Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Opposition'
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Gorman, Stephanie R. "Simultaneous opposition." Virtual Press, 2008. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1397372.
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The intention of this creative project is to explore the ideas of individuality and community through ceramic sculpture. The ultimate goal is to allow the viewers to draw their own conclusions about the suggested meaning, instead of forcing a direct reference. To achieve this, form, surface, texture, and grouping of individual pieces was utilized. Inspiration was drawn from the artworks of Barbara Hepworth, Michele Oka Doner, Yoonchung Kim, and from the multiple appendages of the sea anemone. The artworks were hand-built using high temperature clays that were fired in reduction, soda, and wood kilns. Plaster molds were used to maintain the identical forms, allowing the viewer to focus on textural variation.Department of Art
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Gunnarsson, Malin. "Väckelse-opposition-identitet." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-31826.
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Galloway, William U. "Harmony and opposition." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03172010-020709/.
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Jamal, Abdulmohsen Y. "Political opposition in Kuwait." Thesis, University of Sunderland, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270375.
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Moretti, Alessio. "The geometry of logical opposition /." kostenfrei, 2009. http://doc.rero.ch/lm.php?url=1000,40,4,20091002114341-EE/Th_MorettiA.pdf.
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Freytag, Katharina. "Völkerrechtlicher Schutz der politischen Opposition." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=972677704.
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Law, David. "Trotsky in opposition : 1923-1940." Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306089.
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Pugh, John T. "Megaform : a frame of opposition." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/57531.
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Thesis (M. Arch.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 2010.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-99).
The city is no more, only an endless urban corridor remains. As our cities have grown outwards over the past 100 years civic identity has been destroyed and the public realm has been lost. Inexpensive land values, the widespread adoption of the internal combustion automobile, government subsidies and propaganda have resulted in a homogenized and privatized city with no identifiable center or clearly defined boundaries. How might one establish identifiable civic landmarks in these conditions? How could a novel technology, such as the electric vehicle be employed to bring about an alternative urban reality? To address these questions this project interrogates the typological concepts of the Urban Core and the Megaform. Through historical and typological research this thesis establishes a lineage of both of these concepts and then speculates about the ability of these models to influence the city. This thesis proposes 2 novel models an Urban Core type and a Megaformal Urban Wall Building type. The Urban Wall Building typology creates an interiorized urban realm where a linear public promenade facilitates a new urban landscape that is best described by its radicalized sectional experience. This type is a piece of the larger urban core typology that strategically clips out a piece the urban fabric to define a space of opposition, civitas and ultimately, Metropolitan Urbanity. Through the design of enclosure types, overpass infrastructures and a novel public terrain, this project questions the potentialities for an architecture and urbanism of the electric vehicle.
(cont.) In the following pages you will find a proposal that addresses the chaos of the city through the projection of the Megaform into today's cityscape. Through the development of the Megaform as a recognizable entity this thesis speculates about the future of the city and the potential of Architecture to redefine it.
by John T Pugh.
M.Arch.
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Philippon, Pascal. "Le contrat de non-opposition." Montpellier 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996MON10049.
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Le contrat de non-opposition est le contrat par lequel une personne s'engage a ne pas agir en justice, action en contrefacon ou action en responsabilite civile delictuelle, a l'egard de son cocontratctant. Le contrat de non-opposition est donc, avant tout, un accord de volontes. Il se differencie des abstentions spontanees en ce qu'il cree au moins une obligation; celle de ne pas exercer une action en contrefacon et ou en responsabilite civile. Le contrat doit repondre, comme tout accord, au droit commun des obligations. De plus, il est susceptible de porter atteinte au droit francais et au droit communautaire de la concurrence. Au dela de l'abstention d'agir en justice, l'accord pourra comporter d'autres obligations. Certaines obligations ont une influence sur la qualification du contrat. Ainsi, nous pensons que la seule presence dans l'accord d'une obligation de garantie devrait amener le juge a requalifier le contrat de non-opposition en contrat de licence. Le contrat de non-opposition a une physionomie qui lui est propre au point de ne pouvoir etre assimile a aucun autre contratThis subject covers two different kinds of contracts. On the one hand, we have a non-assertion patent right which is not a licence in the juridical sense, but which is quite similar. On the other hand, we have an agreement to avoid confusion between trade marks. In each case, the agreement must be conform to the law of contract. If a delimitation agreement is more restrictive than necessary, so as to infrige article 85, it will not merit the exemption of article 85. 3. An agreement not to use trademarks may, in principle, fall within article 85. 1
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Lundell, Emelie. "An arena for effective opposition? : A systematic investigation into political opposition in the European Parliament." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432291.
