Journal articles: 'Opiom'

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GEOFFRAY, PATRICK. "OPIOM: OFF-PROCESSOR IO WITH MYRINET." Parallel Processing Letters 11, no. 02n03 (June 2001): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129626401000555.

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As processors become more powerful and clusters larger, users will exploit this increased power to progressively run larger and larger problems. Today's datasets in biology, physics or multimedia applications are huge and require high performance storage sub-systems. As a result, the hot spot of cluster computing is gradually moving from high performance computing to high performance IO. The solutions proposed by the parallel file-system community try to improve performance by working at the kernel level to enhance the regular IO design or by using a dedicated Storage Area Network like Fiber Channel. We propose a new design to merge the communication network and the storage network at the best price. We have implemented it in OPIOM with the Myrinet interconnect: OPIOM moves data asynchronously from SCSI disks to the embedded memory of a Myrinet interface in order to send it to a remote node. This design presents attractive features: high performance and extremely low host overhead.

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Geoffray, Patrick. "OPIOM: Off-Processor I/O with Myrinet." Future Generation Computer Systems 18, no. 4 (March 2002): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0167-739x(01)00074-7.

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Verger, E., S. Dubreuil, L. Selleret, J. Nizard, A. Bachelot, and C. Ciangura. "Recherche des facteurs associés à l’obtention d’une naissance chez des femmes en situation d’infertilité et d’obésité sévère : expérience du parcours OPIOM." Annales d'Endocrinologie 83, no. 5 (October 2022): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ando.2022.07.052.

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Verger, E., L. Selleret, J. Nizard, A. Bachelot, S. Dubreuil, and C. Ciangura. "Recherche des facteurs associés à l’obtention d’une naissance chez des femmes en situation d’infertilité et d’obésité sévère : expérience du parcours OPIOM." Nutrition Clinique et Métabolisme 36, no. 1 (February 2022): S89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nupar.2021.12.177.

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Verger, Elvina, Lise Selleret, Jacky Nizard, Anne Bachelot, Sophie Dubreuil, and Cécile Ciangura. "Recherche des facteurs associés à l’obtention d’une naissance chez des femmes en situation d’infertilité et d’obésité sévère : expérience du parcours OPIOM." Annales d'Endocrinologie 83, no. 6 (December 2022): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ando.2022.09.013.

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Fathoni, Ahmad, and Sarkawi B. Husain. "Pelaksanaan Opiumpacht: Monopoli Perdagangan Opium Melalui Perantara Bandar di Keresidenan Kediri, 1833-1900." Lembaran Sejarah 16, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/lembaran-sejarah.59912.

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The opium trade in Kediri Residency was monopolized by Dutch East Indies government. The problem discussed in this study regarding opium trade monopoly at Kediri Residency through bookie intermediary (opiumpachter) in 1833-1900. The methods used in this research is historical methods which includes heuristics, criticism, interpretation and historiography. The result showed that the opium trade monopoly through bookie intermediary (opiumpachter) in Kediri Residency included auction and distribution processions also the sale of raw opium to opium dealers. Generally, the opium trade in Kediri Residency was controlled by Chinese. They become intermediary traders who sell government opium to people in Kediri Residency. The high tax offer at opium auction in Kediri Residency gave high profits to the country. On the contrary, that puts a great deal of pressure on the opium port. The crisis which occurred at the end of the 19th century, caused a setback in the opium trade monopoly through bookie intermediary (opiumpachter) in Kediri Residency.

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Zheng, Yangwen. "The Social Life of Opium in China, 1483–1999." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 1 (January 27, 2003): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0300101x.

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The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.

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Mansouri, Masoume, Sina Naghshi, Mahbobeh Parsaeian, Sadaf G Sepanlou, Hossein Poustchi, Zahra Momayez Sanat, Omid Sadeghi, and Akram Pourshams. "Opium Use and Cancer Risk: A Comprehensive Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Observational Studies." International Journal of Clinical Practice 2022 (February 18, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/5397449.

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Background. Epidemiological studies have reported inconsistent associations between opium use and cancer risk. We therefore conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis to investigate the relationship between opium use and cancer risk. Methods. We searched PubMed, Scopus, ISI Web of Knowledge, and Google Scholar until February 2021 and references of retrieved relevant articles for observational studies that reported the risk of cancer in relation to opium use. Random-effects models were used to calculate pooled effect sizes (ESs) as well as 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for the association between opium use and cancer risk by considering opium doses and types, duration of consumption, and routes of opium use. Results. In total, 21 observational articles, with a total sample size of 64,412 individuals and 6,658 cases of cancer, were included in this systematic review and meta-analysis. Ever opium users, compared with never opium users, had 3.53 times greater risk of overall cancer (pooled ES: 3.53, 95% CI: 2.60–4.79, P ≤ 0.01). This positive association was also seen for some individual types of cancers except for esophageal and colon cancers. Also, we found that higher opium doses and higher duration of consumption were associated with an increased risk of overall and individual types of cancer. However, the associations between opium doses and the risk of head and neck and larynx cancers were not significant. In terms of the routes of opium use, both opium ingestion and smoking were positively associated with the risk of cancer. Regarding opium types, we found that using teriak, but not shireh, could increase the risk of cancer. Conclusions. Our findings showed that opium use, particularly in the form of teriak, is a risk factor for cancer.

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Pelechaty, Evan. "A Close Examination of Edward Fry and His Report on British Parliamentary Proceedings Pertaining to the Opium Wars and Subsequent Government Policies." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3694.

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This paper analyzes Edward Fry’s 1876 report on parliamentary proceedings pertaining to the opium trade. In the report, Edward Fry criticized British involvement in the Opium Wars and subsequent opium trade by arguing that Britain should not force the import of opium into China because it was destroying the health and welfare of Chinese citizens. Instead, Fry suggested that the British Empire should assume responsibility by outlawing the sale of opium and refunding the opium farmers in China and India. Edward Fry was not advocating for the end of British presence in China, but he was promoting British imperialist rhetoric and ideology with the goal of extending western influence in China especially through the reputation of missionaries. Although Fry’s report condemned British involvement in the Opium Wars and their support of the trade, he still supported British imperialism in China. This paper provides a brief biography on Edward Fry and discusses his anti-opium stance, his predominant view on the opium trade during the 1870’s, and how these events reflected deeper colonial trends.

