessivamente lascivi. Diferentemente de Horácio, contudo, que exercia a crítica literária enquanto ocupava também o lugar social de poeta no principado augustano, Quintiliano a exerce em posição exclusiva de orador, em nome de uma instituição retórica sólida e voltada majoritariamente para o fórum público. Assim, não crendo ser lascivus apenas um vocábulo cujo significado é facilmente localizável num dicionário de língua latina, investigamos no presente trabalho o valor objetivamente retórico subjacente ao termo, e se é adequado ou não à obra ovidiana, analisando a variatio ou a variação genérica trabalhada por Ovídio, sobretudo, no mito de Eco e Narciso, presente no canto 3 das Metamorfoses. Para tal, aparelhamo-nos com estudos de Barchiesi (2006), Farrell (2009), Fedeli (2010), Fonseca (2015), Feldherr (2006), Harrison (2006), Hutchinson (2013), Keith (2002), Oliva Neto (2013), Pavlock (2009) Perutelli (2010), Vansan (2016) entre outros sobre o uso dos gêneros poéticos em Ovídio, e com estudos de Feldherr (2006) e Fox (2007) sobre a relação entre retórica e literatura, a posição de Quintiliano e sob que instância de poder fala quando rotula Ovídio de lascivus.

Do powstania nowego wokalno-instrumentalnego gatunku muzycznego, który bujnie rozkwitał w okresie baroku, przyczyniła się działalność rzymskiego kapłana św. Filipa Neriego. W specjalnie na ten cel przeznaczonym budynku – zwanym w języku włoskim oratorio – organizował nabożeństwa połączone ze śpiewaniem laud. Pojęcie „oratorium”, pierwotnie oznaczające pomieszczenie modlitewne, odnoszono później do nieliturgicznych i muzycznych nabożeństw, które tam odprawiano. Laudi spiritualistopniowo zastąpione przez madrigali spirituali i motetti concertati posiadały często charakter śpiewów dialogowanych. Z tych form, w I połowie XVII wieku wykształciły się dwa typy oratorium: ludowe (oratorio volgare) i łacińskie (oratorio latino). Treścią kompozycji był nieliturgiczny tekst religijny, który czerpiąc inspiracje z Biblii, przedstawiał: starotestamentalne historie i postaci, nowotestamentalne wydarzenia i przypowieści, a także alegoryczne dialogi pomiędzy Chrystusem i duszą chrześcijanina. W oratorium, śpiewacy, którym towarzyszyła orkiestra (a niekiedy chór), wykonując określone role dramatu, nie korzystali ze środków gry aktorskiej. Oratorium jako nośnik treści religijnej służyło liturgii i stawało się jej dopełnieniem.

<div class="page" title="Page 7"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>O poder de persuasão do ethos do orador é reconhecido tanto na tradição retórica grega como na latina. Mas é na prática oratória romana que a utilização do <em>ethos</em> como fonte de persuasão se torna proeminente. Com base na teoria de Cícero sobre o <em>ethos</em>, desenvolvida no <em>De oratore</em>, II, 182-184, procuramos, neste trabalho, realizar um estudo da representação do <em>ethos</em> do orador no discurso <em>Pro Milone</em>, analisando os procedimentos retóricos empregados nesse processo. </span></p><p><span><br /></span></p><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p><span>The power of the orator’s </span><span>ethos is recognized both in Greek and Latin rhetorical tradition. Yet, it is in the Roman oratorical practice that the use of the ethos as a source of persuasion stands out. Based on the Ciceronian theory concerning the ethos, exposed in the De Oratore, II, 182-</span><span>184, we aim to study in this paper the representation of the speaker’s </span><span>ethos </span><span>in Cicero’s </span><span>Pro Milone, analyzing the rhetorical procedures applied to this process. </span></p><p><span><strong>Keywords:</strong> Ethos; Cicero; Pro Milone; rhetoric; Roman oratory. </span></p></div></div></div><p><span><br /></span></p></div></div></div>

