Relevant bibliographies by topics / Opium trade – Afghanistan

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Opium trade – Afghanistan'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Opium trade – Afghanistan"

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Siagian, Muhnizar, and Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi. "Narcoterrorism in Afghanistan." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.26.

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The existence of Afghanistan that dubbed The Golden Cresent is the birthplace of two global terrorist groups namely the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Nearly 70% of drug activity in Afghanistan has been strongly controlled by Taliban terrorist groups since 2007. Using narcoterrorism and non-traditional security threat conceptual frameworks, this article explains the dynamics of the development of opium production and trade in Afghanistan, the Taliban track record in the opium trade in Afghanistan and the opium trade as a non-traditional security threat in Afghanistan. This article uses descriptive analysis of data obtained from books, journals, and mass media. In this study, there are two important points that obtained. First, the opium business which is a source of funding for the Taliban group is one of the main causes of the continuing acts of terrorism in Afghanistan and a source of various transnational crimes. Second, the opium trade and terrorism are non-traditional security threats that occur due to a combination of opium trade and acts of terrorism which have implications for the internal and external areas of Afghanistan.
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Ariastuti, Hilda. "Keterlibatan Amerika Serikat di Kawasan Golden Crescent: Analisis Geopolitik terhadap Kejahatan Transnasional." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 13, no. 2 (November 28, 2020): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v13i2.19512.

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This article analyzes the phenomenon of transnational organized crimein the Golden Crescent, one of the biggest producers of opium globally,and the United States’ involvement in the region. The author discussesthe production base for opium in the Golden Crescent by focusing onone country, namely Afghanistan. There are two main findings in thisstudy, namely the Golden Crescent region as a significant producer anddistributor of the global opium trade; and the business and politicalinterests that the United States brought in its invasion of Afghanistan. Oneof them is his interest in drug trafficking, which is considered to be highlyprofitable. This research concludes that the United States has politicaland economic advantage motives in its invasion of Afghanistan and itsinvolvement in the Golden Crescent.
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Kreutzmann, Hermann. "Afghanistan and the Opium World Market: Poppy Production and Trade." Iranian Studies 40, no. 5 (December 2007): 605–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210860701667688.

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Ghufran, Nasreen. "Afghanistan in 2006: The Complications of Post-Conflict Transition." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.87.

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The year 2006 in Afghanistan began with the functioning of a democratically elected parliament——a bold and positive step forward in institution-building. Development and reconstruction have continued at a slow pace. Security has sharply deteriorated, and the Taliban insurgency has become more violent in spite of the enlarged International Security Assistance Force. Opium production has increased to record levels, leading to a boom in the drug trade.
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Griffin, Nevada, and Kaveh Khoshnood. "Opium Trade, Insurgency, and HIV/AIDS in Afghanistan: Relationships and Regional Consequences." Asia Pacific Journal of Public Health 22, no. 3_suppl (June 21, 2010): 159S—167S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1010539510374524.

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Piazza, James A. "The Opium Trade and Patterns of Terrorism in the Provinces of Afghanistan: An Empirical Analysis." Terrorism and Political Violence 24, no. 2 (April 2012): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2011.648680.

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Paoli, Letizia, Irina Rabkov, Victoria A. Greenfield, and Peter Reuter. "Tajikistan: The Rise of a Narco-State." Journal of Drug Issues 37, no. 4 (October 2007): 951–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204260703700410.

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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Tajikistan has experienced an extraordinary and devastating expansion of opiate trafficking and consumption. While heroin was virtually unknown in the country up to the mid-1990s and opium was produced and consumed locally only to a modest degree, in less than a decade Tajikistan has become a key transit country for Afghan opiates bound north- and westwards, at the same time as it has witnessed a rapid growth of domestic heroin use. Tajikistan now rivals Afghanistan for the unenviable title of the country most dependent on the illicit drug industry, with the opiate industry adding at least 30% to the recorded gross domestic product. The opiate trade is so important economically that it corrupts the whole political system. This article therefore argues that since the mid-1990s Tajikistan has become a narco-state, in which leaders of the most powerful trafficking groups occupy high-ranking government positions and misuse state structures for their own illicit businesses.
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MACARTHUR-SEAL, DANIEL-JOSEPH. "The Trans-Asian Pathways of ‘Oriental Products’: Navigating the prohibition of narcotics between Turkey, China, and Japan, 1918–1938." Modern Asian Studies, April 12, 2021, 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x20000566.