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The European Union is suffering from a legitimacy crisis, which thus far has culminated with Great Britain’s decision to exit the union. According to the ‘opposition deficit thesis’, this is caused as there is no arena in which effective opposition can be voiced in the European Union, which forces EU citizens to organise their opposition outside the political system, and often against it. However, as no systemic analysis has been conducted on the opposition deficit in the EU’s democratic centre, no convincing conclusions has been made. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to systemically test the opposition deficit thesis, and to add to the current lack of research on the topic. The centre for any democratic legitimacy is the political system’s elected representatives in parliament, in which any opposition deficit would strongly indicate a democratic deficit. Therefore, I ask: is the European Parliament an arena for effective opposition? To test the opposition deficit systematically and empirically, data from 20 plenary debates between the years 2005-2007 in the European Parliament were gathered. Through simple statistical analysis, we conclude that most statements are oppositional (55 percent) and that there is no oppositional deficit. While most opposition is effective and thus has real effect in the policy-making process, the definition and operationalisation provided within the opposition deficit thesis must be refuted due to theoretical inconsistencies. Furthermore, oppositional behaviour at party- and individual level was also investigated, showing that Eurosceptic party groups are more oppositional than mainstream party groups and through their opposition minimise the European Union’s democratic deficit when voiced within the system. Also, we find that there is no significant relationship between gender and political opposition, contrary to past assumptions. Therefore, it is concluded that there is no oppositional deficit in the European Parliament, and possibly no such deficit in the European Union. So, while the European Union it is suffering a legitimacy crisis which may be caused by a democracy deficit, it is not correlated to political opposition as described by the opposition deficit thesis.
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Larochelle, Élaine. "Kant et Nietzsche: Filiation et opposition." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7871.
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Krämer, Raimund, Kristian Kaltschew, and Azadeh Zamirirad. "Opposition in autoritären Regimen : eine Forschungsskizze." Universität Potsdam, 2013. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2013/6532/.
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Inhalt:
1. Fragestellungen und State of the Art
1.1 Forschungsfragen
1.2 Über den Stand der Forschung
1.3 Opposition in autoritären Regimen – klassisch und aktuell
2. Analyseschritte
2.1 Opposition in politischen Systemen
2.2 Handlungsdimensionen der Opposition
2.3 Idealtypen der Opposition in autoritären Regimen
2.4 Fünf forschungsleitende Hypothesen
3. Literaturverzeichnis
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Sansom, Timothy Michael. "Political marketing : the Conservatives in opposition." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4806.
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This thesis examines the political marketing of the Conservative Party in three opposition periods: 1966 to 1970, under Edward Heath, 1975 to 1979 with Thatcher as leader, and 1997 to 2001 under William Hague. The temporal comparisons made in this research contrasts with the accounts that discuss marketing issues in the context of one particular government, opposition period, or election campaign. The thesis uses two marketing frameworks from Negrine and Lilleker and Brassington and Pettitt to test the hypothesis that the Conservatives were competent practitioners of proactive and innovative political marketing. The research questions consider the key issues that frustrated the Conservatives’ marketing development, whether the Conservatives were undertaking political marketing before the terminology became commonplace within academic literature, how important was the promotion of the personal ideological beliefs of senior Tory politicians to the Conservative marketing strategy, and why some Conservative marketing initiatives were unsuccessful? In contrast to the many accounts that focus on the market orientation of the Tories in power, this thesis provides a key contribution to the political marketing debate by specifically examining the marketing strategy of three Tory oppositions. The analysis highlights a series of complex issues that can be faced by an opposition party when devising and implementing a marketing strategy, including intra party divisions regarding the previous election defeat, proposals for new policies and ideology, and new marketing initiatives. The thesis also highlights how many innovative marketing techniques were implemented during the Heath opposition, which compromises the innovativeness of the market orientation during the Thatcher era, as well as demonstrating that the Tories were implementing marketing before the terminology was extensively used in academic discourse. The research additionally examines the unsuccessful Tory marketing initiatives, including the extensive amount of negative campaigning during the three periods, which further compromises a positive perspective of Tory marketing.
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Benetollo, Anne. "Rock et politique : censure, opposition, intégration." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010656.