En el marco de las teorías actuales de la literatura resulta problemática la clasificación de la sátira como forma literaria. No lo eraen el ámbito de la literatura latina, en el que la satura constituía ungénero perfectamente identificado para sus receptores y, por ello,podía ser definida en sus rasgos esenciales. El corpus clásico de sátirasincluía dos variantes: la satura en hexámetros y la sátira menipeaque podía combinar prosa y verso. El concepto de satura parece yacircunscripto en un texto de Lucilio. Pero sin duda Horacio explicitalas normas del género literario que escoge en, por lo menos, tres ocasiones: dos en sus sermones 1,4, 1-4, donde cita a Lucilio y establece losantecedentes griegos del género romano y II, 1, sobre la necesidad deescribir sátiras- una en su EpistuJae, II,2,58-60; A partir de Horacío, por lo tanto, la satura se presenta como realización histórica deun tipo de discurso literario, es decir, como un género definido porconvenciones propias según el modelo ya ofrecido por Lucilio 1• Sin duda, los tratadistas romanos reconocían la influencia de obras satíricasgriegas en los escritores de Saturae. Pero Quintiliano no vacila en señalar el carácter de novedad genérica de la sátira en verso; por elloexcluye la posibilidad de un prototipo griego: "satura. . . tota nostraest." (lnstitutio oratoria, 10,1,95).

Abstract The phenomenon of the pasticcio oratorio was quite widespread in the Czech Lands around the middle of the eighteenth century. The first evidence of this practice was a Latin oratorio based on opera arias by George Frideric Handel (Prague 1725). In Brno, the capital of Moravia, the performances of oratorios were supported by Bishop Wolfgang Hannibal Schrattenbach, who was also an important patron of Italian opera. Therefore, opera arias were frequently interpolated into the Italian oratorios produced in his palace every week during Lent. Some works from the 1730s were even created as pasticcios composed of contrafacted opera arias. The only surviving score, La vittima d’amore by Joseph Umstatt (Brno 1741) with music by Caldara, Hasse, Leo, Feo, Porta and Pescetti, shows the process of creating this type of oratorio in detail. The reprise of this work by the Crusaders in Prague on Good Friday 1744 and its favourable reception stimulated the considerable development of this practice in the mentioned church. Between 1749 and 1758, at least six pasticcio oratorios were performed here. The music was selected not only from the works of popular composers of the time (Hasse, Jomelli, Graun), but also from the compositions of the older generation (Fux, Lotti, Conti, Porpora). Based on an analysis of librettos and music sources, the paper shows some examples of this phenomenon, crossing the boundaries between the opera and the oratorio in both directions.

Rhetoricians, orators, and public speakers of all stripes, if asked the question, which Greek or Roman deity they should invoke in case of need, would surely answer ‘Hermes’ or ‘Mercury’. Members of this profession who also read early Latin-Old English glossaries might therefore be surprised to learn that the deus oratorum was none other than Priapus! This came as good news to me as one who occasionally looks for novel ways to arouse an audience. However, as I reflected further on the meaning of Épinal Glossary 10v32, my expectations wilted. Oratorum must be a simple error for hortorum, ‘of gardens’. Priapus may be fecundus, but he is not facundus.