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Shinde, Sharmila A., and Balasaheb B. Daundkar. "ANALYSIS OF STRYCHNINE ABUSED AS OPIUM." International Journal of Pharmacy and Biological Sciences 6, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21276/ijpbs.2016.6.4.9.

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Sadeghian, MD, Saeed, Abbasali Karimi, MD, Samaneh Dowlatshahi, MD, Seyed Hossein Ahmadi, MD, Saeed Davoodi, MD, Mehrab Marzban, MD, Namvar Movahedi, MD, Kyomars Abbasi, MD, Mokhtar Tazik, MD, and Mahmood Sheikh Fathollahi, PhD. "The association of opium dependence and postoperative complications following coronary artery bypass graft surgery: A propensity-matched study." Journal of Opioid Management 5, no. 6 (January 29, 2018): 365–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jom.2009.0036.

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Objective: Opium is an overwhelming public health problem in some countries. Different studies have suggested this drug as a risk factor for cardiovascular disease. Although the effect of opium on immune system, lung disease, nephropathy, stroke, and cardiac arrhythmia has been found in different studies, its effect on postoperation complications is not clear yet. The authors conducted this study to assess the effect of opium on post operation in hospital complications among patients who underwent coronary artery bypass graft.Design: The authors retrospectively analyzed the data in this study.Setting: This study has been done at Tehran Heart Center.Patients: A total of 4,398 patients who had undergone isolated CABG were studied.Main outcome measure: Patients who fulfilled the DSM-IV-TR criteria for opium dependence (by smoking) were enrolled as Opium Dependent Patients. Also outcome variables were: Perioperative MI, septicemia, UTI, TIA, continuous coma, prolonged ventilation, pulmonary embolism, renal failure, acute limb ischemia, heart block, AF, mortality.Results: The prevalence of opium dependence was 15.6 percent among patients. The authors used a propensity matched model to analyze the relationship between opium and post operation complications. The authors adjusted opium and non-opium dependent patients in all of the baseline preoperative risk factors, so all of the matched patients were same and there was no bias in assessment.Conclusion: Opium dependent patients had significantly longer resource utilization. However, no significant relationship was found between opium dependence and other cardiac and non cardiac in hospital complications.

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Yadav, H. K., S. Shukla, and S. P. Singh. "Discriminant function analysis for opium and seed yield in opium poppy (Papaver somniferum L.)." Genetika 40, no. 2 (2008): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gensr0802109y.

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Opium poppy (Papaver somniferum L.) is an important medicinal plant of pharmacopoel uses. Opium latex and its derivatives are used in different medicines as analgesic, narcotic, sedative, sudorific, hyponitic, antispasmodic, ant diarrhea and cough etc. Genetic improvement in opium and seed yield, component breeding is important and selection based on multiple characters is more beneficial in developing desired plant types. Therefore the present study was made on group of 22 strains of opium poppy to find out variability and suitable selection indices for opium and seed yield. Heritability in broad sense was high for capsule weight/plant, plant height, capsule length, stem diameter and opium yield. The discriminant functions based on single character were less efficient while on the basis of combination it was in general more efficient. The comparison of different functions revealed that capsule weight/plant, capsule length, plant height are major yield component and thus practicing selection for attainment of high opium and seed yield lines, maximum weight age could be given to these characters. The positive association of opium yield and seed yield suggested that by adopting suitable component breeding and selection, a dual-purpose variety (opium and seed yield) may be developed.

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Feige, Chris, and Jeffrey A. Miron. "The opium wars, opium legalization and opium consumption in China." Applied Economics Letters 15, no. 12 (October 10, 2008): 911–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504850600972295.

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KLIMBURG, ALEXANDER. "Some research notes on Carl A. Trocki's publication Opium, empire and the global political economy." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 64, no. 2 (June 2001): 260–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x01000155.

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Carl A. Trocki's 1999 publication Opium, empire and the global political economy (London: Routledge) is in many ways an important work. His thesis that ‘Without opium there would have been no empire’ is controversial. However, the purpose of this research note is not to refute Trocki's thesis, or indeed to present a new one, but rather to examine Trocki's use of primary documentation, where some difficulties emerge. Not only are some of his East India Company (EIC) documents quoted incorrectly or used out of context, but a limited further study of the same documents sheds some doubt on Trocki's interpretation of the opium trade. Some of the papers quoted even offer intriguing insights into the nature of the EIC's opium monopoly. The issue of opium smuggling (and illicit opium production) within India was ignored by Trocki, although one of his main documents discusses the issue at length. Concern over opium smuggling within India (and by Indians) and its inevitability constituted the main moral basis of the EIC opium monopoly.

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Diamond, Marian. "Tea and Sympathy: Foundations of the Australia/China Trading Networks." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001124.

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In 1824, a group of London businessmen established the Australian Agricultural Company (AAC), Australia's oldest chartered company. Their prospectus listed amongst their objectives, after the raising of sheep and cattle, the production ‘at a more distant time, of Wine, Olive-Oil, Hemp, Flax, Silk, Opium, &c. as articles of export to Great Britain’. In 1828, a local manager reported that he thought that ‘if the labour of the Blacks can be procured for the operative part the culture [of opium] would likely prove profitable to the Company.’ And in 1833, the Australian manager of the company sent the London Board a sample of the first opium grown on company lands in the Hunter River area. The board had it evaluated by a pharmacist, who reported that it was ‘of fair, merchantable quality, about equal to Egyptian Opium. — It contains two thirds of the quantity of Morphia usually found in the best Turkey Opium. In this market, when Turkey Opium is worth 15s./ p lb., we have no doubt that such Opium as your Sample would sell for 14s/ p Ib. On the basis of this disappointing assessment, the Australian Agricultural Company abandoned opium growing — and opium growing was abandoned in Australia for another hundred and fifty years.