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Abstract Patterns of opium production and distribution shifted immensely over the course of the twentieth century, with output falling by three-quarters, almost nine-tenths of which now takes place in Afghanistan. Supporters of drug prohibition trumpet the success of this long-term decline and hail the withdrawal of the four largest opium producers—India, China, Iran, and the Ottoman empire—from the non-medical market, but this seemingly linear trend conceals numerous deviations of historic significance. Among the most notable and little known is Turkey's prolonged resistance to international restrictions on the narcotics trade and the efforts of state and non-state networks to substitute Turkish opium for the diminishing supply of once-dominant Indian exports to a still opium-hungry China in the first half of the twentieth century. This article uses neglected League of Nations and Turkish government sources alongside international newspapers and diplomatic reports to demonstrate the extent of connections forged by state and non-state actors between Turkey and East Asia, expanding on recent research on trans-Asian connections in commerce and political thought.
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Muradi, Ahmad Jawid, and Ismet Boz. "The contribution of Agriculture Sector in the Economy of Afghanistan." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 6, no. 10 (October 10, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v6i10.em04.

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The purpose of this study is to identify the contribution of agriculture to the Afghanistan economy by examining the experience of 34 provinces as documented in commissioned case studies and various secondary sources (CSO directory, FAO reports, government publications, USAID reports, NGO reports, journals, and websites) for the period 2016 - 2017. Agriculture is the backbone of the Afghan economy, the contributions of agriculture to the country's gross demotic product (GDP) is 23% in 2017, while the labor force engaged in this sector is around 61.6%. The annual growth rate in Afghanistan is predictable 3.6%. Afghanistan produces organic fruits, nuts, grain, vegetables and livestock products including cashmere, skin, wool, and a significant amount of these commodities is moving towards the export market. Agriculture represents about one-quarter of national GDP and is the second largest sector after services. Over the 70 % of the population are poor living in rural areas, and agriculture plays a significant role in their livelihoods. The most Afghan farms are very small, and their productivity is low over the years that farmers produce to satisfy the food needs of their household, with limited agricultural production entering commercial marketing channels and the trade account deficit overall. The GDP including opium was US$ 20.3 billion with GDP per capita of US$ 697. The agricultural sector is entirely run by private enterprises, including farmers, cooperatives, input suppliers, herders, agribusiness processors, and exporters.
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Sanderson, Katharine. "Push to legalize Afghanistan's opium trade." Nature, June 25, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/news070625-2.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Opium trade – Afghanistan"

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MERY-KHOSROWSHAHI, Christophe-Aschkan. "The opium of the people : essays on counter-narcotics efforts in Afghanistan." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73449.