Esta tesis doctoral presenta los resultados de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo sobre la obra del orador y profesor de retórica Pedro Juan Perpiñán (Elche 1530-París 1566) perteneciente a la Compañía de Jesús, (CJ), y pone de relieve su importancia, dimensión y trascendencia dentro de la CJ en sus inicios y en la oratoria del siglo XVI. El trabajo realizado contiene y desarrolla los siguientes aspectos: 1.- Estudio, actualización, redimensión y contextualización de la figura de P. J. Perpiñán dentro de la CJ y en la Europa del segundo tercio del siglo XVI. Hemos realizado un estudio y análisis crítico de las fuentes que hasta nuestros días han venido transmitiendo los datos biográficos, y de documentos y manuscritos hasta el día de hoy desconocidos e inéditos, que nos ha permitido: presentar una biografía con análisis crítico de fuentes, elaborar una genealogía, conocer su formación intelectual y situar su obra dentro del humanismo jesuita. 2.- Estudio y catalogación de su obra producida como profesor, orador y escritor: A.Obra editada. Estudio crítico de las ediciones de la obra de Perpiñán: identificación, origen, motivación y trascendencia. Ofrecemos una catalogación de la obra publicada desde el siglo XVI. Por otra parte, presentamos la localización y el estudio sistematizado de los manuscritos de donde se extrajeron las obras publicadas. B.Obra no editada. Presentamos una catalogación y estudio de los manuscritos hallados en diferentes archivos de Roma y Lisboa. B.1.Tratado retórico. Confirmamos la existencia de la obra retórica del jesuita ilicitano que se consideraba desaparecida y que se encuentra fragmentada en numerosos manuscritos de distintos archivos de Roma. Ofrecemos el esquema completo de esta retórica reconstruida a partir de todos los manuscritos, indicando sus partes y dónde se localiza cada una de ellas. 3.- Estudio de su obra poética. Tras el descubrimiento de varios manuscritos inéditos con distintas piezas poéticas, presentamos una primera edición crítica latina de su obra poética con traducción al español y análisis histórico y literario. 4.- Estudio de producción oratoria, motivo por el que ha sido más conocido en Europa. Hemos realizado un estudio sistemático de su producción con el fin de establecer por qué se convirtió en modelo oratorio dentro de la CJ, cómo su obra gozó de tal prestigio que se tradujo en una cantidad inusualmente elevada de ediciones hasta el siglo XVIII. Ofrecemos una catalogación de su producción oratoria, teniendo en cuenta dónde, cuándo y a propósito de qué se produjeron esos discursos. Nos hemos centrado en sus discursos producidos en Roma por ser los más representativos e importantes de su producción. Hemos realizado una traducción de cuatro de ellos, aunque nos hemos centrado en el análisis de los dos más representativos que pronunció en Roma el 31 de octubre de 1561, De arte rhetorica discenda, y el 6 de noviembre de 1564, De avita dicendi laude recuperanda. En ellos encontramos la visión de Perpiñán sobre la retórica, visión que defendió la CJ en sus inicios. El análisis de su concepto de la retórica muestra claramente los principales rasgos de la pedagogía jesuita y de la importancia que ejercía la retórica en su plan de estudio, al tiempo que recoge el tratamiento y la justificación teológica de la cultura clásica frente a otros posicionamientos dentro de la Iglesia. Presentamos una edición latina actualizada y una traducción al español de ambos discursos. Posteriormente presentamos un estudio y un análisis cultural del discurso atendiendo al modelo seguido, contexto histórico, tradición en la que se enmarca y tratamiento de los modelos clásicos.
This dissertation presents the results of our research on Pedro Juan Perpiñán (Elche 1530-Paris 1566), member of the Society of Jesus (SJ), and his work as orator and professor of Rhetoric, and emphasizes his importance, dimension and significance at the beginning of the SJ and his prominent role in Latin Oratory during the second half of the Sixteenth century. Our research develops and consists of the following aspects: 1.- An updated study and contextualization of P. J. Perpiñán in the SJ and within the context of Europe during the second half of the Sixteenth century. We have carried out a study and critical analysis of the biographical sources; many of these documents and manuscripts are unknown and unpublished until today. That is why, we can offer a critical biography and a genealogy of the Spanish humanist. In addition, this analysis allows us to know his intellectual background and to place his work within the Jesuit Humanism. 2.- Study and catalogue of his work as a professor, orator and writer: A. Published works. Critical study of his editions: identification, origin, cause and importance. We offer a catalogue of his published works from the 16th century onwards. Furthermore, we tried to identify and study in depth the manuscripts on which the published works were probably based. B. Unpublished work. Our research includes a catalogue and a study of the manuscripts found in different libraries of Portugal and Italy, especially in Rome. B.1. Ars rhetorica. We can confirm the existence of an Ars rhetorica composed by P. J. Perpiñán. This work has been missing until today. It is fragmented in different manuscripts preserved in Roman Archives. In this research we attempted to reconstruct the complete scheme of this Ars rhetorica, identifying the parts of his Rhetoric and tracing the manuscripts that have transmitted each of these parts. 3.- Study of his poetry. After discovering some unpublished manuscripts containing poems written by P. J.Perpiñán, we have published, for the first time, a critical edition of some of his poems, with a Spanish translation and a historical and literary analysis. 4.-Study of his speeches. His orations made him acquire great reputation in Europe in the middle of the 16th century. We have carried out a systematic research on his Latin oratory, trying to give answers to some questions about why he became a model for religious oratory in the SJ and why his works were so successful, resulting in a high number of editions of his speeches during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries in Europe. We attempted to catalog his oratorical works, paying special attention to where, when and why his speeches were delivered. We have focused our research on his Roman speeches, since they are, in our opinion, the most representative ones. We have also translated four of his orationes, concentrating on the analysis of two of these orations which were given in Rome in October 1561 (De arte rhetorica discenda) and in November 1564 (De avita dicendi laude recuperanda), respectively. These speeches reflect the rhetorical thinking of P. J. Perpiñán and, consequently, that of the SJ: his concept of rhetoric is consistent with the principles of Jesuit pedagogy and with the prominent role of Rhetoric in the curriculum of the SJ. At the same time, his speeches deal with the theological justification of the Classical Culture, opposed to other views within the Roman Catholic Church. In our dissertation we tried to elaborate an updated Latin edition and a Spanish translation of both orationes. Finally, we carried out a cultural analysis of these speeches, focusing on their literary sources, the historical context, and Perpiñán’s way of adapting the Classsical Tradition into the new historical setting.