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Ramos, Dondy Pepito G. "The Challenges to Prohibition: Opium Law, Opium Smuggling, and Chinese in the Philippines, 1910–1935." China and Asia 4, no. 2 (January 5, 2023): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-04020004.

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Abstract Opium was one of the issues that had to be resolved by the Americans upon their colonization of the Philippines. The debate on the potentialities of opium dates back to the Spanish colonial period, when the colonial government framed the opium issue as both economic and moral in nature. In the end, the economic potentialities of opium outweighed its moral repercussions because the Spanish colonial government allowed its regulated use among the Chinese. In contrast, the American officials in Manila crafted a progressive prohibitionist policy based on the recommendation of the investigative Opium Committee in 1905. In terms of opium in the Philippines, the majority of research has focused on the American policies on opium and their international consequences. This study focuses on the aftermath and challenges of the American prohibitionist policy from 1910 to 1935, particularly as they related to smuggling. Using archival documents such as annual reports from the governor-general of the Philippines and other government records, the paper aims to demonstrate how and in what ways opium was smuggled in the Philippines and to analyze the various motivations, reasons, and methods used by smugglers. Furthermore, the paper explores the involvement of the Chinese in various notable opium-related cases in the Philippines. I also argue that an increase in the smuggling of opium was an unwanted aftermath of the American prohibitionist policy. The present study hopes to contribute to the growing body of literature on narcotics, drug policies, and empire building.

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Maule, Robert B. "The Opium Question in the Federated Shan States, 1931–36: British Policy Discussions and Scandal." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1992): 14–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400011279.

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The earliest known evidence for the existence of the opium poppy has been traced to the Neolithic and Early Bronze Ages in west central Europe. Arab traders introduced opium into Asia, and in the eighth century A.D., it had been used in China. By the nineteenth century, China provided the most lucrative market for traders, primarily British and American, who brought opium to China from India and the Ottoman Empire. Opium use also proved to be popular among the overseas Chinese communities in Siam, Malaya, and the Dutch East Indies. The Chinese demand for opium, the lucrative profits to be gained from the manufacture, transfer, and sale of opium, and official connivance at edicts to prohibit its import into China, served to create a flourishing trade.

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Ghahremani, Hossein, Alireza Mosavi Jarrahi, and Siamak Salami. "Cancer and Opium Addiction." Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Biology 4, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31557/apjcb.2019.4.4.69-70.

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Drug abuse remains a serious health and social threat in the world. According to the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) 1n 2010, an estimated 16.5 million people use opium or its derivatives illicitly (1). Meanwhile, Iran has the first rank in the prevalence of opium consumption (2), and Opium is the most commonly abused drug in Iran (8). Opium is the air-dried extract obtained from the seed capsules of the opium poppy, which is used for recreational or medical purposes in different parts of the world (3). Approximately 8 to 14 percent of opium is made up of morphine, which is processed chemically to produce heroin and other synthetic opioids for medicinal use and also for drug abuse (4).

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Shiddiq, Muhammad Ismail Ash, and Regina Farah Nafilah. "The Dilemma between Environment and Economy: Combatting the Challenges of Illicit Drugs in Laos." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24846.

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This research aims to analyze 1) the Lao government’s responses in coping with illicit drugs in Laos; 2) the responses of IGO, particularly UNODC, in addressing the illicit drugs issue in Laos; (3) the impacts of opium farming on the economy and environment in Laos. The results of this research reveal that the Lao government is very committed to dealing with the illicit drugs issue, reflected by its involvement in international conventions and long-term national planning. However, these steps could not achieve maximum results as many former opium farmers in Laos could not find sustainable jobs, thus at risk of reverting to opium farming. Meanwhile, as IGO, UNODC played an essential role in assisting the Lao government in eliminating opium farming and creating sustainable jobs. The cooperation between UNODC and the Lao government improved the opium farming situation in Laos. However, the concern for the environment caused by opium farming has not been found, even though illegal opium farming causes deforestation, decreased biodiversity, and soil erosion.

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Joukar, Siyavash, Hamid Najafipour, Reza Malekpour-Afshar, Fatemeh Mirzaeipour, and Hamid Reza Nasri. "The Effect of Passive Opium Smoking on Cardiovascular Indices of Rabbits with Normal and Ischemic Hearts." Open Cardiovascular Medicine Journal 4, no. 1 (January 5, 2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874192401004010001.

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Some Asian people believe that opium can protect the cardiovascular system. To assess this belief, we investigated the effect of passive opium smoking (POS) on cardiovascular indices in rabbits with ischemic and non-ischemic hearts. Rabbits (n = 43) were divided into control (CTL), short term opium (SO) and long term opium (LO) groups. SO and LO groups were exposed to opium smoking for 3 days and 4 weeks, respectively. ECG, blood pressure (BP), left ventricular pressure and cardiac troponin I levels were recorded. Isoproterenol (ISO) was injected to induce cardiac ischemia and after 4 h the above variables were measured along with cardiac histopathology assessment. All groups showed significant increments in troponin I level (P < 0.05) except the CTL group. This trend was more obvious in ISO-treated groups. Mean arterial pressure (MAP) significantly decreased in all groups (p< 0.05) except the LO group. Opium exposure attenuated ISO-induced myodegeneration but augmented tissue congestion and hemorrhage. In conclusion, higher troponin I serum level and ECG changes were found in passive opium smoking groups. This evidence is against the belief that opium can protect the cardiovascular system.

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Naghibalhossaini, F., J. Ay, J. Alavi, S. Oveisi, and R. Chahardooli. "Effect of Opium Smoking on Concentrations of Carcinoembryonic Antigen and Tissue Polypeptide Antigen." International Journal of Biological Markers 19, no. 4 (October 2004): 305–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/172460080401900408.