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Ce travail a pour objectif d'analyser les relations ambigües entre le rock et le monde politique aux États-unis. Trois cas de figures sont possibles : lorsque la politique censure, lorsque les artistes s'engagent politiquement, et lorsque les politiciens se servent des artistes, à des fins électorales notamment. Les années 80, et plus particulièrement l'année 1985, constituent une période privilégiée pour l'observation de ces liens complexes qui unissent rock et politique. Pourquoi ? D'une part, en 1985, on assiste à la naissance d'une association créée par des femmes de politiciens : le parents' music resource center (PMRC), (dont le but est, même s'il s'en defend, de censurer certaines chansons rock), et d'autre part, le milieu des années 80 est marqué par le début des concerts caritatifs. Ce qui est surprenant, c'est qu'une infime partie des artistes rock se battent contre le PMRC; ils sont pour la plupart investis dans ces concerts de charité, et en cela réside leur seul engagement"politique". Nous remarquerons simultanément que même dans les années 80 les politiciens n'ont pas toujours eu de rapports conflictuels avec les rock stars (ces dernières ayant été souvent récupérées par les politiques). Bien que ce travail se fonde sur le milieu des années 80, il est nécessaire de revenir aux décennies précédentes afin d'étudier le cheminement qui a provoqué l'explosion du PMRC. Cela nous permettra de montrer comment la politique, ou plutôt l'establishment, s'est toujours opposé é ce courant musical et l'a censuré (on s'aperçoit en fait que l'on a toujours reproché les mêmes choses au rock et qu'en ce sens le PMRC n'a rien inventé), d'étudier l'engagement politique des artistes à des moments clés de l'histoire du rock, et enfin de mettre en exergue les relations privilégiées qu'ont pu tisser les politiciens avec des artistes rockThe point of this work is to analyse the ambiguous relationship between rock and the political world in the united states. Three occurences are feasible : when politics censure, when the artists commit themselves politically and when the politicians use the artists, particularly with a political end in view. The eighties and more exactly 1985 - constitute a privileged period for the observation of the intricate bonds that link rock and politics. Why? On the one hand, in 1985, we attented the birth of an association which was created by some politicians' wives : the parents' music resource center (pmrc), (whose aim is, though it denies it, to censure some rock songs), and on the other hand, the mid-eighties were marked by the first charity concerts. What is surprising is that a tiny part of rock performers are fighting against the PMRC; most of them have invested in those charity concerts, and their only political commitment lies in this. We simultaneously notice that even in the eighties the politicians have not always have a conflicting relationship with rock stars (the latest often being won over by politicians). Although this work is based on the mid-eighties, it is necessary to go back to the previous decades so as to study the advance which entailed the explosion of the pmrc. This will enable us to show how politics - or let's say the establishment - has always clashed with this musical trend and censured it (in fact, we realize that rock has always been blamed for the same things, and in this way the pmrc hasn't invented anything). This will also enable us to study the political commitment of the artists at important moments of the history of rock, and at last to underline the privileged relationship politicians were able to weave with some rock performers
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Wiebe, Franz Josef. "Kaiser Valens und die heidnische Opposition /." Bonn : R. Habelt, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35763262b.
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Ramadji, Alfred. "L'opposition partisane dans le systeme politique tchadien 1993 – 2011." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0119/document.
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La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l’étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l’expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l’antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l’idée que l’opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D’une part, l’offre politique qu’elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d’autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l’idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l’impuissance et l’inefficacité de l’opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l’opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l’opposition subit une sorte d’échange inéquitable. De fait, le parti au pouvoir bénéficie d’un avantage comparatif dû à sa position, notamment dans la mainmise sur tout l’appareil d’État, et dans le contrôle absolu qu’il exerce sur les institutions de la RépubliqueThe research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic
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Webert, Karin. "Die Opposition im Deutschen Bundestag 1990 - 2005." Hamburg Kovač, 2009. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-4107-8.htm.
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Chingeni, Janet Chisomo. "Accountability of armed opposition groups in Somalia." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020779.
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The purpose of IHL is to protect civilians and provide obligations that parties to the conflict are to adhere to. These obligations in case of a non-international armed conflict emanate from Common Article 3, Additional Protocol II and customary international humanitarian law. The reason for the imposition of these obligations on the parties to the conflict is for the need to protect the civilian population against the effects of hostilities which mostly are women and children. As the conflict in Somalia has gone on for too long, IHL plays an important role in protecting civilians. As the Geneva Conventions regulate armed conflicts together with its Additional Protocols they set out the requirements for the treatment of those not taking part in hostilities. In direct contravention of the Geneva Conventions by the parties to the conflict, the persons not taking part in hostilities have been the victims of attacks by armed groups. Even though armed groups have obligations, breaches have continued to occur resulting in impunity and perpetrators of violence have gone unpunished and there is need to close the accountability gap in respect of holding armed groups accountable in Somalia. The aim of this research is to assess how armed groups in Somalia can be held accountable for the atrocities they have committed. In an attempt to close the gap the researcher discusses the obligations that armed groups have, and when these obligations are breached many result in criminal accountability in respect of war crimes. It is also stated in the research that a State has an obligation to prosecute those in breach of IHL obligations. For prosecution to be possible in Somalia there is need for the Federal government of Somalia to adopt new legislation to enforce the justice system in the attempt to hold armed groups accountable and where possible to also utilise available courts as it is difficult and expensive to establish a tribunal. To end impunity armed groups are to be held accountable.