2005 - 2006
Il lavoro di ricerca si è strutturato su tre direttrici distinte, ma complementari: 1. Quadro storico Si è proceduto all'elaborazione di un quadro storico-legislativo, al fine di delineare valore e significato delle tre orazioni ciceroniane. In particolare, sulla base del proemio del secondo discorso, si è tracciato un excursus sul consolato di Cicerone, mettendo in evidenza come l'oratore valuti l'importanza della propria affermazione elettorale e del proprio ruolo di consul popularis e di homo novus, rappresentandosi immediatamente - le orazioni agrarie costituiscono il primo atto ufficiale di Cicerone console - come figura politica a servizio del popolo in netta contrapposizione con Rullo, proponente, secondo Cicerone, di una riforma agraria a favore di una ristretta élite. Si è cercato infine di rimarcare come l'affermazione elettorale di Cicerone non fosse il risultato dell'appoggio e del favore delle classi popolari, ma, in realtà, frutto di una serie di compromessi e accordi con la classe degli ottimati. Un ulteriore approfondimento è stato dedicato ad una breve rassegna storica degli interventi legislativi in materia di riforma agraria susseguitisi a Roma dalle origini fino all'età ciceroniana, soffermandosi in particolare sulla riforma graccana: l'esame della figura e dell'operato dei Gracchi è infatti necessario per poter comprendere e analizzare, nella successiva fase di commento, il giudizio estremamente ambiguo di Cicerone nei confronti della principale riforma agraria a Roma. 2. Tradizione e fortuna del testo Relativamente all'indagine sulla tradizione manoscritta delle tre orazioni, il lavoro fa costante riferimento all'edizione di Marek per i tipi Teubner del 1983. Si è quindi descritta la tradizione manoscritta seguendo la canonica suddivisione in due rami distinti: il Germanico, che ha come capostipite il codice Berolinensis Latinus (E), probabilmente databile tra il XII e il XIII secolo, e l'Italico, che avrebbe come capofamiglia il Lingonicus (L), scoperto dal Bracciolini in un convento presso Langres nel 1417 e probabilmente risalente al XII secolo: tale codice è però andato perduto, ma ne è stata rinvenuta una copia autografa di Poggio nel codice Vaticanus latinus 11458 (V). Proprio su questo esemplare ci si è soffermati in merito alla vexata quaestio delle due subscriptiones, presenti nel manoscritto e attribuite a tal Statilio Massimo (cfr. a tal proposito i contributi di Zetzel 1973 e Pecere 1982), proponendo un ragionato status quaestionis preliminare alla formulazione di una prima ipotesi originale sull'identificazione di Statilio Massimo e sulla relativa cronologia. A tal fine mi sono avvalso di tre testimonianze nelle quali compare il nome di Statilio: a) due inscrizioni attribuite a Statilio sul colosso di Memnone; b) un'iscrizione rinvenuta a Tebe con la menzione di uno Statilio Massimo ideologus e contemporaneo al re Filopappo; c) un distico inciso su una piramide e conservato nel corpus degli scolii a Clemente Alessandrino. Queste tre testimonianze sono collocabili tutte nelle stessa epoca, ossia il II sec. d. C., e provengono dalla medesima area geografica, l'Egitto: è difficile però stabilire se l'emendator menzionato dalle due subscriptiones sia davvero identificabile con lo Statilio Massimo menzionato nelle testimonianze riportate, essendo la consonanza dell'attività di emendator con l'erudizione e le inclinazioni poetiche del personaggio citato l'unico elemento a sostegno di tale ipotesi. 3. Commento Scopo ultimo del lavoro di tesi è stato quello di fornire un commento delle tre orazioni, che tenesse conto della strategia retorico-comunicativa adottata da Cicerone. Nelle prime due orazioni, infatti (la terza appare essere un riassunto delle argomentazioni impiegate nelle precedenti), si è evidenziato come tale strategia muti al mutare del destinatario e del contesto in cui il discorso viene ad essere pronunciato: nella prima orazione, diretta ai colleghi senatori, l'oratore attacca la riforma agraria di Rullo, soffermandosi, in modo particolare, sui poteri speciali conferiti al collegio dei decemviri: proprio le prerogative straordinarie concesse a questi magistrati rappresentano una minaccia per gli interessi degli ottimati, le cui proprietà terriere rischiavano di essere confiscate. Nel secondo discorso, rivolto al popolo, Cicerone enfatizza il proprio ruolo di consul popularis, aggettivo, quest'ultimo, dalla doppia valenza di "eletto dal popolo" o "al servizio del popolo". La strategia retorica dell'oratore mira, nel secondo discorso, a creare un netto contrasto tra la propria figura di console popolare e democratico e coloro che sono, in realtà, falsi amici del popolo stesso e mirano a realizzare gli interessi propri di una ristretta cerchia di persone. Cicerone spinge il popolo a ritenere la riforma di Rullo una minaccia alla propria libertà: a tal fine l'elogio di Tiberio e Caio Gracco, quali campioni assoluti e indiscussi della "popolarità", appare strumentale alla strategia di captatio benevolentiae e non pienamente sincero, come si evince dal confronto con alcuni passi del de officiis. Il commento a queste specifiche orazioni ha offerto, inoltre, una valida opportunità di raffronto tra il Cicerone oratore e il Cicerone teorico della retorica: si è rimarcata, ad esempio, la reale corrispondenza tra le funzioni pragmatiche attribuite alle varie sezioni (proemio, argomentazione e perorazione) e quelle teorizzate da Cicerone nel de inventione e nel de oratore. [a cura dell'autore]
V ciclo n.s.