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Previous studies have related opium and its pyrolysates to the risk of developing certain cancers. The aim of this work was to evaluate the clinical usefulness of determining carcinoembryonic antigen (CEA) and tissue polypeptide antigen (TPA) levels in habitual opium smokers. Serum CEA concentrations were measured in 128 opium smokers and in 44 controls of cigarette only smokers and 47 normal non-smokers by an EIA-based assay. TPA levels were also determined in serum and urine of a subgroup in the study population. The results indicated that serum CEA concentrations are higher in opium smokers than in healthy tobacco smokers (p=0.004) and non-smokers (p=0.001). The amount of opium used correlated with the serum CEA level (r=0.276, p<0.0001). The mean urine and serum TPA levels of the opium-addicted population were also higher than that of the non-smoking control group, but the differences were not statistically significant. We conclude that opium smoking is associated with elevated serum CEA levels. Therefore, for management of opium users with neoplastic diseases, increased levels of serum CEA should be viewed with caution to avoid misdiagnosis.

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Abnet, Christian C., Mitra Saadatian-Elahi, Akram Pourshams, Paolo Boffetta, Ali Feizzadeh, Paul Brennan, Philip R. Taylor, Farin Kamangar, Sanford M. Dawsey, and Reza Malekzadeh. "Reliability and Validity of Opiate Use Self-Report in a Population at High Risk for Esophageal Cancer in Golestan, Iran." Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention 13, no. 6 (June 1, 2004): 1068–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.1068.13.6.

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Abstract Objective: To assess the reliability and validity of self-reported opium use in a rural Iranian population at high risk for esophageal cancer in preparation for a large cohort study. Method: 1,057 subjects ages 33 to 84 years were recruited from Gonbad city and three surrounding villages in Golestan province of Iran and completed a questionnaire and provided biological samples. The history and duration of using opium, smoking tobacco, chewing nass, and drinking alcohol were measured by questionnaire in the entire cohort. A subgroup of 130 people was reinterviewed after 2 months to assess reliability. Validity of the opium question was assessed by comparing the questionnaire responses with the presence of codeine and morphine in the urine of 150 selected subjects. Results: Self-reported opiate use is reliable and valid in this population. The reliability of ever opium use and duration of opium use had κ's of 0.96 and 0.74, respectively. The validity of self-reported opium use was also high. Using urine codeine or morphine as the gold standard for use of opium, self-report had a sensitivity of 0.93 and a specificity of 0.89. Conclusions: The self-reported use of opium can provide a reliable and valid measurement in this population and will be useful for studying associations between opium use and occurrence of esophageal cancer and other diseases.

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Masoudkabir, Farzad, Negin Yavari, Mina Pashang, Saeed Sadeghian, Arash Jalali, Hamidreza Poorhosseini, Seyed Hossein Ahmadi Tafti, et al. "Effect of persistent opium consumption after surgery on the long-term outcomes of surgical revascularisation." European Journal of Preventive Cardiology 27, no. 18 (July 16, 2020): 1996–2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047487320932010.

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Background A wrong traditional belief persists among people that opium consumption beneficially affects cardiovascular disease and its risk factors. However, no evidence exists regarding the effect of opium consumption or cessation on the long-term risk of major adverse cardio-cerebrovascular events after coronary artery bypass grafting. We therefore aimed to evaluate the effect of persistent opium consumption after surgery on the long-term outcomes of coronary artery bypass grafting. Methods The study population consisted of 28,691 patients (20,924 men, mean age 60.9 years), who underwent coronary artery bypass grafting between 2007 and 2016 at our centre. The patients were stratified into three groups according to the status of opium consumption: never opium consumers ( n = 23,619), persistent postoperative opium consumers ( n = 3636) and enduring postoperative opium withdrawal ( n = 1436). Study endpoints were 5-year mortality and 5-year major adverse cardio-cerebrovascular events, comprising all-cause mortality, acute coronary syndrome, cerebrovascular accident and revascularisation. Results After surgery, 3636 patients continued opium consumption, while 1436 patients persistently avoided opium use. The multivariable survival analysis demonstrated that persistent post-coronary artery bypass grafting opium consumption increased 5-year mortality and 5-year major adverse cardio-cerebrovascular events by 28% (hazard ratio (HR) 1.28, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.06–1.54; P = 0.009) and 25% (HR 1.25, 95% CI 1.13–1.40; P < 0.0001), respectively. It also increased the 5-year risk of acute coronary syndrome by 34% (sub-distribution HR 1.34, 95% CI 1.16–1.55; P < 0.0001). Conclusions The present data suggest that persistent post-coronary artery bypass grafting opium consumption may significantly increase mortality, major adverse cardio-cerebrovascular events and acute coronary syndrome in the long term. Future studies are needed to confirm our findings.

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Scherbaum, Norbert. "Opium." Suchttherapie 23, no. 01 (February 2022): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/a-1295-7145.

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Sternberg, Manfred Freiherr von Ungern. "Opium." Zeitschrift für Klassische Homöopathie 8, no. 04 (April 3, 2007): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-2006-937152.

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Ducassé, Mireille, and Anna-Maria Emde. "OPIUM." ACM SIGSOFT Software Engineering Notes 16, no. 2 (April 1991): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/122538.122549.

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Lamothe, Jacques. "Opium." British Homoeopathic journal 86, no. 4 (October 1997): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0007-0785(97)80062-2.

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OSOFISAN, FEMI. "Opium." Matatu 23-24, no. 1 (April 26, 2001): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000374.

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Launer, John. "Opium." Postgraduate Medical Journal 89, no. 1054 (July 16, 2013): 491–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/postgradmedj-2013-132218.

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Stanyon, Miranda. "Organ pipes and bodies with organs: Listening to De Quincey’s First Opium War essays." Literature & History 29, no. 1 (May 2020): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320907461.