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Lavelle, Ashley, and n/a. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition." Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040226.151930.
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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the partys move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the partys landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The partys bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.
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Pierce, Michael G. "Nietzsche's law the eternal recurrence of opposition /." Connect to resource, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/32234.
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Attfield, Kate. "The Deaf Collective : opposition, organization and difference." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/56921/.
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UK society and the mainstream social sciences typically share the assumption that people need to hear and speak in order to function effectively in the social world. Hence, d/Deaf people are perceived as vulnerable individuals with sensory impairment, social disability, and biological invalidity; d/Deaf people are accordingly eligible for individualised welfare intervention. By contrast Deaf Studies, which this thesis draws upon, critically explores the relativity of linguistic conceptualisations and cultural norms and asserts that Deaf people are members of a purposive, political culture, with an independent British language and identity, comprising a British as well as an international collective, and are without impairment, disability or invalidity. The key research question that my research asks is what is the social position of the Deaf collective in the UK policy-making and political arena? That is, on whose terms is the societal inclusion of Deaf people and the broader Deaf collective to be based and understood? The scope of my inquiry comprises the personal views and professional ambitions of senior executives of Deaf-led third sector organisations, and also the perspectives of senior officers of relevant hearing institutions, and their understandings of their institutions' policies in regard to Deaf people and Deaf organisations. Data from these organisational elites was subjected to detailed narrative and thematic analysis which drew upon key concepts within interactionist and post-modernist thought. The thesis will uncover how third sector Deaf-led organisations face fundamental dilemmas in asserting their collective presence in order to promote their political aims. The analysis will suggest that the Deaf Collective both intellectually and operationally exists in a relatively non-intersecting system, without the wider institutional world noticing its presence. The thesis considers the consequences of this for policy and practice and offers suggestions for a more progressive understanding and involvement of Deaf people and their collective.
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Ball, Christopher James. "Trade unions and redundancy : opposition and acquiescence." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1195/.
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This thesis focuses on the collective responses of union members and unions to redundancy. It adopts a theory of trade union action based on the idea that workers react to violations of what they perceive to be "rights" in the employment context. "Rights" are to a degree inculcated into the minds of workers by "union cultures", which condition moral and ethical judgements of behaviour. Connections are drawn between "cultures", "ideologies" and "world views". Workers' responses to redundancy it is suggested should show evidence of the influence of union cultures in a sequence of events over long periods of time. This is borne out in the empirical chapters; Chapter 4 (which describes the historical background to the 1965 Redundancy Payments Act) quotes developments in union responses to redundancy since the 1930s. In a further section, Chapter 5, a case study of a series of redundancy events in the computer company, ICL, is provided, covering union responses to redundancy in the period 1969 to 1979. The evidence also calls into question the view expressed in some academic and policy work on redundancy, that the 1965 Redundancy Payments Act has defused union opposition to redundancy. The period before 1965, the evidence suggests, could not be characterised as a period of strong union opposition, and the years since the passing of the Act have not seen a predominance of union acquiescence. On this basis, too, Hardy's argument that managements have managed redundancy and closure by a process of legitimisation, is called in to question. Also, the work of neo-classical labour economists, who see workers and union attitudes towards redundancy in terms of the decisions of "economic man", is refuted by the evidence and the argument in the thesis, which emphasises the moral influence of unions and the practice of unionism.
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Høyland, Bjørn Kåre. "Government - opposition dynamics in the European Parliament." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.415900.
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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.
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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
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Todea, Ana Maria. "The imperfect-preterite opposition in romance languages." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0fd5df3b-07ad-4055-84fd-5bfb9ee79725.