La thèse porte sur le « canon » (au sens de « liste des auteurs considérés comme les meilleurs au sein d’un genre donné ») des poètes grecs et latins du chapitre 10.1 de l’Institution oratoire. Dans ce traité de rhétorique de l’époque flavienne, la liste-canon est issue d’une tradition littéraire et doctrinale qui sélectionne certains auteurs à inclure et les évalue les uns par rapport aux autres pour en faire des supports de lecture et des modèles d’éloquence. Le présent travail envisage la liste d’auteurs du chapitre 10.1 à la fois comme le point d’aboutissement d’un processus de constitution de « canons » effectué en diachronie et, en synchronie, comme une émanation du contexte culturel propre à la Rome flavienne. Il interroge sa dynamique de constitution en expliquant les motivations qui sous-tendent différentes opérations de « mise en liste » (sélection – ou exclusion – des auteurs, établissement entre eux de relations de hiérarchisation, et évaluation critique de leurs qualités). Il montre que les principales influences critiques qui s’exercent sur les différentes notices de la liste sont celles de Cicéron, d’Horace et de Denys d’Halicarnasse. Nous montrons notamment que cette dynamique de constitution de la liste est propre à chaque genre poétique. Notre travail entend s’inscrire ainsi au confluent de l’histoire de la rhétorique et de ses doctrines, de l’histoire de la philologie, de l’histoire littéraire et de l’histoire de la critique littéraire ancienne
This thesis deals with the "canon" (in the sense of "list of authors considered the best within a given genre") of Greek and Latin poets in chapter 10.1 of the Institutio oratoria. In this treatise on rhetoric from the Flavian period, the canon-list derives from a literary and doctrinal tradition that selects certain authors for inclusion and evaluates them in relation to each other as reading material and models of eloquence. The present work describes the list of authors in chapter 10.1 both as the culmination of a diachronous process of establishing "canons", and, in synchrony, as an emanation of the cultural context specific to Flavian Rome. It questions the dynamic of how the list was established by explaining the motivations behind different operations of "listing" (selection - or exclusion - of authors, establishment of hierarchical relations between them, and critical evaluation of their qualities). It shows that the main critical influences on the different entries in the list are those of Cicero, Horace and Denys of Halicarnassus. In particular, its show that the dynamics of how the list was established is specific to each poetic genre. Accordingly, the present work is located at the confluence of the history of rhetoric and its doctrines, the history of philology, literary history, and the history of ancient literary criticism