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War is prominent in sound studies, yet the sonic dimensions of the Opium Wars remain understudied. Analysing essays on the First Opium War by the English Opium-Eater, Thomas De Quincey (1785–1859), this article explores the dense relationships between opium, empire and sound in nineteenth-century Britain. It brings the tropes of the pipe as connector and organ as musical instrument, body part and instrument of the body politic into dialogue with Deleuze and Guattari’s theorisation of the ‘Body without Organs’, and suggests how the empires of China and Britain and their opium-taking subjects could be imagined as violently sounding bodies.

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Traver, Harold. "Opium to Heroin: Restrictive Opium Legislation and the Rise of Heroin Consumption in Hong Kong." Journal of Policy History 4, no. 3 (July 1992): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006394.

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Given our current preoccupation with conducting a war on drugs, we run the danger of forgetting that, once upon a time, the sale of opium was widely condoned and, in some Asian societies under colonial rule, even monopolized by the state. While this clearly encouraged the widespread use of opium in these societies, some have claimed that it at least served to keep more dangerous and addictive drugs at bay. Within Asia there is no question that the postwar era has seen a dramatic shift away from opium to other addictive drugs, in particular heroin, and that this has coincided with the introduction of anti-opium laws. Are we then justified in concluding that the success of the anti-opium movement in prohibiting opium has served to encourage the spread of heroin?

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Wright, Ashley. "Opium in British Burma, 1826–1881." Contemporary Drug Problems 35, no. 4 (December 2008): 611–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090803500407.

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This article examines in detail the British opium industry in colonial Burma from the time of the annexation of Arakan and Tenasserim in 1826 to the publication of Chief Commissioner Charles Aitchison's 1881 memorandum on opium in Burma. It argues that while the profitability of the opium trade in Burma was an important factor in the decisions the colonial administration made regarding opium, it was not the only factor. From the earliest days of British administration in Tenasserim, different ethnic groups within Burma were treated differently with regards to opium use. There is evidence that the colonial administration's view of opium use among a particular group was influenced by the degree to which use of the drug was perceived to facilitate social stability and productivity, or unemployment and social breakdown.

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Zhou, Xun. "The Troublesome Legacy of Commissioner Lin: The Opium Trade and Opium Suppression in Fujian Province, 1820s to 1920s. By Joyce A. Madancy. [Harvard and London: Harvard East Asia Monograph, 2003. 430 pp. $50.00; £32.95. ISBN 0-674-01215-1.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005320261.

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Visiting New York's Chinatown, it is surprising to find there a memorial statue of the legendary anti-opium hero, Lin Zexu, instead of the more usual statue of the father of modern China, Sun Yat-sen. Perhaps Lin deserves his place in New York's Chinatown: it is generally believed the history of Chinese migration into the New World was a chapter of humiliation, resulting from the evil opium and the opium trade. Until very recently, the conventional wisdom has been that it was the opium trade that ended the house of Qing, and that opium had turned China into a nation of hopeless addicts, smoking themselves to death while their civilization descended into chaos (a view challenged by Dikötter, Laaman and Zhou in Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China).In her book The Troublesome Legacy of Commissoner Lin, Joyce Madancy argues that, like opium, Lin Zexu was turned into a potent symbol of nascent Chinese nationalism (p. 5). Like opium, the legacy of Lin continued well into the 20th century. In his native Fujian, for instance, Lin “came to represent the vitality of elite activism and the complex links between provincial, national, and international interests. Lin Zexu's character and mission embodied the themes and motivations of Fujian's late Qing opium reformers – the righteousness of opium reform, pride in country and province, and a none-too-subtle slap at foreign imperialist greed.” Accordingly, during the late Qing/early Republican anti-opium campaign in Fujian, “reformist elites, and officials presided over the apotheosis of Lin Zexu, whose image loomed, literally and figuratively, over their efforts and shaped the rhetoric and tone of suppression” (p. 5).

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Masoudkabir, Farzad, Reza Malekzadeh, Negin Yavari, Kazem Zendehdel, Arya Mani, Ali Vasheghani-Farahani, Andrew Ignaszewski, et al. "Does Opium Consumption Have Shared Impact on Atherosclerotic Cardiovascular Disease and Cancer?" Archives of Iranian Medicine 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2022.08.

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Although atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease (ASCVD) and cancer are seemingly different types of disease, they have multiple shared underlying mechanisms and lifestyle-related risk factors like smoking, unhealthy diet, excessive alcohol consumption, and inadequate physical activity. Opium abuse is prevalent in developing countries, especially the Middle East region and many Asian countries. Besides recreational purposes, many people use opium based on a traditional belief that opium consumption may confer protection against heart attack and improve the control of the risk factors of ASCVD such as diabetes mellitus, hypertension, and dyslipidemia. However, scientific reports indicate an increased risk of ASCVD and poor control of ASCVD risk factors among opium abusers compared with nonusers. Moreover, there is accumulating evidence that opium consumption exerts potential carcinogenic effects and increases the risk of developing various types of cancer. We conducted a review of the literature to review the current evidence on the relationship between opium consumption and ASCVD as well as various kinds of cancer. In addition, we will discuss the potential shared pathophysiologic mechanisms underlying the association between opium abuse and both ASCVD and cancer.

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Motoh, Helena. "Domesticating the Foreign." Poligrafi 27, no. 107/108 (December 29, 2022): 71–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2022.361.

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The extremely large collection of objects brought from Beijing to Ljubljana in 1920 by naval officer Ivan Skušek Jr. and his Japanese wife Tsuneko Kondo Kawase, also includes several opium pipes, a few opium lamps and some other objects related to opium use. The objects are exquisitely decorated with complex motifs. While this is the main topic, the paper also aims to add context to this specific aesthetic and explore the cultural framework in which the import of these objects to Europe took place. The first part focuses on the history of opium use in China. The second part analyses the elements of the aesthetics of Chinese opium-related paraphernalia. The third, central part of the text focuses on a thorough analysis of the opium objects in the Skušek Collection and the motifs and symbols they incorporate. Finally, it presents opium paraphernalia decorated with traditional Chinese motifs and symbols as an interesting embodiment of the complex and fluid relation to the foreign, forbidden, and fascinating, and a good example of the iconographic domestication of this foreignness.