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An aspect of the Romance languages that defies neat linguistic analysis is tense usage. In particular, students of Romance languages as well as grammarians have found it difficult to provide a consistent explanation for the imperfect - preterite opposition. Two main points of contention concern (i) the question of whether the two forms have an inherent aspectual content and (ii) the structure and role of lexical aspectual information in determining the overall meaning of a sentence. While the attempts at explaining French and Spanish usages of the imperfect and the preterite are numerous, hardly any work has been done in the interpretation of Romanian data. Furthermore, a general assumption that the same form - function opposition holds across Romance languages has led to cross-linguistic differences rarely being examined. I argue that the imperfect and the preterite do have an inherent aspectual content. However, in opposition to previous accounts, I maintain that the preterite does not provide a ‘closed’ viewpoint and that an atelic eventuality described by the verb phrase in the preterite can continue up to the present moment. I propose a description of the imperfect - preterite opposition that includes finer distinctions of lexical aspect based on its constituent stage structure. These finer lexical aspectual distinctions allow the identification of an area of divergence in the use of the two forms in French, Spanish, and Romanian: the preterite was found to be used more widely with states in Romanian than in French and Spanish.
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Bald, Detlef, Wolfgang Scheler, Wilfried Schreiber, Horst Sylla, and Ernst Woit. "Die Neuausrichtung der Bundeswehr – Position und Opposition." Dresdener Studiengemeinschaft Sicherheitspolitik e. V, 2013. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32466.
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Reformstau 1969 und 2010, Bw-Reformkonzept, Bundeswehr und außenpolitische Handlungsfähigkeit Deutschlands, Armee im Einsatz, Berufsarmee, Struktur und Ausrüstung der Bundeswehr, internationale Dimension, sicherheitspolitische Reformalternativen.:Autorenbeiträge:
Detlef Bald, Chancen für eine große Reform? Zur Legitimation der Militärreform 2010.
Wolfgang Scheler, Der neue Auftrag der Bundeswehr und die Frage seiner Legitimation.
Ernst Woit Der professionelle Kämpfer als neues Leitbild der Bundeswehr.
Arbeitskreis Darmtädter Signal, Positionspapier des Arbeitskreises Darmstädter Signal (AkDS) zur Bundeswehrreform der Regierung Merkel.
Wilfried Schreiber, Thesen: Zur internationalen Dimension der Neuausrichtung der Bundeswehr. Ansätze für eine alternative Sicherheitspolitik.
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Ponge, Myriam. "La ponctuation : opposition oralité/scripturalité (domaine hispanique)." Bordeaux 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006BOR30010.
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Les tensions entre oral et écrit, qui habitent la langue autant qu'elles divisent les linguistes, nous paraissent centrales à l'heure d'envisager une étude linguistique de la ponctuation. Au-delà de l'approche diachronique qui peut révéler la manière dont le système de ponctuation a été façonné par son rapport aux dimensions orales et visuelles de l'écrit, nous tâchons de montrer combien cette dynamique est constitutive de la ponctuation espagnole actuelle. Ce travail s'ouvre [partie I] sur la question de l'intégration de la ponctuation au sein de la linguistique (traversée par l'opposition oral / écrit) et de sa définition (à partir de l'examen critique d'un corpus de définitions présentées dans des manuels, dictionnaires, orthographes et autres ouvrages espagnols plus linguistiques). Ensuite [partie II], signe par signe, sont présentés les principaux éléments du système de ponctuation espagnole avec leurs valeurs et caractéristiques fonctionnelles ; l'analyse d'occurrences ponctuationnelles permet d'apprécier des effets de sens en discours (approche stylistique). A partir de l'étude des rapports entre les différents types de signes, nous parvenons à dégager les modalités générales du fonctionnement d'un véritable système linguistique. Enfin [partie III], nous abordons l'étude de pratiques ponctuationnelles, et examinons la nature des relations entre logiques orale et scripturale. Les différentes situations d'écrits considérées (littéraires ou non) nous conduisent à révéler certains principes de variabilité ponctuationnelle, et à esquisser une typologie des modes de ponctuation de l'oralité (selon les paramètres de " lisibilité " et " visibilité " du texte)Tensions between oral and written, which are constitutive of the language as far as they divide linguists, seem central to us to propose a linguistic study of punctuation. Beyond the diachronic approach which can reveal the way the system of punctuation was formed by its relation with oral and visual dimensions of written, we try to show how much this dynamic is constitutive of the contemporary Spanish punctuation. First [part I], we question the integration of punctuation within linguistics (divided by the opposition oral / written) and its definition (from the critical study of definitions included in handbooks, dictionaries, orthographies and other Spanish linguistic works). Then [part II], mark after mark, we present the principal elements of the Spanish system of punctuation, with their values and functional characteristics ; and we propose an analysis of punctuation occurrences to consider some stylistic effects. From the study of the relations between the different kind of punctuation marks, we can bring out the general working modalities of a linguistic system of punctuation. Finally [part III], we study punctuation practices and examine the nature of the tensions between oral and scriptural logics. The different situations of written we considered (literary or not) lead us to reveal some principles of punctuation variability, and to outline a typology of punctuation modes of orality (according to parameters of “readability” and “visibility”)
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Laerke, Mogens. "Leibniz et Spinoza : la genèse d'une opposition." Paris 4, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA040072.
