Journal articles on the topic 'Opposition, 1862'
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BROOKES, JAMES. "Images in Conflict: Union Soldier-Artists Picture the Battle of Stones River, 1862–1863." Journal of American Studies 54, no. 5 (April 22, 2019): 870–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875819000112.
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The Civil War marked a revolution in the use of visual culture, during which imagery became a soldier's tool. Engagement with imagery presented both an opportunity and a dilemma, forcing some soldier-artists to abandon existing artistic conventions, whilst others fortified them, in search of ways to represent both the war's violence and tedium. The visual idealization of war jarred uncomfortably with the depiction of the conflict's realities. The creation of a diverse grassroots archive ran parallel to the mainstream narrative, examination of which offers new insight into how some soldiers visualized the war in opposition to themes exhibited in popular culture.
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Dockham, Carol. "Liturgical Commemorations, Political Dissent and Religious Schism in the Russian Orthodox Church during the 1920s and 1930s." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 53, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 306–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05303006.
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Abstract In the early Soviet period, the long Christian tradition of praying for secular and ecclesiastical rulers played an important role in Orthodox debates over legitimate authority, especially after the death of Patriarch Tikhon (Bellavin, 1865–1925) in March 1925. When Metropolitan Sergii (Stragorodskii, 1867–1944), the acting leader of the patriarchal church, ordered the liturgical commemoration of the atheistic Soviet government as the secular authority and himself as the ecclesiastical authority in October 1927, he immediately provoked strong resistance from a group of hierarchs, clergy and laypersons in Leningrad. Because this opposition was expressed publicly at worship services, the Bolsheviks considered it a form of anti-Soviet agitation. For Orthodox believers, however, commemoration represented an ecclesiastical rather than a secular question. Sergii himself resisted Soviet pressure to stop commemorating his own superior, the imprisoned Metropolitan Petr (Polianskii, 1862–1937). Despite the bitter divisions among the followers of Patriarch Tikhon in the decade that followed his death, both Sergii and his opponents both prayed for Petr – a fragile thread that united the church’s contending factions.
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Lorenz, Fredrick Walter. "Agents, Ambassadors, and Imams: Ottoman-British Transimperialism in the Cape of Good Hope, 1862–1869." Journal of World History 34, no. 2 (June 2023): 241–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2023.a902054.
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Abstract: This article examines Ottoman and British collaborative efforts to intervene in and transform Muslim religious and cultural affairs in the Cape of Good Hope from 1862 to 1869. It focuses on how the Ottoman sultan reinstated the Ottoman Empire's prestige globally in the decade following the Crimean War by employing religious scholars and British agents in Cape Town to expand the empire's sphere of influence in Africa through "soft power." This was part of a larger collaborative enterprise between Ottoman and British authorities, which I call Ottoman-British transimperialism. I argue that the project of Ottoman-British transimperialism in Cape Town encountered opposition when confronted by customary and charismatic forms of Islam and the divided loyalties of local Muslim communities. This crucial examination of the Cape Colony highlights how local collaboration and resistance mediated transimperial ambitions in Cape Town and redefined the social networks and local ties among Cape Muslims.
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Riall, L. J. "Liberal policy and the control of public order in western Sicily 1860–1862." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025838.
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AbstractThis article is concerned with explanations of the failure of stateformation and nation building in liberal Italy, and concentrates on attempts to integrate western Sicily into the new political framework. The marxist account of this process has emphasized the extent of peasant revolt against the new state, and its brutal repression. Unification, it is argued, failed because it was based on coercion and domination rather than on leadership by popular consent. The present article suggests that this explanation is incomplete as it ignores the behaviour and attitude of local elites within western Sicily. The dominance of local affairs by such groups was challenged by the advent of a modern centralizing state. The article uses records from this period to show that many local notables frustrated government efforts to set up new town councils, new police forces and a liberal judicial system. This kind of resistance was far more difficult to overcome than popular revolt, because it could (and did) challenge the whole basis of centralized liberal rule. The article also looks at the military repression of the 1860s and argues that it too was undermined by the opposition of local elites. An additional reason, therefore, for the failure of unification after 1860 may be the new state's lack of appeal among its supposed class allies.
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du Jardin Nielsen, Anders Gaarn, and Neil H. Metcalfe. "Mikkel Hindhede (1862–1945): A pioneering nutritionist." Journal of Medical Biography 26, no. 3 (August 26, 2016): 202–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772015623412.
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The 150th anniversary of the birth of the Danish nutritionist Mikkel Hindhede (1862–1945) fell on 13 February 2012. He was brought up in a farming family and despite family traditions he chose an academic path and became a medical doctor in 1888 and he was ahead of his time and emphasized a healthy life style rather than polypharmacy. He was convinced that the Danish population ate far too much meat and investigated and debated this matter frequently. In 1910, the Danish government allocated Hindhede a laboratory to study human nutrition where he carried out several nutritional experiments on humans. Even though his research contradicted previous theories and met opposition, he had great societal influence. Hindhede’s work was the reason that Denmark focused on feeding the Danish population with harvest products and therefore had to slaughter herds of cattle and pork during the food crisis of the First World War (1914–1918). According to his calculations, this may have prevented 6300 deaths in the war. Moreover, Hindhede’s work later influenced both national and international nutrition policies.
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Kalashnikov, Andrei A. "REVOLUTIONARY IN THE CZAR’S SERVICE: A BIOGRAPHY OF FORESTRY SPECIALIST VLADIMIR MONYUSHKO (1862-1923)." Vestnik Altaiskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogiceskogo Universiteta, no. 55 (June 15, 2023): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2413-4481-2023-2-90-96.
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The paper presents the very first overview of the biography of Vladimir P. Monyushko, a forestry specialist. Using historical-biographical method, the author reconstructs the main milestones of Vladimir Monyushko’s life. The paper reveals the role Monyushko played in the events of the so-called “Krasnoyarsk Republic” in 1905, as well as describes his social and political activities during his service in Tomsk Governorate. The author points out that the formed opposition views and Monyushko’s active involvement in revolutionary events did interfere with his service, yet made gaining promotion and receiving public service benefits impossible.
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Kuznetsov, Aleksey. "Student Unrest of 1861 in Saint Petersburg and Its Impact on Public Attitudes According to the Materials of Vladimir Chemezov's Diary." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029733-5.
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Based on the gymnasium diary of Vladimir Ivanovich Chemezov, the article analyses the individual experience of perception of student unrest in St. Petersburg in the autumn of 1861, as well as the evolution of socio-political sentiments towards the actions of the authorities in that period. The student unrest of the autumn of 1861 in Russia has been widely covered in pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern Russian historiography. They caused a lively response in society, many direct participants and witnesses left their memories about them. But even against this background, the point of view of a St. Petersburg gymnasium student on the events is unique and allows us to get a rare insight into the experiences, thoughts and emotions of a young man in a period of significant social upheaval. V. Chemezov's opinion about the student unrest is formed on the basis of contradictory sources of information: his own observations, stories of relatives, acquaintances and classmates, and the official press. In conditions of distrust to official statements, rumours have a significant impact on the formation of V. Chemezov's opinion about the actions of the authorities. The student unrest caused a significant impact in public sentiment, while the government's harsh response, including mass arrests, expulsions from universities and the use of military force, created dissatisfaction with the actions of the authorities and strengthened opposition sentiment. The unrest was a turning point for many young people who later took an active part in the revolutionary movement. V. Chemezov himself became a high-ranking official rather than a revolutionary, but his diary testifies to the rapid and radical changes in public sentiment and perception of the authorities in the turbulent years of 1861—1862 among the city dwellers.