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Sheikh, Mahdi, Farin Kamangar, and Reza Malekzadeh. "Fifty Years of Research and One Conclusion: Opium Causes Cancer." Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no. 11 (October 17, 2020): 757–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.95.

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In September 2020, the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) announced that opium consumption causes cancer in humans – a conclusion drawn after reviewing data from five decades of research. Given the widespread use of opium and its derivatives by millions of people across the world, the classification of opium consumption as a "Group 1" carcinogen has important public health ramifications. In this mini-review, we offer a short history of opium use in humans and briefly review the body of research that led to the classification of opium consumption as carcinogenic. We also discuss possible mechanisms of opium’s carcinogenicity and potential avenues for future research.

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Salsabila, Rifda, Aditya Nugroho Widiadi, and Grace T. Leksana. "Dari Impor Hingga Ke Tangan Konsumen: Perdagangan Opium di Karesidenan Surabaya, 1870-1898." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 6, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v6i1.5349.

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Opium is a narcotic that the Javanese people widely consumed in the 19th century. The high level of consumption of opium by the public raises concerns because of its detrimental effects if consumed in excess. This made the government exercise control over opium by trading it, which also provided income for the Dutch East Indies government. One of the areas in the Dutch East Indies that had a high level of consumption of opium was the Residency of Surabaya. Therefore, this article analyzes how the opium trade took place in the Surabaya Residency from 1870 to 1898. During that period, the system used in the opium trade was the rental system (opium patch). In this study, the historical method consists of the stages of topic selection, heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The results of this study indicate that the opium circulating in the Residency of Surabaya from 1870 to 1898 experienced ups and downs because it was affected by several conditions, such as the change in the distribution system to tenants and the economic crisis of the 1880s. Even so, the opium trade in the Surabaya Residency has become a lucrative business for those involved.Opium merupakan salah satu jenis narkotika yang banyak dikonsumsi masyarakat Jawa pada abad ke-19. Tingginya tingkat konsumsi opium oleh masyarakat menimbulkan kekhawatiran karena efeknya yang merugikan jika dikonsumsi secara berlebihan. Hal ini membuat pemerintah melakukan kontrol atas opium dengan memperdagangkannya, yang juga memberikan pemasukan bagi pemerintah Hindia Belanda. Salah satu daerah di Hindia Belanda yang memiliki tingkat konsumsi opium yang tinggi adalah Karesidenan Surabaya. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini menganalisis bagaimana perdagangan candu terjadi di Karesidenan Surabaya dari tahun 1870-1898. Pada masa itu, sistem yang digunakan dalam perdagangan candu adalah sistem sewa (patch candu). Dalam penelitian ini, metode sejarah terdiri dari tahapan pemilihan topik, heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa candu yang beredar di Karesidenan Surabaya dari tahun 1870 sampai 1898 mengalami pasang surut karena dipengaruhi oleh beberapa kondisi, seperti perubahan sistem distribusi ke penyewa dan krisis ekonomi tahun 1880-an. Meski begitu, perdagangan candu di Karesidenan Surabaya menjadi bisnis yang menggiurkan bagi mereka yang terlibat

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Kitson, Peter J. "Opium and Addiction in a Cross-Cultural Context: De Quincey's ‘Confessions’ (1821) and the Chinese Novel, Romantic Illusions of the Fool of Yangzhou (Fengyue meng) (c. 1848)." Romanticism 27, no. 3 (October 2021): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/rom.2021.0524.

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This essay examines De Quincey's representation of opium ‘addiction’ in the cross-cultural context of Britain and China in the light of recent revisionist medical discussions of addiction and dependence, and revisionist historical writing about opium use in nineteenth-century China. De Quincey's representation of the opium user is compared to that of China's first ‘city novel’, Courtesans and Opium: Romantic Illusions of the Fool of Yangzhou believed to have been written in 1848 (trans 2009). In this complex fiction, opium smoking is presented as a largely pleasurable and common pastime which has the potential for danger if abused by the unwary. It is not connected with dreams and nightmares, or figured as a stimulus of, or analogy for, the creative imagination. It offers a fascinating view of the leisure world of nineteenth-century China, where recreational opium smoking is common and not problematic when undertaken moderately.

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Maino, Alberto, Saeed Sadeghian, Ilaria Mancini, Seyed Hesameddin Abbasi, Hamidreza Poorhosseini, Mohammad Ali Boroumand, Masoumeh Lotfi-Tokaldany, et al. "Opium as a risk factor for early-onset coronary artery disease: Results from the Milano-Iran (MIran) study." PLOS ONE 18, no. 4 (April 19, 2023): e0283707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0283707.

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The spreading of opium use poses new health related concerns. In some areas of Asia its use is believed to protect from cardiovascular disorders, such as coronary artery disease (CAD). However, whether opium use has an association with CAD is unclear. We aimed to investigate the association between non-medical opium use and CAD. We set up a case-control analysis, i.e., the Milano-Iran (MIran) study by enrolling consecutive young patients who underwent a coronary angiography at the Tehran Heart Center, between 2004 and 2011. Incident cases with CAD were contrasted with controls for opium use. Relative risks were calculated in terms of odds ratios (ORs) by logistic regression models adjusted for age, sex, cigarette smoking, body mass index, hypertension, hyperlipidaemia, and diabetes. Interaction analyses were performed between opium and major cardiovascular risk factors. 1011 patients with CAD (mean age 43.6 years) and 2002 controls (mean age 54.3 years) were included in the study. Habitual opium users had a 3.8-fold increased risk of CAD (95%CI 2.4–6.2) compared with non-users. The association was strongest for men, with a fully adjusted OR of 5.5 (95%CI 3.0–9.9). No interaction was observed for the combination of opium addiction and hypertension, or diabetes, but an excess in risk was found in opium users with hyperlipidaemia (OR 16.8, 95%CI 8.9–31.7, expected OR 12.2), suggesting supra-additive interaction. In conclusion, despite common beliefs, we showed that non-medical opium use is associated with an increased risk of CAD, even when other cardiovascular risk factors are taken into account.