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Le projet consiste dans une analyse historiographique de la lecture leibnizienne de la philosophie de Spinoza. Nous avons distingué quatre dimensions thématiques qui s'organisent de façon chronologique : une dimension théologico-politique qui entoure la lecture leibnizienne du Tractatus theologico-politicus en 1671 et en 1675 ; une dimension métaphysique qui concerne certains textes de Leibniz écrits en 1673-77 ; une dimension logique concernant les commentaires de Leibniz à l'Ethique en 1678 ; finalement, une dimension " comparative " sur les années 1678-1716 où Leibniz propose une série d'analyses comparatives du spinozisme. Nous avons ajouté deux appendices consacrés à l'histoire de la réception de Leibniz et Spinoza en Allemagne et en France. Finalement, le travail contient deux annexes : une chronologie des textes de Leibniz qui mentionnent Spinoza et une chronologie de la publication de ces textesThe project consists in a historiographical analysis of Leibniz's reading of Spinoza's philosophy. We have distinguished between four thematical dimensions organised chronologically: A theological and political dimension which concerns Leibniz's reading of the Tractatus Theologico-politicus; a metaphysical dimension concerning certain texts written by Leibniz in 1673-77; a logical dimension concerning Leibniz's commentaries to the Ethics in 1678; finally, a " comparative " dimension which concerns the years 1678-1716 where Leibniz proposes a series of comparative readings of spinozism. The thesis contains two appendices on the history of reception of Leibniz and Spinoza in France and in Germany. Finally, it contains two annexes: a chronology of the texts where Leibniz mentions Spinoza and a chronology of the publication of these texts
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Webert, Karin. "Die Opposition im Deutschen Bundestag 1990 - 2005." Hamburg Kovač, 2008. http://d-nb.info/992158672/04.
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Van, Amberg Joel. "Opposition to theater among the Church Fathers." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.
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Lavelle, Ashley. "In the Wilderness: Federal Labor in Opposition." Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366181.
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This thesis is a study of the federal Australian Labor Party (ALP) in Opposition. It seeks to identify the various factors that shape the political direction of the party when it is out of office by examining three important periods of Labor Opposition. It is argued in the first period (1967-72) that the main factor in the party’s move to the left was the radicalisation that occurred in Australian (and global) politics. Labor in Opposition is potentially more subject to influence by extra-parliamentary forces such as trade unions and social movements. This was true for this period in the case of the reinvigorated trade union movement and the Anti-Vietnam War Movement, whose policy impacts on the ALP under Gough Whitlam are examined in detail. While every one of the party's policies cannot be attributed to the tumult of the period, it is argued that Labor's Program embodied the mood for social change. The second period (1975-83) records a much different experience. After Labor's Dismissal from office in November 1975, the enduring conclusion drawn by the party was that it had failed in government as economic managers, and that in future it would need to embrace responsible economic management and to jettison programmatic-style reform. This conclusion was accepted and argued by both federal leaders during this time, Gough Whitlam (1975-77) and Bill Hayden (1977-83). The thesis argues that the key reason for Labor's abandonment of reformist politics was the dramatic shift in the economic context wrought by the collapse of the post-war boom in 1974, which undermined the economic basis of the Program. The degree to which 'economic responsibility' governed Labor's approach to policy-making is highlighted through case studies of uranium mining and the Prices-Incomes Accord. The final period of Opposition (1996-2001) commences with the party’s landslide defeat at the 1996 Federal Election. Under the leadership of Kim Beazley, the party continued in the pro-free market policy tradition of Labor Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating. In conjunction with this, it employed a 'small-target' strategy that pitched its electoral success on community anger towards the government, rather than any alternative policies of the Opposition. The free-market policy continuity is set in the context of the ideological effects of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, in the aftermath of which all political players accepted that there was no real alternative to the market. Furthermore, the overall state of the Australian and world economies was not conducive to a return to 'tax and spend' policies. The party’s bipartisanship on globalisation and economic rationalism effectively robbed it of an alternative political approach to that of the Coalition. Thus, in a sense it was hemmed into the 'small-target' strategy. The thesis concludes by comparing and contrasting the three periods, and assigning weight to the various factors that shape Labor in Opposition.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
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Williams, A. Lynn, and J. Kalbfleisch. "A Multiple Opposition Approach to Phonological Intervention." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 1999. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2101.