No dia 08 de abril de 52 a. C, quase três anos depois de terminar sua mais completa obra retórica, De oratore, Cícero retorna a sua atividade nos tribunais. Diante da aparência inusitada do fórum, cercado pela guarnição armada de Pompeu e lotado de um público hostil, o Arpinate comparece para defender o amigo e tribuno Tito Ânio Milão, acusado de assassinar o rival político Públio Clódio Pulcro. Fontes antigas atestam que, prejudicado por fatores externos, Cícero não se teria apresentado nesse dia com a costumeira efetividade. Embora não tenha vencido essa causa, a versão que mais tarde publicou do discurso em defesa de Milão, Pro Milone, tornou-se referência no âmbito da retórica judiciária e é considerado por muitos estudiosos uma obra prima do gênero. Nesta dissertação, apresentamos uma tradução anotada desse discurso em português, acompanhada de um estudo do respectivo processo de invenção (inventio): descoberta e exame das estratégias, argumentos e linhas de defesa destinados a persuadir. Estruturamos a tratativa da invenção de acordo com as divisões que Cícero estabelece para essa parte da retórica, ou seja, conforme os três modos de influenciar a mente dos ouvintes: docere (instruir), conciliare (cativar) e movere (comover) (cf. De orat. II, 115). Apoiando-nos fundamentalmente nas teorias expostas no De oratore, mas também em outras fontes antigas e modernas, procuramos identificar e descrever as estratégias retóricas empregadas no Pro Milone para dar conta de cada um desses meios de persuasão.
On April 8th, 52 B.C., nearly three years after finishing his most complete rhetorical work, De oratore, Cicero resumed his duties in the courts. Against the forums extraordinary backdrop, surrounded by the armed garrison of Pompeii and packed with a hostile audience, the Arpinate appeared there to defend his friend and tribune Titus Annius Milo, accused of assassinating rival politician Publius Clodius Pulcher. Ancient sources indicate that Cicero, undermined by external factors, did not exhibit his customary effectiveness on that day. Although he did not win the case, the subsequently published version of the speech in defense of Milo, Pro Milone, became a benchmark in legal rhetoric, deemed by many scholars to be a masterpiece of the genre. In this dissertation, we present an annotated Portuguese translation of the speech, accompanied by a study of the respective invention (inventio) process: discovery and examination of strategies, arguments and lines of defense intended to persuade. We have structured our discussion of invention according to Ciceros distinctions for this part of rhetoric, or rather, according to the three methods of influencing the listeners mind: docere (instruct), conciliare (win over) and movere (stir) (cf. De orat. II, 115). Drawing essential support from the theories set forth in De oratore, as well as from other ancient and modern sources, we seek to identify and describe the rhetorical strategies used in Pro Milone in order to account for each of these means of persuasion. Key Words:

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2012-2013.
En tant que recueil de biographies impériales et une des rares sources latines sur la période de la crise du IIIe siècle, l'Histoire Auguste a depuis toujours motivé surtout les études à caractère historique. En revanche, et malgré le souci d'écriture évident du rédacteur -perceptible dans son goût pour l'ironie et autres figures de style - l'aspect littéraire de l'ouvrage a jusqu'ici été beaucoup négligé. Afin de rétablir la situation, nous avons décidé de nous consacrer à une étude non seulement littéraire, mais rhétorique de l'Histoire Auguste, dans laquelle on discerne aisément l'intérêt du rédacteur pour l'éloquence des empereurs. Dans cette optique, ce mémoire a comme objectif de tracer le portrait de la rhétorique à la fois par rapport à la structure de l'oeuvre, à son lien avec les autres disciplines des belles-lettres et des sciences libérales, et surtout, par rapport à l'empereur et à sa performance oratoire. Ce travail pourra également s'inscrire dans la recherche récente sur la rhétorique latine de l'Antiquité tardive, une période charnière qui fut longtemps négligée par les littéraires.

