Journal articles on the topic 'Opera in the Seventeenth Century Venice'

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1

Calcagno, Mauro. "Censoring Eliogabalo in Seventeenth-Century Venice." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929818.

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Analysis of the opera Eliogabalo in its various incarnations, from the perspective of Venetian society and politics at the time, reveals a veiled story of censorship and dissimulation. The first version of the opera, set by Francesco Cavalli in 1667, was hastily abandoned in favor of a new treatment by Giovanni A. Boretti on a libretto by Aurelio Aureli, which managed to retain telling traces of its predecessor. The subsequent fate of this second version, variously rewritten and performed around Italy until 1687, confirms the ideological controversy that always seemed to surround this opera and the influence of theater owners and others over its content, providing an insight into the nature of Venetian operatic patronage.
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2

Rabb, Theodore K. "Opera, Musicology, and History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929782.

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The interactions between operas and the societies in which they were composed and first heard are of interest to both historians and musicologists, especially because operas since the seventeenth century have had significant connections with political and social change. The essays in this special double issue of the journal, entitled “Opera and History”, pursue the connection in six settings: seventeenth-century Venice; Handel's London; Revolutionary Europe from 1790 to 1830; Restoration and Risorgimento Italy; Europe during the birth of Modernism from 1890 to 1930; and twentieth-century America.
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3

Thorburn, Sandy. "What News on the Rialto? Fundraising and Publicity for Operas in Seventeenth-Century Venice." Canadian University Music Review 23, no. 1-2 (March 6, 2013): 166–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014523ar.

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Commercial operas of seventeenth-century Venice, the earliest public operas, are generally described as rigorously literary from 1637-1660. Various tools, including sets, machines, and musical forms helped audiences from various classes and places understand this Venetian Carnevale entertainment. The goal—to create a commercial entertainment industry that reflected and highlighted the wonders of Venice—was identified early in the history of Venetian commercial opera. This paper seeks to define the extent to which nascent commercial enterprises like newspapers, the mail, publishing, and advertising defined the content and nature of these early operatic works.
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4

Rosand, Ellen. "Commentary: Seventeenth-Century Venetian Opera as Fondamente nuove." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 411–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929845.

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Seventeenth-century Venice was the ideal center for the development of opera because of certain special conditions: regular demand from a broad and depend able audience of citizens and travelers alike, dependable financial backing from the many competing patrician families who constructed and operated theaters, a flourishing publishing industry that provided publicity, and a tradition in which the arts were designed specifically to enhance the self-image of the republic. These conditions combined to sustain a genre that appealed to its audience on multiple levels. The increasing demand for new works precipitated the development of new modes of production and communication, and the various musical and dramatic conventions that originated during this era have persisted to the present day.
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5

Rosselli, John. "From princely service to the open market: Singers of Italian opera and their patrons, 1600–1850." Cambridge Opera Journal 1, no. 1 (March 1989): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700002743.

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We are used to thinking of ‘opera singer’ as a profession. But no such profession existed when opera emerged as a genre at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the first public opera house opened in Venice in 1637, or for three or four decades after that: operas were too few to occupy most of anyone's time. In the early seventeenth century not even ‘singer’ was as yet a clearly defined trade. Many singers were also instrumentalists: some accompanied themselves (and some also composed their own music), while others switched between singing and playing; the commonest Italian term for them all was musici. Others again were actors or actresses who could sing, like Virginia Andreini, drafted in an emergency to create the title part in Monteverdi's Arianna of 1608.
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6

Mamy, Sylvie, and Ellen Rosand. "Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice. The Creation of a Genre." Revue de musicologie 81, no. 2 (1995): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/946973.

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7

Bouwsma, William J., and Ellen Rosand. "Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205320.

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8

Schmidt, Carl B., and Ellen Rosand. "Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre." Notes 49, no. 2 (December 1992): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/897890.

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9

Williams, Sarah F. "Opera and Women's Voices in Seventeenth-Century Venice. Wendy Heller." Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1 (September 1, 2006): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/emw23541461.

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10

Bruno, Salvatore, and Ellen Rosand. "Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre." Italica 70, no. 3 (1993): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/479570.