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Williams, A. Lynn. "Phonological Intervention Using a Multiple Opposition Approach." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 1996. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2029.
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Williams, A. Lynn, and John Kalbfleisch. "Phonological Intervention using a Multiple Opposition Approach." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2001. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2095.
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The purpose of this investigation was to examine phonological restructuring when contrastive oppositions were constructed to include larger treatment sets that confronted the child with multiple sound targets selected from an entire rule set.
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Williams, A. Lynn. "A Multiple Opposition Approach to Phonological Treatment." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 1996. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/2113.
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Bonomi, Janine Hareau. "Reliability of the Hareau thumb opposition goniometer." Diss., NSUWorks, 2001. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/hpd_ot_student_dissertations/27.
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Petinari, Andrea. "Hand rehabilitation device for extension, opposition and reposition." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020.
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In this paper, the research focused on the development of a hand rehabilitation device which could perform extension, opposition and reposition movements. Firstly, the anatomy of the hand is analyzed and studied to understand where the problem resides; since the mechanism will be applied to post-stroke patients, it is necessary to comprehend the structure and the articulations of the hand, the muscles involved in the mentioned movements and how a healthy hand works. Then, the causes of the problem are studied, what are the consequences on the hand and how to solve every issue. Brunnström Approach is taken as reference for the rehabilitation therapy steps. After the performance target is defined and which function has the priority, a brief research on the state of the art is made. Six different devices are analyzed, taking into account their strengths and weaknesses, evaluating them and trying to find possible lacks to solve.
An evaluation of possible solutions is done, in order to find the optimal solution for the problem. Various types of actuation and structure of the mechanism are considered.
Defined which are the best choices between the ones proposed, the next step is to design a first prototype with the purpose of bringing together the solutions selected. The CAD used is PTC Creo Parametric.
Once the first prototype was designed, it was partially printed with 3D technique (additive manufacturing) and tested; tests were made on the actuation and on the device to evaluated its efficacy. The results are visible in this paper.
Finally, a conclusion is discussed with a short resume of the experiments made and the results obtained. Furthermore, remaining problems and future works are analyzed and debated.
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Hellsing, Rydergård Erika. "Nationalism as opposition in Russia –a historical comparison." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Slaviska språk, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-151673.
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During the 19th century, nationalism was generally connected to ideas of democratisation and the contestation of power and status quo. In Russia, there was an ongoing struggle between Official Nationalism, aimed at preserving the empire, and cultural nationalism. This essay is an inquiry into the differences and similarities between how the 19th century Slavophiles and contemporary Russian national democrats, exemplified by Aleksei Naval’nyi, view the Russian nation. The focus is on how the Russian nation is defined, how the two nationalist visions relate to competing views of the Russian nation, and how the idea of a Russian nation is used as part of a vision for social and political change. The essay finds that although “the Other” against which the Russian nation is defined differs in the two historical cases, the use of nationalism to frame an opposition against the regime and to advocate social and political change is persistent across time. However, because of its excluding tendencies, in the cases studied here cultural nationalism is found to be wanting as a basis on which to build a democratic form of government.
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Kemp, Robert. "Dealing with defeat : opposition in Britain, 1945-1997." Thesis, University of Essex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416720.
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Dash, Stuart David. "Community opposition to affordable housing : jamming the system." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/73307.
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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1989.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-108).
This thesis explores community opposition to affordable housing in the suburban communities of Massachusetts. In the twenty years since Chapter 774 was enacted, a significant amount of affordable housing has been developed. However, there are still many communi ties with less than the required ten percent of affordable housing. These communities are opposing affordable housing development in ways which are more sophisticated, forcing developers to anticipate a longer and more expensive development process. In order to examine the opposition within a community, and how this opposition is often transferred from community members to local officials, the thesis looks at three case studies from the last ten years. The thesis will use material from interviews with affordable housing developers, and other actors in the affordable housing process, as well as material from the Housing Appeals Committee files. The process of affordable housing development is discussed, with emphasis on the points of intervention used by communities. The stakeholders in the development process are reviewed, along with their motivations, interests, and concerns. The three case studies rely mainly on sworn testimony from the HAC hearings, and reveal a number of ways in which community opposition is used to "jam the system," using strategies that are both everyday and unusual. Each case presents the actors in the opposition, their location in the process, and a discussion of the effectiveness of their strategy. The final chapter discusses why this opposition occurs in these ways, and makes recommendations for reducing the negative impact on the affordable housing development process. Recommendations are made for addressing the opposition discussed in the cases. These include initiating an project specific assisted negotiation process, a regional fair share negotiation process, and a more flexible state rule system for affordable housing.
by Stuart David Dash.