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Shortell, Timothy. "The Rhetoric of Black Abolitionism." Social Science History 28, no. 1 (2004): 75–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001275x.
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In a span of thirty years, from 1832 to 1862, American abolitionists were able to reverse public opinion in the North on the question of slavery.Despite the dramatic political shift, the emergent hostility to “slave power” did not lead to an embrace of racial equality. Abolitionists, in the face of America’s long history of racism, sought to link opposition to slavery with a call for civil rights. For black abolitionists, this was not only a strategic problem, it was a matter of self-definition. In the middle of the nineteenth century, the meanings of liberty, labor, and independence were the basis of contentious republican politics. Black abolitionists used this rhetorical raw material to fashion “fighting words” with which to generate solidarity and deliver their moral claims to the nation. This research employs an innovative strategy for the analysis of the discursive field, in an exploratory content analysis of five black newspapers in antebellum New York State. Computerized content analysis coded for themes, rhetoric, and ideology in a sample of more than 36,000 words of newspaper text. Although the discourse of black abolitionism is a social critique, it also contains a positive assertion of what free blacks would become. As important as the theme of “slavery” was to the discourse, so too were “colored” and “brotherhood.” This analysis consistently showed the key features of political antislavery argumentation to be most common in the Douglass newspapers (theNorth StarandFrederick Douglass' Paper).
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Hasselmann, P. H., V. Della Corte, P. Pravec, S. Ieva, I. Gai, D. Perna, J. D. P. Deshapriya, et al. "The Unusual Brightness Phase Curve of (65803) Didymos." Planetary Science Journal 5, no. 4 (April 1, 2024): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3847/psj/ad2add.
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Abstract On 2022 September 26, NASA's Double Asteroid Redirection Test (DART) successfully hit Dimorphos, the smaller companion of the binary system formed with the asteroid (65803) Didymos. Both the binary system and the impact event were imaged by the Light Italian Cubesat for Imaging of Asteroids, detached from DART 15 days before the impact. Images from the onboard LUKE red, green, and blue camera together with ground-based observations enabled the reconstruction of Didymos's brightness phase curve, with phase angles ranging from 2.35° to 107.7°. The opposition effect regime was studied using the exponential-linear equation, the “Shevchenko” function and the linear-by-parts model while the IAU-official HG1G2 magnitude system was applied to the full phase curve. The opposition effect indicates an unusual asteroid surface for an S type, with characteristics similar to M-type asteroids. While the HG1G2 parameters from the full phase curve place Didymos well among asteroids of the taxonomic C complex. Didymos’s phase curve parameters when compared to near-Earth asteroids are very close to the Q type (1862) Apollo, indicating possible depletion of fine submicrometric grains through resurfacing. Didymos's geometric albedo (0.15 ± 0.01) is reported to be 30%–45% smaller than the average geometric albedo for near-Earth S types (0.26 ± 0.04). We propose that Didymos might be an LL ordinary chondrite analog containing albedo-suppressing, shock-darkened/impact melt minerals that have undergone resurfacing processes in the past. A comparison with meteorites indicates that, less likely, Didymos could also contain materials analog to carbon-bearing brecciated L3 ordinary chondrites.
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Madly, Lorand L. "„Elaboratul comisiei celor șapte“ din sesiunea Universității săsești din 1862 în contextul discuțiilor privind reașezarea constituțională a Transilvaniei." Anuarul Institutului de Istorie "George Bariţiu". Series Historica 62 (December 30, 2023): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/aiigb/2023.62.08.
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Under the new conditions introduced by the newly enacted Basic Laws (October Diploma and February Patent), the entire Habsburg Monarchy was faced with a redefinition of the position of the crown lands and their internal organization. These had to be carried out under the political tensions that led to the dissolution of the Diet in Pest and the non-convening of the Transylvanian Diet. In 1862, the Saxon National University was the only representative that was functional and also had Romanian members in its ranks. Among the most important documents that were created here was the draft of the Seventh Commission, which intended to implement equality of rights through the creation of national administrative areas. It was also a continuation of the „territorial question" discussions of 1850 and 1851, which has now led to intense disputes mainly with the Hungarian opposition movement, but also to disputes with the Romanian national movement; these were reflected in sometimes extremely critical newspaper articles. The position and the answer of the higher authorities could only be fathomed after intensive consultations. Finally, the transgression of the competences of the Nationsuniversität was determined, since only the provincial Diet could decide in this matter, and this was the way the higher authorities wanted to follow through the future Transylvanian assembly.
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Badalian, Dmitrii A. "Yu. F. Samarin, Slavophiles and the Struggle against “German Party” in 1840s-1870s." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-41-67.
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Slavophile Yu. F. Samarin was the first public figure who entered into continued opposition to the “German party”, which in this article is viewed as pro-Baltic (Ostseen) group in the court, government and public circles. The party included natives of the Baltic governorates, foreigners and some high rank Russian officials supporting their ideas.The instrument of their influence and power was considered to be the Third Section of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Chancellery (The Third Department). Samarin’s opposition to the “German party” was closely connected with the three series of his works: “Letter from Riga” manuscript (1848), articles on the situation in the Baltic governorates published in “Moskva” journal (1867) and the six issues of his book “ Remote Areas of Russia” (1868-1876). In the present article Samarin’s activity is viewed in the context of the opposition of the “German party” and the Slavophiles and polemics and discussions in Russian press in 1860-s.
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Barut, Arkadiusz. "Konserwatyzm narodowy Maurice’a Barrèsa jako sprzeciw wobec nowoczesnej ideologizacji życia zbiorowego." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.1.5.
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The subject of the article is the philosophical and political concept of Maurice Barrès (1862–1923), French writer and thinker, the most important next to Charles Maurras, a national-conservative thinker in the Third French Republic. The author argues that the topicality of Barrès’ concept lies in revealing the threat arising from the desire to fully reflect reality in political ideologies. The hermeneutic exegesis of Barrès’s concept avoids its superficial reading as chauvinistic or internally incoherent. The author situates it as an ideological and historical context as a polemic with official ideology of the Third Republic, that is, Charles Renouvier’s neocantism. Its links with the concepts of Ernest Renan and Hyppolite Taine, writers combining individualism and agnosticism with conservatism, are revealed. The author points out that Barrès’ opposition to the ideologization of collective life resulted from his concept of man. In the course of its evolution — the transition from ‘The Cult of Self’ to conservatism, its individualistic aspect has been preserved. This justified both the valorisation of the nation as one of the sources of the self’s identity and the rejection of chauvinistic approaches to nationalism, not taking into account other factors forming the human identity, i.e. the region and the universal community. It also justified the rejection of ideological apriorism in politics and political projects.
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Thornton, Bill, and Hayley J. Tizard. "“Not in My Back Yard”." Social Psychology 41, no. 4 (January 2010): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000034.