Orientadores: Marcos Aurelio Pereira, Maria Bernadete Marques Abaurre
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T05:38:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jesus_CarlosRenatoR.de_D.pdf: 2671899 bytes, checksum: 14ae0d99724e6cba11c1e9aadc8fe130 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014
Resumo: Nossa pesquisa consiste em discutir determinados elementos presentes no Orator ¿ obra de Marco Túlio Cícero, orador romano do séc. I a.C. ¿ que tratam da questão do ritmo como fator integrante do discurso oratório. Escrito no ano 46 a.C. e constituindo o seu último grande tratado de Retórica, o livro trata dos requisitos do orador ideal, entre os quais prevalece o domínio dos elementos rítmicos da prosa. Concentrar-nos-emos mais detidamente na composição rítmica do período oratório, desde sua formulação grega, passando pela sua construção no mundo romano até sua constituição em Cícero. Discutiremos as questões mais relevantes acerca dos principais recursos estéticos que concorrem para sua composição, como, por exemplo, as cláusulas métricas e os demais elementos prosódicos, como o acento, que viabilizam sua elaboração. Tencionamos, com isso, descobrir até que ponto as inferências do orador romano sobre o período oratório podem ser analisadas sob a ótica de um paradigma linguístico moderno, especificamente, a fonologia métrica e a fonologia prosódica, e de que modo suas reflexões podem contribuir para a compreensão da língua latina no que tange ao seu aspecto prosódico
Abstract: Our research consists in a discussion about some elements found in the Orator ¿ one of the books of Marcus Tullius Cicero, Roman rhetorician and orator of the 1st century BCE ¿, which deals with the issue of rhythm as part of the oratory speech. Written in the year of 46 BCE, the book is his last great treatise on rhetoric and deals with the requirements of the ideal orator, among which prevails mastering of the elements of prose-rhythm. We will focus on the rhythmic composition of the oratory period, its Greek formulation, its construction in the Roman world and its incorporation by Cicero. We will also discuss the most relevant issues on the main aesthetic features that contribute to its composition, as for example, the metric clausulae and other prosodic elements such as accent, that enable their development. We intend, therefore, to check out whether Cicero¿s formulations of oratory periods can be analyzed from a modern linguistic perspective, specifically metric and prosodic phonology, and how his theory contributes to understanding the Latin language
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutora em Linguística

La science de l'éloquence politique est une musique ; la différence avec le chant et la musique instrumentale est une différence de degré et non de nature ". Par cette assertion, Denys d'Halicarnasse au Ier siècle avant J. -C. Pose le problème fondamental et passionnant du rapport problématique entre l'art du discours, c'est-à-dire la rhétorique, et la musique. Or, le rythme est l'un des points de contact essentiels entre ces deux domaines de compétence. La question centrale de cette étude est donc la suivante : dans quelle mesure le rapport entre le rythme déclamé et le rythme chanté témoigne-t-il des changements linguistiques, sociologiques, politiques et culturels qui ont marqué la latinité de Cicéron à Gui d'Arezzo ? Si le rythme chanté dans l'Antiquité grecque doit observer une mesure musicale, notamment pour que la mélodie puisse être dansée, le rythme oratoire en revanche, notamment dans la rhétorique latine, ne saurait respecter strictement une pulsation. Varier les combinaisons de longues et de brèves sans se soumettre à un cadre fixe et défini par avance, voilà, selon Cicéron, ce qui distingue de façon essentielle le rythme de la prose du mètre et du rythme musical. Ces principes théoriques trouvent un écho particulièrement fort au début du Moyen-Âge, en particulier dans le premier chant chrétien. Bien que la langue latine ait subi des modifications profondes, il n'en reste pas moins que les règles rythmiques établies par l'éloquence classique infléchissent considérablement les techniques de composition des mélodies chrétiennes, en particulier dans ce que Gui d'Arezzo (XIe siècle) appelle le cantus prosaicus
Political eloquence is a sort of music. The difference between eloquence and music —either vocal or instrumental— is quantitative not qualitative”. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ist c. BC) thus faces with the crucial and challenging concern of the connection between rhetoric and music. Actually, those fields are both based on rhythm. My dissertation therefore addresses this question: to what extent the relationship between rhythm in speech and rhythm in song mirrors the linguistic, sociological, political and cultural changes that altered the Latin society from Cicero to Guido of Arezzo? In ancient Greece, musical rhythm has to be in time because songs are usually danced, whereas oratory rhythm must not follow a beat. According to Cicero, oratory rhythm is definitely different from musical rhythm and poetic metre because it is built on continually changing patterns. Those rhythmic principles are particularly vivid in the early Middle Ages, especially in Christian chant. Although Latin has been deeply altered, the rhythmic set of laws established by Cicero is still helpful in the composition of Christian melodies, mainly in what Guido of Arezzo calls cantus prosaicus