M.C.P.
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Allan, Lewis. "Thatcher's economists : ideas and opposition in 1980s Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:db77150a-75bb-4249-8d1b-a82d14daceae.
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This thesis is an historical study of the formation of Thatcherite economic thinking and policymaking with a particular focus upon investigating the part played by economic ideas and economists in Thatcherism. While some economists and economic ideas are closely associated with Thatcherism, Thatcherites were hostile to the bulk of Britain’s economists residing in universities and in the Government Economic Service and skeptical of the usefulness of economic theory in policymaking. Thatcherites thought that British academic and government economists supported a ‘Keynesian consensus’ which was purported to have been in operation since the Second World War and had allegedly retarded Britain’s growth from a quasi-mythical free-enterprise Victorian high-point. However, Thatcherites were keen to win the ‘battle of ideas’ and became eager ‘buyers’ of economic ideas – Keith Joseph particularly – in a ‘marketplace in economic ideas’ which developed over the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Yet, Thatcherites were not suddenly converted to neoliberal economic thinking by the marketplace in economic ideas. Instead, Thatcherites pragmatically sought out ideas which could be adopted and adapted in combination with long-standing ideological beliefs which were hostile to the size and role of the state and in favour of ‘sound money.’ Thatcherite economic thinking developed to include sometimes contradictory strands of supply-side economics, Austrian economics, monetarism/rational expectations and public choice economics but also contained, particularly for Margaret Thatcher, elements of ‘businessmen’s economics’ and ‘housewife economics.’ A case study of privatisation policy illustrates the point that pre-existing Thatcherite thinking, such as the desire to ‘roll back the state’, provided the core underlying rationale for economic policies. Yet, Thatcherites were also able to use a jumbled amalgam of economic ideas such as Austrian and neoclassical economics to promote secondary objectives such as introducing competition when conditions were judged as favourable by Thatcherites.
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Eirug, Aled. "Opposition to the First World War in Wales." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99204/.
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This thesis sets the opposition to the First World War in Wales in the context of the country�s tradition of activism in favour of peace and against a background of initial enthusiasm in favour of the War. It provides a critical assessment of the academic interpretation of Wales�s attitudes towards War, assesses the development of opposition to the continuation of the War from Autumn 1914 onwards, and describes the range of anti-war activity and analyses the sources of political and religious opposition to the War. It provides an analysis of the composition of opposition to the War on religious grounds in Wales, and considers the significance of the Christian pacifist organisation, the Fellowship of Reconciliation, together with a review of the extent of the opposition to the War within Nonconformist denominations. The significance of key individuals such as Principal Thomas Rees and key Welsh publications such as Y Deyrnas are highlighted, and particular consideration is given to the role of millenarian sects within the anti-war movement. The politically based anti-war movement in Wales is examined primarily through an analysis of the activities of the Independent Labour Party and its impact in two of its local strongholds, in Briton Ferry and Merthyr Tydfil. It also considers the role of the National Council for Civil Liberties and the No- Conscription Fellowship and those involved in industrial agitation against conscription in south Wales, and the extent to which this featured as part of the anti-war movement. This thesis provides an analysis of the numbers of conscientious objectors in Wales, their grounds for objection, their geographical distribution and their political and religious allegiances. It considers how the State dealt with the challenge of conscientious objection and how successful the anti-war movement was in challenging military conscription and support for the war in Wales.
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Lowe, J. Andreas. "Richard Smyth : stations in a life of opposition." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273077.
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Mundil, Daniel [Verfasser]. "Die Opposition. : Eine Funktion des Verfassungsrechts. / Daniel Mundil." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1238433812/34.
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Feldhaus, Claudia G. "What's in a Word: The Opposition to Welfare." Xavier University Psychology / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=xupsy1629976679245301.
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Mohapi, Refiloe Alphonce. "Democracy in Lesotho: theory and practice of opposition." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003016.
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Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.
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Neubert, Ehrhart. "Geschichte der Opposition in der DDR, 1949-1989 /." Berlin : C. Links, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37097399m.
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Stallard, W. "The Labour Party in opposition and in government, 1970-79 : The effects of the government-opposition cycle upon intra-party stability." Thesis, Keele University, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372827.
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Castets, Rémi. "Nationalisme, islam et politique : les trajectoires idéologiques de l’opposition politique ouïghoure." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0062.
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Allmendinger, Bjoern. "Brecht dem Schütz die Gräten, alle Macht den Räten die Rätebewegung - historische Inspiration und theoretische Bürde der 68er-Bewegung." Marburg Tectum-Verl, 2009. http://d-nb.info/994942419/04.
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