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“Not in my back yard” (NIMBY) is characterized as behavioral opposition to proposed change and reflects vested interest and perceived negative personal consequences. The present research examined the role of arousal in moderating the relationship between vested interest and oppositional behavior. Two studies replicated previous research with high vested interest associated with greater oppositional behavior and greater attitude-behavior consistency than that observed with low vested interest. Moreover, a misattribution of arousal manipulation (Study 1) resulted in reduced oppositional behavior, whereas an induced arousal manipulation (Study 2) resulted in greater oppositional behavior. These results provide experimental support for the role of arousal underlying vested interest and behavioral opposition. Implications of the results for applications and further research are considered.
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Podosokorsky, Nikolay N. "The Book by J.B.A. Sharras about the Waterloo Campaign in F.M. Dostoevsky’s Novel “The Idiot”." Literary Fact, no. 4 (30) (2023): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-8297-2023-30-128-147.
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The article examines the role of the book by the outstanding military historian, Colonel J.B.A. Charras (1810–1865), “The History of the Campaign of 1815. Waterloo” (1857), in F.M. Dostoevsky’s novel “The Idiot” (1868). Dostoevsky bought this book in 1867 in Baden-Baden while working on his new novel. The political emigrant Charras, who had died just two years before the creation of the novel “The Idiot,” was by that time widely known in Europe and in Russia as one of the most principled and authoritative leaders not only of the French but also, in a broad sense, of the European democratic movement. The literary and political journal “Vremya,” published in the early 1860s by the brothers M.M. and F.M. Dostoevsky, was one of those that published materials about him. The article examines the biography of Charras as a military and political figure and his opposition to the regime of the Second Empire under Napoleon III. The first Russian translation of the work of the French historian was published in the same year 1868, as the novel “The Idiot”. Two characters of the novel, admirers of Napoleon (Prince Lev Myshkin and General Ardalion Ivolgin), critically mentioned the book of Charras during their conversation about Napoleon’s stay in Moscow in 1812. The characters of “The Idiot” have different assessments of the figure of the French emperor in comparison with Charras himself, which is due to their different views on history in general and the role of personality in history. It shows that the fictional story of General Ivolgin in the novel is largely based on the work of Charras, which is thus one of his main sources.
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Gaginskii, Aleksei Mikhailovich. "Some aspects of F. Brentano's ontology and its influence on the philosophy of M. Heidegger." Философия и культура, no. 9 (September 2023): 128–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0757.2023.9.44027.
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The article examines some aspects of Brentano's ontology, starting with his 1862 dissertation "On the ambiguity of Being according to Aristotle", as well as its influence on the philosophy of M. Heidegger. The author shows that the ontology of the early Brentano is not limited to ousiology, since it includes a discussion of the field of mental being (ens rationis, ὂν ὡς ἀληθές) and it is in this aspect that he influences the young Heidegger. Following Aristotle, Brentano assigns a central role to the ontology of essence, which in the late period leads him to the position of reism, but in the lectures of the middle period Brentano discusses the problems of intentional inexistence, thanks to which projects of "new types of ontology" by Husserl and Mainong appear. The author believes that Heidegger was also influenced by these ideas. Of course, there are fundamental differences between the positions of Brentano and Heidegger, but the similarities are quite large. In particular, if Brentano, highlighting the real and true areas, gives preference in favor of the former, then Heidegger's ontology is built on the second member of this opposition. In particular, everything that can be given is called being by Heidegger, because we are talking about intentional being, about ens rationis, or ὂν ὡς ἀληθές
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Kondakov, Yuri E. "Documents on Freemasonry from the Archive of Archimandrite Photius (Spassky)." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 676–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-676-691.
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The article introduces into scientific use an analytical note on Freemasonry addressed to Alexander I. In Europe in the 18th – 19th centuries, there was extensive anti-Masonic literature. In Russia, such works were rare. Reputedly, the greatest Russian extirpator of Freemasonry was Archimandrite Photius (Spassky). The ban of Masonic lodges in 1822 is attributed to his influence on Alexander I. Photius was one of the leaders of the social movement of the Russian Orthodox opposition. Among other objects of its criticism were the Masonic lodges. However, a consolidated anti-Masonic action failed to materialize. Now it has been made possible to explain the opposition’s restraint in its attitude to Freemasonry. Four volumes of documents belonging to archimandrite Photius have been found in the Russian State Historical Archive. These are the materials from 1817-1832. The collection includes personal documents of Photius, messages and letters of Metropolitan Seraphim (Glagolevsky), A.A. Arakcheev, A.S. Shishkov, Metropolitan Filaret (Drozdov). Many of these documents were handed over to Emperor Alexander I and influenced his change of heart in the politics. An anonymous note on Freemasonry from the Photius collection is included in the article in its entirety as a rare example of an anti-Masonic message to the Emperor. The note gives a retrospective of the Masonic movement in Russia. It describes what influence the masons of the 18th century had on Freemasonry of the 19th century. Most mentioned Masonic leaders belonged to the “Rosicrucian” system of Freemasonry (Order of the Golden and Pink Cross). The author of the note assured the emperor that there were Rosicrucians in his inner circle. He named Senator I.V. Lopukhin, publisher and translator A.F. Labzin, R.A. Koshelev, and the tsar’s friend, Minister A.N. Golitsyn. Photius’s documents show that criticism of Freemasonry was not the focus of the Russian Orthodox opposition activities. Among the opposition there were people who shared the idea of a worldwide Masonic conspiracy: S.I. Smirnov, M.L. Magnitsky. In Archimandrite In the Photius’s documents references to Freemasonry are very rare. At the time of the opposition’s action in 1824, the issue of Freemasonry was no longer relevant, since Freemasonry was subjected to a government ban in 1822.
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Vasilyeva, Tatyana Vladimirovna. "The mythology of the Far Eastern frontier in S. V. Maksimov’s book “In the East. A Trip to the Amur (in 1860-1861)”." Philology. Issues of Theory and Practice 16, no. 8 (August 21, 2023): 2518–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/phil20230395.
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The paper is devoted to the study of the frontier discourse of S. V. Maksimov’s book “In the East. A Trip to the Amur (in 1860-1861)”. The paper describes the main mythologemes of the “frontier mythology” about the Far East outlined by S. V. Maksimov in the book “In the East. A Trip to the Amur (in 1860-1861)”, which became the basis for the subsequent literary tradition in presenting the image of the Eastern frontier territories. The aim of the study is to determine the features of the creative transformation of the mythopoetic complex (images, motifs, archaic-mythological elements) that forms the “Far Eastern myth” in S. V. Maksimov’s book “In the East. A Trip to the Amur (in 1860-1861)”. The scientific novelty of the study lies in identifying “frontier mythology” motifs in S. V. Maksimov’s book “In the East. A Trip to the Amur (in 1860-1861)”, which seems relevant when studying the proto-textual basis of the Far Eastern local supertext in the prose of the second half of the XIX century. As a result, it has been proved that the frontier discourse of S. V. Maksimov’s book “In the East. A Trip to the Amur (in 1860-1861)” is organised around a demiurgical myth. The mythologeme “heaven/hell” and the opposition “friend – foe” also have a meaning-generating significance in S. V. Maksimov’s representation of the image of the Far East as a frontier territory.