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11

ALM, IRENE. "Winged feet and mute eloquence: dance in seventeenth-century Venetian opera." Cambridge Opera Journal 15, no. 3 (November 2003): 216–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586703001733.

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This article shows how central dance was to the experience of opera in seventeenth-century Venice. The first part provides an introduction to the use of dance in Venetian opera and the primary sources – libretti, scores, treatises, and various eyewitness reports. The second section summarizes the extraordinary variety of subjects and style of the dances. A third section treats the musical sources, describing stylistic features of the dance music, as well as providing important insights as to how to identify which vocal or instrumental excerpts would likely have been danced.
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12

Romano, Dennis. "Commentary: Why Opera? The Politics of an Emerging Genre." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929791.

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The reason why opera became the preeminent musical form of the seventeenth century not only in Venice but also throughout Europe lies in the profound changes among European elites at the time, particularly regarding notions of nobility and individual roles within family strategies. The lyricism of operatic music became the ideal vehicle to express the era's social transformations.
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13

MacNeil, Anne. "Emblems of Eloquence: Opera and Women's Voices in Seventeenth-Century Venice (review)." Notes 61, no. 4 (2005): 1002–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2005.0072.

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14

Johnson, Eugene J. "Jacopo Sansovino, Giacomo Torelli, and the Theatricality of the Piazzetta in Venice." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 436–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991620.

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The architectural forms of Jacopo Sansovino's Libreria di San Marco in Venice, begun in 1537, have generally been interpreted in terms of a revival of the ancient Roman forum. Another way of looking at the building, suggested here, concentrates on its theatrical nature, both in terms of the typology of architectural forms and in terms of use. Sansovino's library completed the Piazzetta in Venice as a theatrical space, and it did so at the same time that the modern theater with boxes was first developed in Venice. The great seventeenth-century scene designer Giacomo Torelli in turn used the space completed by Sansovino as a set for the opera Bellerofonte, produced in Venice in 1642. In Torelli's scene, Venice is shown as a theater of justice.
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15

Glixon, Beth L. "Scenes from the life of Silvia Gailarti Manni, a seventeenth-century virtuosa." Early Music History 15 (October 1996): 97–146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001534.

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During the seventeenth century, the growth of opera created the need for a large number of artists to perform in theatres throughout Italy and, increasingly, in much of Europe. The biographies of nearly all the singers who performed in Venice, the centre of opera during the middle of the century, and in other cities of Italy remain unwritten and, in most cases, unwritable. For some singers, including Giovanni Antonio Cavagna, Nicola Coresi and Vincenza Giulia Masotti, letters survive that convey something of their personalities. Yet, for the most part, we know nothing of their families and the early years of their careers, nor of their lives as performers. This article will explore several episodes in the career of the Roman singer Silvia Gailarti Manni, whose operatic appearances during three decades have been known to scholars through librettos, but whose life has never before come into focus.
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16

Heller, Wendy. "Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History in "L'incoronazione di Poppea"." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 1 (1999): 39–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/832024.

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This essay considers opera's use of a particular history in seventeenth-century Venice: Cornelius Tacitus's Annals of the Roman Empire as transformed in Monteverdi's and Busenello's L'incoronazione di Poppea. In contrast with a recent hypothesis linking Tacitus, Poppea, and the Venetian Accademia degli Incogniti with Neostoicism, this essay argues that the members of the Accademia degli Incogniti used Tacitus's history of the Julio-Claudians as part of a highly specialized republican discourse on Venetian political superiority and sensual pleasures. After considering Incogniti philosophies and interest in the erotic in the context of Venetian political ideals and the influence of Tacitus on political and moral thought in early modern Europe, this essay places L'incoronazione di Poppea in the context of several other treatments of Tacitus produced during the mid-seventeenth century by Busenello's colleagues in the Accademia degli Incogniti, in which empire and the liabilities of female power are contrasted implicitly with Venice's male oligarchy. The Venetian rejection of Stoic philosophy and fascination with the erotic and the patriotic play themselves out in one of the opera's most peculiar distortions of the historical record-the scene following the death of Seneca in which the philosopher's nephew, the poet Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, known in Venice for his republican ideals, joins the emperor Nero in song to celebrate his uncle's death and Poppea's charms. As transformed by Monteverdi's sexually explicit music, Lucan's endorsement of artistic self-expression, sensual freedom, and republican ideals provides a critical counterpoint to Senecan support of the principate and moral restraint-a view that was far more compatible with Venetian concerns at midcentury.
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17

Leopold, Silke. "Review: Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre by Ellen Rosand." Journal of the American Musicological Society 48, no. 3 (1995): 507–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3519837.