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SOUZA, GEORGE BRYAN. "Opium and the Company: Maritime Trade and Imperial Finances on Java, 1684–1796." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700337x.

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AbstractWhile trade in opium was of limited financial significance in the eighteenth century to the larger accounts of the Dutch East India Company as a whole, this article shows its critical importance to the Company's comptoir accounts at Batavia. The article examines the VOC's commercial operations at Batavia in the eighteenth century and places opium trade and opium revenues within that larger context. It examines how the trade in Bengal opium through Batavia changed over time, based on a statistical analysis of the Company's accounts. These results show that opium dwarfed all other individual or groups of commodities that were available to the Company to sell profitably on Java and in the Indonesian Archipelago over the long eighteenth century.

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Wu, Ya-feng. "‘[C]allee me Oscar’: The Picture of Dorian Gray, Aestheticism, and Opium." Victoriographies 9, no. 1 (March 2019): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2019.0327.

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Oscar Wilde's only novel, The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891), one of the flagship novels of Aestheticism, contains an intricate opium narrative that has yet to receive adequate critical attention. The novel consists of two nested units: the House Beautiful that subsumes a Gothic nursery where Dorian's portrait is placed, and London the Metropolis that harbours Blue Gate Fields in the East End. The former might be read as a miniature of the latter. This double mechanism hinges on a Chinese box in which opium is stored. The structure, which evolves from the classic opium narrative established by Thomas De Quincey's Confessions of an English Opium Eater (1821), enables Wilde to stage a critique on the connection between Aestheticism and the imperial trade of opium. Besides, Wilde's aesthete trio in the novel, Lord Henry Wotton, Dorian Gray, and Adrian Singleton, are cast as opium smokers in order to disrupt the imperialist mindset showcased in the cartoons appearing on trade cards and in magazines that satirise Wilde's promotion of Aestheticism. This essay contends that Wilde's opium narrative exposes the hypocrisy of Empire by demonstrating that the coloniser and the colonised are anamorphic reflections of each other.

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Paulès, Xavier. "Anti-Opium Visual Propaganda and the Deglamorisation of Opium in China, 1895–1937." European Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (2008): 229–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805808x372430.

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AbstractAn ambiguous image of opium prevailed before the 1890s. At that time, despite opponents who often warned of the physical and moral damage it caused, the drug was considered to have positive aspects. In particular, opium was an expression of wealth and a wonderful way to socialise, and its analgesic properties made it the equivalent of a panacea. But from the last decade of the nineteenth century onwards, anti-opium visual propaganda succeeded in imposing the cliché of the smoker as a skinny man dressed in rags. This way of representing smokers went far beyond the limits of specialised anti-opium posters and publications: it became, indeed, almost universal. The use of skinniness to portray opium smokers contributed to creating a system whereby the opium smoker was tagged as a destitute person, of a low social position. This successful 'deglamorisation' of opium drove more and more people to turn away from the use of the drug. It is a crucial factor in explaining why consumption was much less alarming in the 1920s and 1930s than it used to be in the late nineteenth century.

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Mohammad Alizadeh, Amir Houshang, Esmaeal Shams Afzali, Azar Sanati, Anahita Shahnazi, Dariush Mirsattari, and Mohammad Reza Zali. "Cholangiographic Features in Opium-Addicted Patients at a Tertiary Hospital in Iran." Gastroenterology Research and Practice 2012 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/510536.

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Background/Aims.Destructive and metabolic changes in hepatobiliary system have been demonstrated following opium use; however, cholangiographic features of bile ducts in opium-addicted patients with sphincter of Oddi dysfunction are not clearly determined. We described these differences and assessed the effects of opium use on postendoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography complications.Methodology. One hundred and nineteen patients with the diagnosis of sphinctre of Oddi dysfunction according to the Geenen-Hogan classification were studied. Eight patients were confirmed opium-addicted and others were nonaddicted. Change of serum amylase concentrations after endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography and clinical diagnosis of addicted and non-addicted patients were compared.Results. Serum concentrations of liver aminotransferases and alkaline phosphatase were similar between the two groups. Serum concentration of amylase before endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography was similar between them, whereas concentration of this enzyme was higher in nonaddicted ones after endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography. Regarding pathologic changes in papilla, opium addiction group in comparison with control group statistically showed more tumoral features (25.0% versus 5.4%) and ulcerated changes (12.5% versus 0.0%).Conclusions. Opium use can increase probability of papilla ulcerative and tumoral changes in patients with sphinctre of Oddi dysfunction. Postendoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography serum amylase level may be reduced following opium addiction.

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Singh, S. P., S. Shukla, and H. K. Yadav. "Genetic studies and their implication to breed desired plant type in opium poppy, Papaver somniferum L." Genetika 36, no. 1 (2004): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gensr0401069s.

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The extent of genetic variability, heritability, correlation coefficient and path analysis were analyzed for opium yield, seed yield and eight component traits in a group of 101 germplasm lines of different ecogeographical origin. Heritability was high for all the characters except capsules/plant. High heritability coupled with high genetic advance and coefficient of variability was noticed for capsule weight/plant, capsule area, husk yield/plant, seed yield/plant, opium yield/plant and leaves/plant. Opium yield, seed yield, husk yield and capsule weight exhibited positively significant correlation among themselves and these four characters had also positive significant genotypic correlation with plant height, branches/plant, capsules/plant, capsule area and leaves/plant. Path coefficient analysis indicated that capsule weight/plant had highest direct path towards opium yield (2.267) followed by capsules/plant (0.291), capsule area (0.203), plant height (0.155) and leaves/plant (0.101). Considering the direct and indirect selection of major contributors, a plant type in opium poppy (Papaver somniferum L.) based on multiple selection index has been discussed to enhance opium yield on one hand and dual purpose varieties (opium and seed yield) on the other hand.