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Everina, Rifqi Ayu. "Oposisi Biner dalam “Lettres de Mon Moulin” Karya Alphonse Daudet." Lingua Susastra 2, no. 2 (January 4, 2022): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/ls.v2i2.42.
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Binary opposition is the most important aspect that can reveal how humans think, how humans produce meaning and understand reality (Culler, 1976). Therefore, the discovery of binary oppositions is useful in providing clues to the workings of human reason. In the context of narrative analysis, binary opposition can reveal how the logic behind a narrative is made. Based on this, this study highlights how the formation of binary opposition contained in the novel "Lettres de Mon Moulin" by Alphonse Daudet uses Lévi Strauss's theory of binary opposition (1955) and structural analysis using Freytag's plot theory (1863). The corpus of the research consists of six stories contained in the novel forming a binary opposition. After doing the analysis, it was found that a pair of words with binary opposition were included in the exclusive category and two pairs of words that were included in the non-exclusive binary opposition category. From these findings, it was found that the author of the novel, Daudet, gave directions on what was good and bad by giving a clear line of separation. This is in line with the context of making stories during the industrial revolution, which mapped the world into two things, namely traditional and modern life.
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Tillier, Bertrand. "Des curés chez Bacchus. Satire anticléricale et opposition politique chez Gustave Courbet (1863-1868)." Romantisme 162, no. 4 (2013): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rom.162.0059.
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Alentieva, Tatiana. "Visual Propaganda in the American Civil War of 1861–1865." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.2.
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Introduction. The article analyzes visual propaganda during the American Civil War, its goals, methods, and means for both belligerents. The problem is relevant in connection with modern information wars and is insufficiently studied in American and Russian historiography. Methods and materials. The research is based on historicism, objectivity, consistency, dialectical approach, philosophical and sociological theories that study the nature of social consciousness and the factors that influence it, namely the theory of C. Jung on the collective unconscious and archetypal images, the theory of social constructionism by P. Berger and N. Luckmann, the achievements of imagology and discursive analysis. The sources for the study were visual materials: posters, drawings, paintings, cartoons, photographs of the Civil War in the United States, placed in open access on the World Wide Web, published in illustrated periodicals: Harper’s Weekly, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated, Vanity Fair, The Southern Illustrated News, presented in book publications. Analysis. During the American Civil War, the country was split between northerners, supporters of the Union, and southerners who fought for the independence of the Confederate States. In the conditions of a military conflict, visual propaganda turned out to be most popular and effective. Its goal was to convince the warring parties of the rightness of their own cause, to mobilize society on achieving victory. In the North, the image of the enemy – “Johnny the rebel” – was constructed in order to incite hatred towards the southerners. In the South, the image of the “damned Yankee” was created. Both northern and southern visual propaganda relied on time-tested images (the image of the motherland, the warrior-defender, home and family), as well as on the collective unconscious and archetypes of consciousness associated with religious views and historical roots, used a variety of tools, techniques and methods. The most powerful means of influence were the traditions of the War of Independence, the legacy of the Founding Fathers. The use of national symbols was characteristic: Union and Confederate flags, images of presidents and military leaders. The most common means of visual propaganda were posters and leaflets, postal envelopes, banknotes decorated with patriotic symbols. Drawings and cartoons were an important means of mobilizing the population. They were placed in illustrated newspapers and magazines, and were also printed separately in the form of engravings and lithographs. Visual propaganda played on emotions, it was built on the opposition of “friend/ foe”, depicting its supporters as heroes worthy of admiration, and its enemies as insidious, cruel and cowardly. Results. Despite certain similarities in the conduct of propaganda by both warring parties, it turned out to be more comprehensive and effective in the North, which influenced the achievement of victory over the South. Key words: U.S. history, the Civil War of 1861–1865, visual propaganda, the “friend/foe” dichotomy, imagology.
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Žvirgždas, Manfredas. "Ethnolinguistic Nationalism and Other Political Contexts of Maironis." Interlitteraria 24, no. 2 (January 15, 2020): 436–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2019.24.2.13.
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Widely acclaimed as the Lithuanian national poet, the Catholic clergyman Jonas Mačiulis-Maironis (1862–1932) in his canonical poems of the epoch of national revival expressed his romantic primordialist point of view that every nation has an inherent right to its independence that had been given by divine institution. Linguistic factors determined national identity in Eastern Europe of the late 19th century. Maironis as a follower of linguocentric nationalism modelled the conditions for the elite Lithuanian culture which would be significant at the European level. The longing for the so-called European virtues (universally based on Christian ethics) penetrated through all the poet’s world-view, therefore he was impressed by the diligence and activism of Western nations but did not support the ideas of social activism and individual liberties, opposed the ideas of secular philosophical trends, especially socialism and scientism. Eurocentrist motives in his rhetoric did not mean any challenge to the governing conservative Russian regime because they did not invoke opposition to the ideology of Pan-Slavism which was supported by the Tsarist ideologues. The poetical archetype of springtime awakening was related to the youthful activism of the “new” political nations of Eastern and Central Europe. Maironis was one of the first Lithuanian authors who openly criticized ideas of socialism and positivism; on the other hand, he provoked discussions of the enlightened group of the developing Lithuanian-speaking elite. He regarded the slogans of liberty, equality and fraternity as deceptive justification of populism and collective violence. Sceptically regarding parliamentary democracy, he emphasized the principles of Classical-Christian law and justice and the need for solidarity, consciousness and creativity. Maironis related the ideological dispute of conservative and radical trends to the decisive struggle of Christianity and atheism. He was a consistent and orthodox Catholic thinker, the opponent of any revolutionary upheavals; discussing social questions he emphasized that politicians should take into account doctrine of the Holy See on the obligations of Christians and principles of charity.
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Schlesinger, Jayme R., and Jack S. Levy. "Politics, audience costs, and signalling: Britain and the 1863–4 Schleswig-Holstein crisis." European Journal of International Security 6, no. 3 (April 12, 2021): 338–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2021.7.
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AbstractAudience costs theory posits that domestic audiences punish political leaders who make foreign threats but fail to follow through, and that anticipation of audience costs gives more accountable leaders greater leverage in crisis bargaining. We argue, contrary to the theory, that leaders are often unaware of audience costs and their impact on crisis bargaining. We emphasise the role of domestic opposition in undermining a foreign threat, note that opposition can emerge from policy disagreements within the governing party as well as from partisan oppositions, and argue that the resulting costs differ from audience costs. We argue that a leader's experience of audience costs can trigger learning about audience costs dynamics and alter future behaviour. We demonstrate the plausibility of these arguments through a case study of the 1863–4 Schleswig-Holstein crisis. Prime Minister Palmerston's threat against German intervention in the Danish dispute triggered a major domestic debate, which undercut the credibility of the British threat and contributed to both the failure of deterrence and to subsequent British inaction. Parliament formally censured Palmerston, contributing to a learning-driven reorientation in British foreign policy.
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SAUNDERS, ROBERT. "THE POLITICS OF REFORM AND THE MAKING OF THE SECOND REFORM ACT, 1848–1867." Historical Journal 50, no. 3 (August 28, 2007): 571–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006267.