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18

HOLZER, ROBERT R. "Review: Emblems of Eloquence: Opera and Women's Voices in Seventeenth-Century Venice by Wendy Heller." Journal of the American Musicological Society 60, no. 1 (2007): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2007.60.1.193.

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19

Thorburn, Sandy. "Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and His World in Seventeenth Century Venice (review)." Notes 63, no. 3 (2007): 600–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/not.2007.0044.

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20

Crowther, Victor. "A Case-Study in the Power of the Purse: The Management of the Ducal Cappella in Modena in the Reign of Francesco II d'Este." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 115, no. 2 (1990): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/115.2.207.

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The precious collection of manuscript scores and printed libretti dating from the late seventeenth century and housed today in the Biblioteca Estense at Modena is ample proof that Duke Francesco II d'Este (1660–94) was one of Italy's most generous patrons of music. Indeed his library, which good fortune has preserved almost intact, is an indispensable resource for the study of oratorio, opera and instrumental music in northern Italy in the last quarter of the century. Its contents show him to have been a man of catholic and modern taste, acquiring and promoting works by living composers active in Rome, Florence, Bologna, Ferrara, Venice and, of course, Modena. On the evidence of the Este music collection, historians have been consistent in applauding the cultural achievements of Francesco II's reign and yet, surprisingly, there have been no detailed studies of the way in which the duke exercised his patronage.
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21

Vavoulis, V. "Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and his World in Seventeenth-Century Venice. By Beth L. Glixon and Jonathan E. Glixon." Music and Letters 90, no. 3 (July 29, 2009): 477–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcp006.

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22

Fenlon, Iain. "Ellen Rosand Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre. Berkeley-Los Angeles-Oxford: University of California Press, 1991. 840 pp. $125." Renaissance Quarterly 47, no. 1 (1994): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863148.

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23

Rosselli, John. "Ellen Rosand, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: the Creation of a Genre. Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, University of California Press, 1991, xxvi+684 pp." Early Music History 12 (January 1993): 224–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026112790000019x.

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24

Savage, Roger. "Ellen Rosand. Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre. University of California Press, 1991. xxvi+684 pp. ISBN 0 520 06808 4." Cambridge Opera Journal 6, no. 1 (March 1994): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700004158.

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25

Tcharos, Stefanie. "Beth L. Glixon and Jonathan E. Glixon. Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and His World in Seventeenth-Century Venice. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. pp. 424." Cambridge Opera Journal 19, no. 3 (October 17, 2007): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586707002376.

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26

Dean, Winton. "Ellen Rosand, Opera in Seventeenth-Century Venice: The Creation of a Genre. Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, University of California Press, 1991. xxii + 684 pp. ISBN 0 520 06804 4." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 118, no. 1 (1993): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/118.1.143.

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27

RISI, CLEMENS. "Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and His World in Seventeenth-Century Venice. By Beth L. Glixon and Jonathan E. Glixon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Pp. xxvi + 398 + illus. £29.99/$50 Hb." Theatre Research International 32, no. 3 (October 2007): 336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883307003240.

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28

Ringer, Mark. "Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and His World in Seventeenth-Century Venice. By Beth L. Glixon and Jonathan E. Glixon. AMS Studies in Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006; pp. xxvi+398, 25 illus. $50 cloth." Theatre Survey 48, no. 1 (April 25, 2007): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557407000506.

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29

Wilbourne, Emily. "Wendy Heller, Emblems of Eloquence: Opera and Women's Voices in Seventeenth-Century Venice. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003. xvi+386pp. Bonnie Gordon, Monteverdi's Unruly Women: The Power of Song in Early Modern Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. x+234pp." Cambridge Opera Journal 18, no. 2 (July 2006): 217–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586706002175.