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Majeed, Javed. "Gandhi, De Quincey and Hali: The pleasures and pains of opium." Literature & History 29, no. 1 (May 2020): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320907460.

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This essay explores Gandhi’s representations of opium as indicative of the addictive nature of the colonial relationship in India. It also shows how the opium trade had an impact on Gandhi’s redefinition of food. Some submissions to the 1893–94 Royal Commission on Opium in India refer to De Quincey and reading De Quincey’s Confessions alongside Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj and Guide to Health reveals how both authors grappled with questions of dependency and selfhood in relation to modernity. I also discuss Gandhi’s representations of pleasure and opium alongside Altaf Hussain Hali’s (1837–1914), whom Gandhi admired as a reformist Urdu poet. Opium and intoxicants were a site on which colonial and postcolonial agency were both imagined and compromised in Gandhi, De Quincey and Hali.

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Siagian, Muhnizar, and Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi. "Narcoterrorism in Afghanistan." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.26.

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The existence of Afghanistan that dubbed The Golden Cresent is the birthplace of two global terrorist groups namely the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Nearly 70% of drug activity in Afghanistan has been strongly controlled by Taliban terrorist groups since 2007. Using narcoterrorism and non-traditional security threat conceptual frameworks, this article explains the dynamics of the development of opium production and trade in Afghanistan, the Taliban track record in the opium trade in Afghanistan and the opium trade as a non-traditional security threat in Afghanistan. This article uses descriptive analysis of data obtained from books, journals, and mass media. In this study, there are two important points that obtained. First, the opium business which is a source of funding for the Taliban group is one of the main causes of the continuing acts of terrorism in Afghanistan and a source of various transnational crimes. Second, the opium trade and terrorism are non-traditional security threats that occur due to a combination of opium trade and acts of terrorism which have implications for the internal and external areas of Afghanistan.

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Stepanov, Igor Nikolaevich. "American opium smuggling trade and John Jacob Astor." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2021): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.10.36620.

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The subject of this research is the activity of John Jacob Astor and his role in the American opium smuggling trade. Description is given to the differences between the American and British opium models in China. An attempt is made to determine the peculiarities of Astor's activity in the opium business. The article employs the following sources: works of the German historian Alexander Emmerich from the University of Augsburg dedicated to the American Germans and their fate in the United States; work of the American historian John (Jake) Chen on the history of Chinese diaspora in the United States; work of Jeff Goldberg who specialized in the history of psychotropic substances; article by the member of the Massachusetts School of History  Fredrik Delano Grant, Jr. on the Roosevelt’ opium track’ text of the debate in the British Parliament of April 9, 1840. The novelty of this research lies in familiarization of the Russian-speaking audience with the problems of opium smuggling trade through the research works that have not been previously translated into the Russian language. The conducted analysis of the parliamentary debates in Great Britain determines the commonality of interests of the British and American opium traders with regards to China. The study confirmed the enormous fortune of John Jacob Astor in the American opium smuggling trade, although this type of commercial activity was not primary in his business. The article also describes his continued commercial activity (including opium) in the United States after leaving the Chinese market.

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McDonagh, Josephine, and Briony Wickes. "The nineteenth-century opium complex: From Thomas Love Peacock to Sherlock Holmes." Literature & History 29, no. 1 (May 2020): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320907437.

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This introduction to the special issue proposes that two discrete nineteenth-century histories of opium – a literary history, initiated by the drug confessions of De Quincey, and a colonial history, exemplified by the commercial activities of the East India Company (in which Thomas Love Peacock participated) in cultivating opium in Bengal for export to China, leading to the first Opium War – are common elements in a nineteenth-century ‘opium complex’, a set of interlocking practices of individuals and (quasi)state actors, extending across the globe. Sherlock Holmes detective stories are read as compressed registers of tensions that inhere in this complex.

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Maule, Robert. "British Policy Discussions on the Opium Question in the Federated Shan States, 1937-1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 33, no. 2 (June 2002): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463402000103.

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When Burma was separated from India in 1937, the production and distribution of opium in the trans-Salween area became an important issue for the British since the Government of Burma would be expected to adhere to the various international agreements to control the opium trade. Initiatives by British officials in London to tighten restrictions were necessary since this region produced over and above the licit requirements of opium for the Shan States, but they were never fully implemented owing to resistance from local authorities and traders and the lack of any alternative cash crop to substitute for opium.

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Pypeć, Magdalena. "London and Cloisterham as an Imperial ‘Heart of Darkness’ in Dickens’s The Mystery of Edwin Drood." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 69, no. 4 (November 26, 2021): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2021-2029.

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Abstract The article examines Dickens’s last novel in the context of British imperialism, contraband opium trade in nineteenth-century China under the armed protection of the British government, and the Opium Wars (1839–1842 and 1856–1860). Although Dickens has often been discussed as one of the authors who approved of his country’s imperial domination, his last novel foregrounds a critique of colonial practices. The atavistic character of imperialism takes its moral and psychological toll not merely somewhere in the dominions, colonies, protectorates, and other territories but also ‘at home’ on the domestic ground. In The Mystery of Edwin Drood London has the face of a dingy and dark opium den or the ominous headquarters of the Heaven of Philanthropy with the professing philanthropists in suits of black. Moreover, the article seeks to discuss deep-rooted evil and darkness associated in the novel with an ecclesiastical town in connection with Protestant missionaries’ close collaboration with opium traders in the Celestial Empire. Portraying John Jasper’s moral degradation enhanced by the drug and the corruption of the ecclesiastical town, Dickens gothicises opium, and by implication, opium trade pointing to its double-edged sword effect: sullying and debasing both the addict and the trafficker. The symbolic darkness of the opium den and the churchly Cloisterham reflects the inherent evil latent in any unbridled colonial expansion and Dickens’s anti-colonial purpose.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Opiom'

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