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ABSTRACTThe second reform act came at the close of a remarkable period of constitutional debate, in which seven different governments had committed themselves to reform. Yet historians have shown little interest in this debate, seeing it as largely irrelevant to the making of the second reform act. This article seeks to reconnect the discussions of the 1850s with the measure of 1867, and to explore some of the issues that shaped the course of legislation. It argues that the failure to achieve reform in the 1850s was the result not of hostility to reform in the abstract, but of an inability to agree on the type of reform that was desirable. Depending on who was enfranchised and where, different reform bills could produce quite different electorates, making consensus elusive. The article shows how the Liberal opposition to the 1866 bill was fuelled by concerns over the nature of Liberal politics after Palmerston, and concludes that the disagreement over the rating franchise concealed a wider disagreement on the whole nature of reform, exerting a powerful influence on the measures of both 1866 and 1867.
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Wilson, Kirt H. "Debating the Great Emancipator: Abraham Lincoln and our Public Memory." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 455–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41936461.
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Abstract In this essay I analyze the debate over Abraham Lincoln’s role in the emancipation of African American slaves. Speaking both to contemporary public memory and the evidence of history, I contend that when Lincoln discussed or wrote about emancipation between 1860 and 1863, his rhetoric exhibited a dialogic form that shifted responsibility from the president to congressional leaders and common citizens. I conclude that Lincoln’s dialogic rhetoric does not signal his opposition to emancipation but rather his deep belief that emancipation would become meaningful only after the considered deliberation and action of the American people.
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Čeladín, Jindřich. "The Era of Book Smugglers in Lithuania in the Second Half of the 19th Century and Its Contribution to the Creation of the Modern Lithuanian Nation." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 63, no. 3-4 (2019): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amnpsc-2018-0005.
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The defeat of the Polish-Lithuanian uprising in 1863–1864 was followed by a new repressive policy. Its primary objectives were to suppress any ideas of the Polish-Lithuanian state and to establish the Russian system at any cost. The Russian government tried to remove Lithuanian and Polish languages from public life, limit the influence of the Catholic Church, spread Orthodoxy, support the Russian education system and prohibit the printing of Lithuanian publications. The Catholic Church, headed by the bishop of Samogitia, Motiejus Valančius, joined the quiet opposition to the Russian Empire. Valančius organised the printing of Lithuanian books in Prussia – he established a secret organisation that smuggled books to Lithuania and distributed them there. Thanks to him, the foundations of the new Lithuanian national movement were laid. It supported the creation of national literature, the establishment of secret Lithuanian schools and the strengthening of the position of the Lithuanian language in the Church. The Lithuanian national revival opposed not only Russification efforts but also Polonisation in both ethnic and political sense. The era of book smugglers in Lithuania between 1865 and 1904 played a crucial role in the process of the formation of the modern Lithuanian nation. This is the main reason why the national movement of the Lithuanians also became a subject of political discussions in the early 20th century.
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Taylor, Antony. "“Commons-Stealers”, “Land-Grabbers” and “Jerry-Builders”: Space, Popular Radicalism and the Politics of Public Access in London, 1848–1880." International Review of Social History 40, no. 3 (December 1995): 383–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113392.
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SummaryThis article places the campaign for rights of public access in London in context. It provides a structural analysis of the importance of public space in metropolitan radicalism, and in so doing explores prevailing assumptions about the different uses of such space in a provincial and metropolitan setting. Its chief focus is upon opposition to restrictions on rights of public meeting in Hyde Park in 1855 and 1866–1867, but it also charts later radical opposition to the enclosures of common-land on the boundaries of London and at Epping Forest in Essex. In particular it engages with recent debates on the demise of Chartism and the political composition of liberalism in an attempt to explain the persistence of an independent tradition of mass participatory political radicalism in the capital. It also seeks explanations for the weakness of conventional liberalism in London in the issues raised by the open spaces movement itself.
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Kaunas, Domas. "Lithuanian Postcard in the struggle against Imperial Russia." Knygotyra 79 (December 30, 2022): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2022.79.121.
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The article is devoted to a peculiar episode of the struggle of Lithuanians against the policy of persecution based on nationality which was pursued by Imperial Russia between 1864 and 1904. Its participants were representatives of the parts of the Lithuanian nation separated by the border between Germany and the Russian Empire – Martynas Jankus (1858–1946), a German citizen, a Lithuanian of East Prussia, the owner of a printing office in Tilsit (Lith. Tilžė, currently Sovetsk, a town in Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian Federation) and a group of Lithuanian young people who were operating illegally, a group of citizens of the Russian Empire. The time under discussion is the 1890s. During that period, the Lithuanian national movement was rapidly developing and strengthening while striving to bring together both parts of the nation and the USA-based Lithuanian diaspora community. One of the most important measures of the common struggle was the distribution of publications printed in Latin characters in the Lithuanian language which were banned to be published in the territory of Russia but were legally printed in East Prussia and smuggled across the border into Lithuania. From there, the publications were sent to Lithuanian communities all over the Russian Empire. This struggle resulted in victory: the ban was lifted by Order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia issued in 1904.
To strengthen the political opposition, Lithuanian intellectuals printed not only books, brochures and newspapers but also various minor publications – political leaflets. Students of Russian universities and Lithuanian intellectuals graduates of these higher education institutions prepared texts and sent funds intended for their publication to the printing offices of Lithuanians and Germans in East Prussia. The number of such leaflets surviving to the present day is very small. One of these publications was an anonymous card of the size of a standard German postcard (95 x 140 mm). Thus far, three of them have been found in Lithuanian libraries and archives, and one has been discovered in the National Library of Russia in Saint Petersburg. A composition of two illustrations is printed on one side of the card: a Lithuanian countrywoman and a Cossack standing in front of her with a raised whip and a bottle of vodka as a gift for obedience. This symbolised a spread of orthodoxy and the deportation of Lithuanians from their native land. The following exclamation of the Cossack is printed: Are you a Lithuanian? Go to Russia! The explanation of the content of the illustration and the encouragement (first of all, to Catholic believers) to oppose the plans of the authorities are printed in small characters. They are related to the colonisation of Siberia. The statements are well-grounded, the exposition of the subject is logical and written in the correct Lithuanian language. Most probably, it was created by the graduate of the Faculty of Law of the University of Moscow Vladas Mačys (1867–1936).
Vaclovas Biržiška, Professor of Law at the University of Lithuania in Kaunas and Director of the University Library, was the first to describe this publication bibliographically. The author regarded this publication as a postcard, attributed it to Martynas Jankus’ printing office and dated it ‘1892’. A more precise description was publicised in the fundamental work of Lithuanian national bibliography Lietuvos TSR bibliografija. Serija A: Knygos lietuvių kalba (Bibliography of the Lithuanian SSR. Series A: Books in the Lithuanian Language; vol. 2: 1862–1904. Book 2 (Vilnius, 1988, p. 401, No. 4065). It was compiled in the Soviet era, and the only available copy stored in Mikhail J. Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library (currently renamed the Russian National Library in Sankt Petersburg) served as the basis for it. The present author amended the publication date of the postcard (1891) and specified the circumstances of its distribution, while also ascertaining that the artist of the illustrations was the lithographer of Tilsit Johann Mai.