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Defence Date: 17 December 2021
Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, (EUI and University of Bologna); Prof. David Levine(EUI); Prof. Oliver Vanden Eynde (PSE); Prof. Salvatore Modica (University of Palermo)
The idea of this PhD thesis is to document the link between the counter-narcotics operations that took place in Afghanistan in the years 2008-2015 and the Afghan civil conflict, which has led to the terrible outcome of the year 2021. In the first chapter, I propose a microeconomic model to describe the effect of counternarcotics law enforcement on the supply of drugs when territorial control is contested. I assume, as is seen on the field, that if insurgents take power, then drug producers are protected against counter-narcotics operations, but that they have to pay taxes on their production. I show that under some circumstances the influence of drug producers on the outcome of conflict induces a complementarity between investment in narcotics production and insurgent support. This complementarity has two effects: 1) It mitigates the efficacy of counter-narcotics operations 2) It generates a trade-off between the war on drugs and counterinsurgency. In the second chapter, I address point 1) by estimating the elasticity of opium supply to counter-narcotics operations in Afghanistan. I find that law enforcement had little impact, with a 1% increase in opium eradication causing a reduction of roughly a third of a percent in opium supply the following year. Moreover, this effect is driven by northern regions, far from the Taliban’s strongholds which concentrate most of the country’s production. In the third chapter, I turn to point 2) and estimate the effect of counter-narcotics operations on the population’s self-declared support for military actors. I find that those provinces where law enforcement induced the eradication of 10% or more of the total opium-cultivated area exhibit greater sympathy for opposition armed groups, such as the Taliban, and less trust in the national army. This effect is driven by the Pashtun sub-population, which agricultural sector relies heavily on opium cultivation. These results empirically confirm the existence of a trade-off between counter-narcotics and counterinsurgency. Since law enforcement was originally meant to weaken the Taliban insurgency, these results should be of interest to policymakers.
1. Counternarcotics and Counterinsurgency : Competing Objectives of State Development? 2. Afghanistan : Did Counter-Narcotics Counter Narcotics? Not So Much 3. Counter-Narcotics Operations Might Have Strengthened the Taliban Insurgency
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Books on the topic "Opium trade – Afghanistan"

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Zoe, Hunter, Oakley Robert B. 1931-, and National Defense University. Institute for National Strategic Studies, eds. Combating opium in Afghanistan. Washington, D.C.]: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 2006.

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Afghanistan: Opium de guerre, opium de paix. Paris: Mille et une nuits, 2005.

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Afghanistan opium winter assessment. Vienna?]: UNODC, 2009.

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CIA's opium wars in Afghanistan: Opium for enlightenment. Lahore: Al-Asr Publications, 2009.

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Ward, Christopher. Afghanistan's opium drug economy. [Islamabad?]: World Bank, 2004.

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David, Spivack, and Senlis Council, eds. Feasibility study on opium licensing in Afghanistan for the production of morphine and other essential medicines: Initial findings-September 2005 Kabul, Afghanistan. Kabul: The Senlis Council, 2005.

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute., ed. Opium and Afghanistan: Reassessing U.S. counternarcotics strategy. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2007.

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Glaze, John A. Opium and Afghanistan: Reassessing U.S. counternarcotics strategy. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2007.

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editor, Buxbaum Ann, and Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, eds. Despair or hope: Rural livelihoods and Opium poppy dynamics in Afghanistan. Kabul: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, 2014.

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Jalālzaʾī, Mūsá K̲h̲ān. Silent killer: Drug-trafficking in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. Lahore: Institute of Advance and Strategic Studies Lahore, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Opium trade – Afghanistan"

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Bradford, James Tharin. "The Politics of Prohibition." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 44–84. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0003.

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This chapter looks at Afghanistan’s involvement in the legal trade of opium and why Afghanistan eventually banned production and sale. During the 1930s and 1940s, Afghanistan actively traded opium with a host European and Asian countries, and by World War II, increased opium exports to the United States. This proved critical to the future of drug control. Although Afghanistan proved to have an abundance of high-quality opium, American officials feared the Afghan government lacked control. In an effort to solidify international drug controls, the US agreed to expand diplomatic relations and invest heavily in economic development, in exchange for Afghanistan prohibiting drugs in 1945. Although the prohibition failed, it was the first instance of Afghanistan using drug control as a means improving diplomatic channels to help build the Afghan state.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "East Meets West." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 116–44. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the role of western tourists and hippies in globalizing Afghanistan’s illicit drug trade. Throughout the 1960s, thousands of westerners flocked to Afghanistan to buy and consume hash. This chapter shows that by the 1970s the growing demand for hashish in western markets led to a greater influx of drug traffickers in Afghanistan. Afghanistan was ideal for those involved in the illicit drug trade, because of its cheap and abundant supply, as well as the lax or ineffective enforcement of drug laws. Ultimately, this chapter demonstrates that the hash trade was critical in building the global trafficking networks that would later link western demand for opium and heroin with producers and traders in Afghanistan.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "All Goods are Dangerous Goods." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 180–213. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses the impact of the Helmand Valley Development Project, the largest American investment project in Afghanistan prior to the Afghan-Soviet War, and the impact on the development of the illicit opium trade. During the 1950s and 1960s, American development projects (through USAID) aimed to transform the Helmand Valley into a rich agricultural zone by building dams, and improving irrigation and farming techniques, to prepare farmers to grow crops for regional and global markets. By the 1970s, shifts in the global supply of illicit opium led drug traffickers to Afghanistan in search of new supply, and farmers in Helmand and surrounding areas began to shift to opium cultivation. In the course of the analysis, the chapter explores the relationship between globalization and development projects, and why the Helmand Valley project played a critical role in the growth of illicit opium production in Afghanistan.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "The Consequences of Coercion in Badakhshan." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 85–115. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0004.