This paper, which originally appeared in 1975 as part of a collection of essays on Silver Latin, provides a general introduction to Quintilian’s major work, the Institutio oratoria (An orator’s education). It portrays him as an admirer of Cicero who hoped to bring back oratory and oratorical education, both of which he saw as having been corrupted in his time, to the technical and especially the moral standards of previous generations. But the Institutio is in essence a rhetorical handbook, part of a long tradition of precept going back to fifth-century Greece, and Quintilian protests against those who in his day thought rules unnecessary. The paper discusses Quintilian as a literary critic, his own Latin style, and his comparative neglect until the Renaissance.

This paper was first published in 1995 as one of a collection of essays in honour of Donald Russell. It explores the Latin word impetus, which in the sense of ‘impulse’ came into Latin literary criticism with connotations of lack of control and even violence. An orator might be carried away by it, while carrying his audience away too. In a specialized case, Quintilian uses the word in connection with the ‘naturalist’ orators and declaimers of his time who rejected the traditional rhetorical education and relied on the inspiration of the moment. Quintilian himself inculcated the need for reason and order: even extemporization should have its method. The inspiration experienced by poets was a different, though not unrelated, matter. The paper ends by aligning Quintilian’s views with those of ‘Longinus’, on whom Donald Russell wrote a fine commentary.

Sulpicius Victor was the author of a short rhetorical treatise in Latin, written perhaps in the fourth century AD. It is entitled Institutiones oratoriae, and covers, for instance, the definition of rhetoric, the parts of a speech, and especially the so-called status system, which codified the issues raised in lawcourts and provided arguments appropriate to the different types of case. This little work has not been edited since Halm’s Rhetores Latini Minores (1863) (though a new edition is in preparation), and it is transmitted only in a printed book, published in Basle in 1521. This paper, originally published in 1979, discusses the text of a number of difficult passages, often suggesting conjectural changes.

This chapter discusses what Roman rhetoricians said about the imitation of authors. After a brief discussion of Dionysius of Halicarnassus it moves on to consider the central texts of the rhetorical tradition: the Ad Herennium, Cicero’s various discussions of the topic, Seneca’s 84th Epistle, (centrally) Quintilian’s Institutio Oratoria, and finally the Peri Hypsōs ascribed to Longinus. The chapter shows how these discussions of imitatio rely heavily on metaphors—of biological reproduction, or digestion, or the development of an active body—to describe the successful imitation of one author by another, and frequently oppose those metaphors to their negative images—mere pictorial representations or simulacra. The chapter explains why these metaphors, which were to have an extensive afterlife, were used. It is intrinsically hard to describe how one person acquires a skill from another, and Latin lacked a technical vocabulary in which to do so. Roman rhetoricians transferred the direct and personal exemplary relationship between a trainee orator and his master to textual relationships. As a result they were prone to represent the process by which a pupil assimilated his reading in bodily terms. Quintilian in particular stressed aspects of earlier writers which were products of an ingenium or natural talent that was inimitable. This combination of conceptual fuzziness and metaphorical richness made imitatio a potent literary resource, and indeed later concepts of poetic genius are adumbrated by the ‘inimitable’ qualities of the exemplary orator.