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Lamonde, Yvan. "Britannisme et américanité de Louis-Joseph Papineau à l’époque du deuxième projet d’Union (1822-1823)." Les Cahiers des dix, no. 66 (April 8, 2013): 55–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015072ar.
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Vue sous l’angle de l’évolution de la pensée politique de Papineau, l’hypothèse de Louis-Georges Harvey selon laquelle le projet d’union de 1822 a été sous-estimé dans l’historiographie québécoise et canadienne au profit de celui de 1840, prend un relief indubitable. Le séjour de Papineau à Londres avec John Neilson pour mener une opposition à ce projet d’union du Haut et du Bas-Canada lui fait découvrir un « pays de paradoxes » plus aristocratique que démocratique. Il y découvre pour sa gouverne personnelle que ce qu’il admire dans « les libertés anglaises », c’est la Chambre des Communes, le principe électif, qui est aussi celui de la Chambre d’assemblée du Bas-Canada. Il constate encore que ce que vise le projet d’union, c’est le contrôle de cette Chambre d’assemblée par une minorité. Papineau revient critique des « libertés anglaises » et curieux des libertés états-uniennes, de la république voisine où prévaut le principe d’éligibilité. Non seulement son opposition au projet de 1822 informera celle du projet de 1840, mais les années 1820 (discours sur la mort de George III) à 1826 lui font perdre ses illusions sur l’Angleterre et contribuent à façonner son admiration pour la démocratie. C’est ainsi que Papineau transforme son britannisme en républicanisme et que ce passage explique sur le plus long terme ses idées d’après 1840 que Jonathan Livernois et moi avons mises au jour dans Papineau. Erreur sur la personne (2012).
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Kline, Benjamin. "British Imperial Opposition to Natal Expansion 1865–73." Journal of Natal and Zulu History 14, no. 1 (January 1992): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02590123.1992.11964080.
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Temple, Michael. "Recovering Power: The Conservatives in Opposition since 1867." British Politics 1, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200009.
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Csernus-Lukács, Szilveszter. "Nemzetek vagy nemzetiségek? – Törvények és törvénytervezetek a nemzetiségi egyenjogúságról az 1860-as években." Erdélyi Jogélet 3, no. 2 (October 27, 2020): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/erjog.2020.02.01.
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Apart from the relation between the Lands of the Crown of Saint Stephen and the other realms of the Habsburg Empire, the primary issue of the 1860s Hungary and Transylvania to handle was the nationality equality — accordingly, the recognitions of a nation and the language policy. As soon as the national question came into view, both the Hungarian and non-Hungarian political élites formulated their outlines on how to adjust regulations, intended to be epoch-making, regarding the national and language affairs, while the emperor temporarily coordinated the case with royal decrees until the definitive Nationality Act of 1868. The Act and its preceding drafts administered many domains regarding all branches of power, with the special role of the declaration of nations, namely the recognition of such as a legal entity, a juridicial person, which would (have) allow(ed) further entitled rights, deriving from a declaration in the era. The Hungarian and non-Hungarian acts and drafts examined in the study show decisive discrepancies regarding the number of nation(alitie)s recognized as legal entities, how the minorities were defined, and what concept of a nation each draft laid down. In my study, I examine the dissimilarities of the 5 draft plans (and the Act) made by the Hungarian élite, 8 draft plans (and acts of the 1863—1864 national assembly of Transylvania) related to the nationality political élite, draft plans and royal decrees associated to the emperor and the Royal Hungarian Lieutenancy, and a joint independence opposition — nationality draft plan.
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Giles, Paul. "Forms of Opposition in American Literary Criticism." American Literary History 34, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 158–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajab077.
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Abstract Starting from Matthew Arnold’s “The Function of Criticism at the Present Time” (1865), this essay traces the importance of reading US literature and culture in comparative terms. Paying special attention to the work of Stuart Hall, Annette Kolodny, and F. O. Matthiessen, it argues that forms of structural opposition should be seen as embedded within American literature. Rather than understanding the subject itself in merely oppositional terms, it advocates antipodal and planetary critical perspectives that serve effectively to reposition the field within a wider context, one framed in various ways by biogenetic and environmental issues that exceed national boundaries. It concludes that while there are acute dangers for political leaders in a narrowness of vision, the same thing is true for literary criticism, where an undue narrowness of scope can be intellectually debilitating.
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Kallivretakis, Leonidas. "Jules Verne's Captain Nemo and French Revolutionary Gustave Flourens:A Hidden Character Model?" Historical Review/La Revue Historique 1 (January 20, 2005): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.177.
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<p>This article treats the recent assumption made by Vernian specialist William Butcher that Jules Verne's most famous character, Captain Nemo, is based on the French revolutionary intellectual Gustave Flourens (1838-1871), son of the eminent physiologist J. P. M. Flourens. Gustave Flourens fought in the Cretan insurrection of 1866-1868, later participated in the republican opposition against Napoleon III's imperial regime, eventually became a friend of Karl Marx and was finally killed as a general of the Paris Commune. By comparing step-by-step Verne's inspiration and writing procedures with Flourens' unfolding activities and fame, it is concluded that there is little basis for such an assumption. The article includes also a brief account of the Cretan question in the nineteenth century and of the deep discord between Marx's and Flourens' respective analyses of the Eastern Question.</p>
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Glass, Maeve Herbert. "Bringing Back the States: A Congressional Perspective on the Fall of Slavery in America." Law & Social Inquiry 39, no. 04 (2014): 1028–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12111.
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In the aftermath of America's Civil War, national lawmakers who chronicled the fall of slavery described the North as a terrain of states whose representatives assembled in Congress, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–77) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–70). Beginning in the early 1900s, scholars who helped establish the field of American constitutional history redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–1877) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–1870), a first generation of scholars writing during the Progressive Era redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in William A. Dunning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (1898), John W. Burgess's The Civil War and the Constitution (1901–1906), and James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems Under Lincoln (1926). Although a second generation of scholars uncovered traces of the lawmakers' perspective of states, new efforts in the wake of the civil rights movement to understand the internal workings of political parties and the contributions of ordinary Americans kept the study of national lawmakers and their states on the margins of inquiry, as evidenced in leading revisionist histories of Reconstruction, including Harold Hyman's A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution (1973), Michael Les Benedict's A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (1974a), and Eric Foner's Reconstruction: An Unfinished Revolution (1988). Today, the terrain of Northern states remains in the backdrop, as illustrated in recent studies featuring the wartime national government, including James Oakes's Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (2012) and Mark E. Neely, Jr.'s Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (2011), as well as studies of the mechanisms of constitutional change during Reconstruction, including relevant sections of Bruce Ackerman's We the People II: Transformations (1998) and Akhil Reed Amar's America's Constitution: A Biography (2005). This review essay argues that incorporating the states back into this century‐old framework will open new lines of inquiry and provide a more complete account of federalism's role in the fall of slavery. In particular, a return to the archives suggests that in the uncertain context of mid‐nineteenth‐century America, slavery's leading opponents in Congress saw the Constitution's federal logic not simply as an obstacle, but as a crucial tool with which to mobilize collective action and accommodate wartime opposition at a time when no one could say for sure what would remain of the United States.