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This chapter examines what led to the 1958 ban of opium in Badakhshan. After 1945, Afghanistan began a concerted effort to be ratified by the international drug control regime as a legal producer of opium for the global pharmaceutical trade. Although there was some support for Afghanistan, Mohammad Daud Khan abruptly announced a ban and eradication of all opium in Badakhshan province in 1958. This chapter examines the internal and external forces that shaped the implementation of the ban, and the consequences of the ban. Internally, Daud chose to eradicate crops in Badakhsan, not in three other opium producing provinces, mainly because it was inhabited by Tajiks, an ethnic minority which could not threaten the stability of the Afghan government. Daud also recognized that the international community was well aware opium’s importance to the Badakhshan economy, and would increase economic development aid and assistance to the Afghan government.
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Bradford, James. "The War on Drugs in Afghanistan." In The War on Drugs, 242–70. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479811359.003.0010.

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For much of the first half of the twentieth century, opium and hashish from Afghanistan were used by consumers throughout South and Central Asia. But in the 1960s and 1970s, the demand for Afghan drugs grew beyond regional markets, and the Afghan government, under pressure from the United States and the international community, implemented a series of drug-control policies attempting to curb the illicit drug trade and its globalization. This chapter explores why Afghanistan emerged as a global drug hotspot, what the Afghan government did to try to stop it, and ultimately, why attempts to stop the drug trade failed. Little has been written about the history of drugs in Afghanistan, nor about how it fits into the broader histories of the global drug trade or of international drug control policies. Unearthing the history of drugs and drug control in Afghanistan reveals how, in the 1970s, more stringent anti-drug policies were implemented largely as a vehicle for the expansion of state power, which parallels what happened in other countries’ drug wars. This chapter also calls into question the notion that drugs thrive in undeveloped economies. Indeed, it explores the ways economic development, rather than serving as a deterrent, proved critical in helping to build and shape the illicit drug trade.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "Epilogue." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 214–22. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0008.

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This chapter details the connections between the contemporary drug trade and the historical antecedents analyzed in the previous chapters. It discusses how opium became an essential component of the war economy, and how many of the same problems that plagued counter-narcotics operations in previous decades continued to plague Afghanistan during the regimes of Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani. Ultimately, the chapter examines how illicit drug production is intimately tied to issues of governance in Afghanistan, and how cornerstones of counter-narcotics operations, particularly interdiction and crop eradications, do little to improve governance, and instead, perpetuate the illicit drug trade, while reinforcing the legitimacy of anti-state groups, like the Taliban. To echo a recurring theme of the book, drug control was, and still is, deeply problematic and ineffective in Afghanistan.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "Colonial and Global Engagements." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 16–43. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0002.