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Komyshkova, Anna. "Языковая репрезентация ценностной картины мира нижегородского старообрядчества на страницах газеты "Ведомости Нижегородской епархии" 1865-1868 гг." Acta Neophilologica 1, no. XXIII (June 1, 2021): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/an.6226.
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This article is devoted to the linguistic research of journalistic essays devoted to Old Believers published in the newspaper Nizhny Novgorod Diocesan Gazette in 1865-1868. The culture of Old Believers in the middle of the 19th century in the Nizhny Novgorod land was very developed, which is why for several years the newspaper published essays about the history of this movement. The publication formulated its goal as informing and educating the reader, while the target audience of the newspaper was primarily considered to be rural priests. It is interesting that in the pursuit of an objective presentation of historical facts, the newspaper's journalists represent the system of values of dissenters in a peculiar way. The article analyzes the representation of such concepts as "sacrament", "sin" and "crime", and identifies the main value oppositions that express the conflict between the perception of the world by Old Believers and the authors of newspaper essays: "external – internal", "civil – spiritual".
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Lago, Enrico Dal. "The End of the "Second Slavery" in the Confederate South and the Great Brigandage in Southern Italy: Some Comparative Suggestions." Almanack, no. 4 (December 2012): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-463320120404.
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Abstract Between 1861 and 1865, the newly formed Confederate nation and the Kingdom of Italy faced comparable crises of legitimacy, as the South of the former United States and southern Italy underwent the horrific ordeals of the American Civil War and of Italy's "Great Brigandage", also in itself a civil war. Even though on different scales and in different ways, the two civil wars affected relationships between the agrarian elites and their slave and peasant workers, leading to the shattering of the "second slavery" in the Confederate South and to a deep crisis in the landowning socio-economic system of southern Italy. Whereas the Confederate nation did not survive the crisis of legitimacy and collapsed under combined military pressure from the Union and internal opposition, the Kingdom of Italy survived the crisis of legitimacy at the cost of strengthening the government's authoritarian character and of the indiscriminate use of military force.
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Mönch, Axel. "Weniger Opposition gegen Mercosur." agrarzeitung 78, no. 12 (2023): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.51202/1869-9707-2023-12-004-1.
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Brüssel. Verhalten optimistisch äußerte sich die schwedische EU-Ratspräsidentschaft zum Mercosur-Abkommen mit Südamerika. Nur noch Österreich äußerte deutlich seine Ablehnung zum Handelsabkommen. Weitere Weichen könnten auf dem Europäischen Rat gestellt werden.
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Paget, James Carleton. "Impulsore Chresto. Opposition to Christianity in the Roman Empire, c. 50–250 AD. By Jakob Engberg (trans. Gregory Carter). (Early Christianity in the Context of Antiquity, 2.) Pp. 351. Frankfurt-am-Main: Peter Lang, 2007. £34.30 (paper). 978 3 631 56778 4; 1862 197X." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 03 (July 2009): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690900815x.
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DRECIN, Mihai D. "THE TIMES OF ALEXANDRU IOAN CUZA: DISCUSSIONS, PROPOSALS, PROJECTS, FAILURES AND ACHIEVEMENTS IN NATIONAL FINANCE AND BANKING." Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 12, no. 1 (2020): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2020.1.30.
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. First and foremost, we will depict the realities of “money trading” (money changing, pawnbroking, and quasi-modern lending) in the Romanian Principalities from the 18th century to mid-19th century, having as starting point a number of more ancient or recent bibliographical resources. The need for low interest rate loans to support lucrative business was increasingly present in the period between 1830 and1859. The financial market of the Romanian Principalities was becoming the focus of more and more Western European banks that were seeking to pursue business through their Ottoman branches. With the support of his close associates, Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the Ruler of the Romanian Principalities, also had in mind the modernisation of the Romanian banking system, as part of the reforms aimed at the development of the Romanian society as a whole. Discussions revolved around the establishment of a discount and circulation bank that would also have the right to issue currency and of a mortgage bank entitled to give out loans to the largest landowners in the country. Even though the 1864 establishment of the Savings and Consignments House had been successful in collecting private savings to be later used by the Government as budget resources for major national investment projects, the 1865 attempt at establishing Banque de Roumanie resulted in failure, due to opposition by the Romanian ruler’s political adversaries. The establishment of French and English banks in Romania was stopped and Romania failed to become a preferred market for Western European countries. Nevertheless, one should keep in mind that Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the Ruler of the Romanian Principalities, was a pioneer in this field as well, since his ideas were implemented and expanded upon after 1866.
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Merzlikina, O. V. "GENDER ASPECT OF INVECTIVE METAPHORICAL NOMINATIONS OF THE GALICIAN LANGUAGE." Voprosy Kognitivnoy Lingvistiki, no. 1 (2021): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20916/1812-3228-2021-1-80-88.
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The article represents the results of analyzing the gender oppositions in reflection of the Galician metaphoric invective nominations. The subject matter of the analysis is gender invective metaphors: source domains that are focused in the process of gender metaphorization and gender construction as the main aspects of this analysis. The study of metaphorical invective nominations in the gender aspect showed the absence of typical features when choosing a source domain for metaphorical modeling of a human, as well as the specificity of using certain motivational bases. The most demanded source domains for the invective metaphorical modeling of human turned out to be “animals”, followed by the frequency of occurrence are “artifacts”, “human”, “food”, “mythological images” and “naturofacts”. The gender fixation of the metaphorical invective nomination depends on the word-formation and grammatical characteristics of the lexemes, which act as the source’s domains of such nominations. If the names of the source domains (fauna, human, and mythical images) contain semantic components in the lexical meaning that distinguish the gender opposition, then, as a rule, with the metaphorical transfer such opposition is preserved. Such metaphorical invective nomination can be either gender unmarked or gender marked. Metaphoric zoomorphic nominations, the source domains of which do not have gender differentiation, or that name various objects (nautrofacts, artifacts, food) in their original nominative meaning, can be identified either with a human in general or with a man or a woman.
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Rasmussen, Anders Bo. "“Drawn Together in a Blood Brotherhood”: Civic Nationalism amongst Scandinavian Immigrants in the American Civil War Crucible." American Studies in Scandinavia 48, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v48i2.5450.
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The American Civil War, 1861-1865, broke out during a time of intense debate over slavery and fear of foreign-born influence on American society. The war’s outbreak, however, provided both freedmen and immigrants an opportunity to prove their loyalty to the United States. Scandinavian Americans, among other ethnic groups, seized the opportunity. This article argues that the Scandinavian elite implicitly constructed at least three different forms of ethnic identity – here termed exclusive, political, and national – to spur enlistment at the ground level, gain political influence, and demonstrate American allegiance. In the process the Scandinavian war effort strengthened these immigrant soldiers’ ties to their adopted nation, while a political ethnic identity, initially constructed in opposition to other ethnic groups, was weakened by the Scandinavians’ experience in the American multiethnic military crucible. The Civil War thereby hastened Scandinavian immigrants’ path towards the American mainstream, where many veterans subsequently served as a bridge between their local communities and broader American society, and reinforced their belief in American civic nationalism.
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Guagnano, Giacinto Davide. "The Transformations of Abduction: From the Inferential Model to the Logic of Relatives." Semiotica 2017, no. 215 (March 1, 2017): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2016-0068.
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AbstractThis article traces the evolution of C. S. Peirce’s notion of abduction and proposes an interpretation of this evolution in light of the philosopher’s own theory of categories. It shows the shift from the inferential and propositional model developed in On a New List of Categories in 1867 and Some Consequences of Four Incapacities in 1868, focused on the category of Firstness (quality) to the post-1890 evenemential model. In this post-1890 model, Firstnesses, events expressed by the verb of the proposition, are generated in their opposition to other Firstnesses (the relation of Secondnesses) from a tendency to action or general habit, Thirdness. Parallel to this, the article also shows the shift from the first formulation of the notion of abduction, which replaced the multiplicity of qualities with a comprehensive predicate that implied all of them to the discovery of the diagrammatic reasoning and Logic of Relatives, which confers greater importance to the category of Thirdness and transforms the abductive movement into a transductive one.
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Strum, Harvey. "New York Militia and Opposition to the War of 1812." New York History 100, no. 3 (2020): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2020.0008.
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Schulte, Anna, Matthew Baldwin, and Joris Lammers. "Highlighting the Old in the “New Normal”." Social Psychology 55, no. 2 (March 2024): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000544.
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Abstract: During the COVID-19 pandemic, a wide ideological gap frustrated an effective response to the health crisis. Whereas most liberals supported protective measures, many conservatives opposed them. Five studies ( Ntotal = 3,090) demonstrate that American and German conservatives’ opposition to COVID-19 measures arose partially from nostalgic emotions. We show that framing COVID-19 measures as a return to the past reduces conservatives’ opposition to face masks and vaccinations. An internal meta-analysis shows that although the overall effect of temporal framing is significant, it is small. This research identifies conservatives’ focus on the past as a theoretically relevant antecedent to their opposition to COVID-19 measures and introduces temporal framing as a small but practically feasible strategy to reduce such opposition.
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Gooptu, Sarvani. "The ‘Nation’ and the ‘Other’: A Study in Difference." Studies in History 29, no. 1 (February 2013): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013496687.
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The transition from patriotism and sense of community to the creation of the distinct political community in early twentieth century was through an imaginative interpretation of history in the writing of Dwijendralal Roy (1863–1913), a poet, dramatist and composer of Bengal. Imagination through creative ‘use’ of history had been directed to underline the location of time and space of an emotive community. By this, one could retrieve, criticize and create this emotion through time and space, its definitiveness continuously shifting, evolving, through family, country and community. In the process of creating a nation the notion of the ‘other’ was necessary. This other with all its cultural connotations was found in the stereotypes of ‘Muslim’ and ‘Islam’ in opposition to ‘Rajput’ and ‘Hindu’. It is through these oppositional levels and the interplay of these oppositions that a new nation state could be formed. The notion of Muslim rule as the external enemy was created whose historical function was to provide the occasion for a heroic battle in which virtue could be highlighted. Even within this tradition of writing Dwijendralal brought in a strong note of moderation. There is neither a very powerful tendency to praise everything ‘Hindu’, nor look down upon Islam, which sometimes created apparent contradiction. Where there is valourization of the Rajputs in the ‘Rajputs plays’ it has been placed in the context of the Mughals as the ‘other’. But in the study of the Mughals in the ‘Mughal plays’ there is a concentration on the family and kinship. Both the types are set in about the same time frame yet the values stressed on are different. An analysis of Dwijendralal’s ‘historical’ plays brings into focus an attempt at rewriting history to transcend history as a discipline with its boundaries of time and space, intertwining facts and imagination, through real and created characters to establish the need for a universal ethos.
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Zelnik, Reginald E., and Jonathan W. Daly. "Autocracy under Siege: Security Police and Opposition in Russia, 1866-1905." American Historical Review 105, no. 5 (December 2000): 1835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652197.
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Launius, Roger D. "Methods and Motives: Joseph Smith III’s Opposition to Polygamy, 1860–90." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 20, no. 4 (December 1, 1987): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45228113.
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Chemodanova, Olena. "Argentina’s participation in the Paraguayan War (1864 – 1870)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.9.
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The article is devoted to Argentina’s participation in the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) – one of the most tragic pages in the history of Latin America in the 19th century. The aim of the article was to analyze the reasons for Argentina’s engagement to the war, the course of the war, and its consequences for Argentina. The research methodology is based on general scientific principles and interdisciplinary approaches as well as special historical methods, in particular, comparative analysis, chronological, the method of micro history. There are no studies of Argentina’s participation in this conflict in Ukrainian historiography, while foreign researchers usually did not pay special attention to this narrow topic reaching more broad issues of Paraguayan War per se or Argentine politics and history in complex. So, the scientific novelty of the article lies in the focus on this specific issue and elaboration on macro (political movements) and micro (case studies) levels of the conflict. Conclusions. The main reasons for Argentina’s entry into the war were: internal political instability and the desire to suppress opposition to the ruling party, instability in Rio de la Plata region, unresolved territorial disputes. Despite the initial successes of the Paraguayan side, the war quickly entered an offensive phase. Conscription and military actions were marked by excessive cruelty and careless treatment of soldiers. It became one of the methods used to weaken political opponents. This led to resistance inside the country. The war provoked a few waves of epidemic. As a result of the war, Argentina gained new territories in the provinces of Misiones and Gran Chaco, but the country experienced significant economic and human losses. The national government and the Liberal Party strengthened, while the opposition Federalist Party marginalized. However, these successes in the field of nation-building were achieved at the cost of countless victims and human catastrophe of all sides of the conflict.
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Schrecker, John. ""For the Equality of Men – For the Equality of Nations": Anson Burlingame and China's First Embassy to the United States, 1868." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 1 (2010): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x523717.
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AbstractAnson Burlingame (1820-1870), often neglected or misunderstood today, was an ardently antislavery congressman from Boston whom Abraham Lincoln appointed minister to China in 1861. Burlingame developed a Cooperative Policy that advocated peaceful means while upholding China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The Chinese government subsequently appointed him China's first envoy to the Western powers. The first stop of the so-called Burlingame Mission was America, from March to September 1868. is article focuses on three topics: (1) How the mission's reception reflected the partisan struggle over Reconstruction and the push for racial equality. Republicans, the party of Reconstruction, proved sympathetic to the mission and to China, while the opposition Democrats were hostile. (2) How Burlingame presented Americans with a strongly favorable image of China to emphasize treating it with full respect and as a normal nation. (3) The Burlingame Treaty, the first equal treaty between China and a Western power after the Opium War, which sought to place China on a full and equal status in international affairs and to place Chinese in America on an equal footing with immigrants from other nations. Burlingame's friend, Mark Twain, wrote supportive articles.
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Carantoña Álvarez, Francisco. "Asturias en el bienio Constitucional (1812-1814)." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 10 (February 9, 2021): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i10.6731.
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<span>This paper maintains that asturian members of the "Cortes de Cadiz" were elected in a fairly representative way, in accordance with the provisions of a previous regulation by the "Junta Central". Nevertheless, the Constitution of 1812 was introduced in the Princedom and for two years people lived under the constitutional order. It met the strongest opposition in the Roman Catholic Church, especially after the suppression of the Inquisition at the beginning of 1813.</span>