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This chapter explores how Afghan drugs expanded into British India during the later half of the 19th century. By analyzing two Afghan rulers, Abdur Rahman Khan and Amanullah Khan, this chapter demonstrates that Afghans established a system which encouraged the smuggling of opium and hashish out of Afghanistan and into British India, but put harsh penalties on the use and trade within the country. It also explains why this was significant given the broader landscape of events; Afghan drugs were increasingly smuggled into South Asia while British India moved toward restricting the production and trade of drugs. Ultimately, this chapter details how Afghan drugs entered markets in South Asia and beyond, but as a result, Afghanistan was also drawn into international dialogues over the illicit drug trade and drug control.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "The Afghan Connection." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 145–79. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0006.

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This chapter explores how Richard Nixon’s War on Drugs transformed efforts by the Afghan government to stop the illicit drug trade. Greater pressure from the US government to enforce local drug laws in drug producing countries led to disruptions in the global supply of heroin, but not in Afghanistan. Opium and heroin continued to be smuggled into Iran, and Afghanistan seemed incapable of stopping the flow. With the assistance of anti-drug operatives from the DEA and the United Nations, the Afghan government established anti-smuggling units to combat the growing drug trade. This chapter demonstrates that the increased enforcement efforts did little to curb the flow of drugs, primarily because counter-narcotics operations were continually hampered by corrupt police, local political realities, and ethnic infighting.
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Bradford, James Tharin. "Introduction." In Poppies, Politics, and Power, 1–15. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738333.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the core arguments and narrative of the book, and how drugs produced in Afghanistan were initially embraced by a series of Afghan rulers, legally or not, as a vehicle to grow the Afghan economy. Over time, particularly because of American influence, Afghan rulers adopted more stringent forms of drug control. This books reveals that Afghan rulers adopted the prohibition of drugs to foster better diplomatic relations with the US to help build the Afghan state, but at the expense of Afghans who were increasingly dependent on the drug trade. The illicit drug trade emerged, not simply because of a failed state, but rather, in reaction to the abandonment of the legal opium trade and the gradual adoption of more coercive forms of drug control.
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McCoy, Alfred W. "The Stimulus of Prohibition: A Critical History of the Global Narcotics Trade." In Dangerous Harvest. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143201.003.0007.

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The current war on drugs being waged by the United States and United Nations rests upon a fundamental misunderstanding of the global nar­cotics traffic. In 1998, for example, the White House issued a National Drug Con­trol Strategy, proclaiming a 10-year program “to reduce illegal drug use and avail­ability 50 percent by the year 2007,” thereby achieving “the lowest recorded drug-use rate in American history.” To this end, the U.S. program plans to reduce foreign drug cultivation, shipments from source countries like Colombia, and smuggling in key transit zones. Although this strategy promises a balanced attack on both supply and demand, its ultimate success hinges upon the complete eradi­cation of the international supply of illicit drugs. “Eliminating the cultivation of il­licit coca and opium,” the document says in a revealing passage, “is the best ap­proach to combating cocaine and heroin availability in the U.S.” (U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy 1998: 1, 23, 28). Similarly, in 1997 the new head of the United Nations Drug Control Program, Dr. Pino Arlacchi, announced a 10-year program to eradicate all illicit opium and coca cultivation, starting in Afghanistan. Three years later, in the United Nation’s World Drug Report 2000, he defended prohibition’s feasibility by citing China as a case where “comprehensive narcotics control strategies . . . succeeded in eradicat­ing opium between 1949 and 1954”— ignoring the communist coercion that al­lowed such success. Arlacchi also called for an “end to the psychology of despair” that questions drug prohibition, and insisted that this policy can indeed produce “the eradication of coca and opium poppy production.” Turning the page, however, the reader will find a chart showing a sharp rise in world opium production from 500 tons in 1981 to 6,000 tons in 2000— a juxtaposition that seems to challenge Ar-lacchi’s faith in prohibition (Bonner 1997; Wren 1998a, 1998b; United Nations 2000d, 1–2, 24). Examined closely, the United States and United Nations are pur­suing a drug control strategy whose success requires not just the reduction but also the total eradication of illicit narcotics cultivation from the face of the globe. Like the White House, the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP) re­mains deeply, almost theologically committed to the untested proposition that the prohibition of cultivation is an effective response to the problem of illicit drugs.
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