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30

Dell’Antonio, Andrew. "Jonathan E. Glixon and Beth L. Glixon. Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and His World in Seventeenth-Century Venice. AMS Studies in Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. viii + 398 pp. index. append. illus. tbls. gloss. chron. bibl. $50. ISBN: 0-19-515416-9." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 4 (2006): 1204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0477.

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31

WILLIAMS BROWN, JENNIFER. "‘Innsbruck, ich muss dich lassen’: Cesti, Orontea, and the Gelone problem." Cambridge Opera Journal 12, no. 3 (November 2000): 179–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700001798.

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Cesti's Orontea (Innsbruck, 1656), one of the most celebrated operas of the seventeenth century, is considered a significant antecedent of eighteenth-century opera buffa; the important role of Gelone is deemed one of the first basso buffo roles in opera history. Yet this view is based on incomplete and problematic historical data. This article reexamines that data and develops strategies for handling the text-critical problems that plague seventeenth-century opera. It concludes that Cesti probably designed Gelone for an alto – the most common voice type for buffo servants in the mid-late seventeenth century – and warns against using eighteenth-century models to interpret the seventeenth-century repertory.
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32

Miller, Peter N. "Friendship and Conversation in Seventeenth‐Century Venice." Journal of Modern History 73, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/319877.

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33

Frank, Martina. "Representing the Republic in Seventeenth-Century Venice." Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti, no. 43 (December 31, 2019): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31664/ripu.2019.43.09.

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Allegorical representations and personifications of Venice, designed to perpetuate and update the myth of Venice, occupy a prominent place in seventeenth-century publishing. Editorial vignettes, frontispieces and engravings promote an image of the Republic anchored in the tradition and myth of the foundation of the city, but attentive to the evolution of the historical situation. As in the past, this image is polysemic and combines mainly the figures of Justice and the Virgin. A new dimension opens up in the context of the wars against the Ottoman Empire that occupy the second half of the century. A particularly significant example to document this historical evolution is the church of Santa Maria della Salute which, born as a votive Marian temple during the plague of 1630, is transformed into a monument dedicated to the war. On the lantern of the church’s dome, the figure of the Virgin takes on the appearance of a supreme commander of the navy.
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34

Johnson, James H. "The Myth of Venice in Nineteenth-Century Opera." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 533–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929872.

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Nineteenth-century operas reflected the changing views of Venice before its fall. Early in the century, depictions of a tyrannical political system, derived from French revolutionary and Napoleonic propaganda, dominated operatic plots. Later, when gothic melodrama was in full swing, the spy, the bravo, and the prostitute assumed central roles. During the fin-de-siècle, when the prevailing view of republican Venice's politics, as well as literary convention, had profoundly changed, operatic settings of eighteenth-century Venice tended to emphasize the liberating, sensual pleasures of Carnival.
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35

Steenbakkers, Piet. "A Seventeenth-Century Reader of Spinoza's Opera Posthuma." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 77, no. 1 (1997): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820397x00045.

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36

Zophy, Jonathan W., and Kenneth M. Setton. "Venice, Austria, and the Turks in the Seventeenth Century." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165983.

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37

Deslauriers, Marguerite. "Patriarchal power as unjust: tyranny in seventeenth-century Venice." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 27, no. 4 (January 10, 2019): 718–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2018.1537256.

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38

de Lucca, Valeria. "L'Alcasta and the Emergence of Collective Patronage in Mid-Seventeenth-Century Rome." Journal of Musicology 28, no. 2 (2011): 195–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2011.28.2.195.

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This article sheds new light onto the process of transformation of the figure of the opera patron in Rome during the mid-seventeenth century. Following the travels of Giovanni Filippo Apolloni's libretto Amor per vendetta, ovvero L'Alcasta, I trace the dissolution of the ubiquitous individual court patron of the earlier part of the century into a network of agents behind opera production in commercial contexts. In every phase of the story of L'Alcasta—its commission, plans for production, staging, dedication, and subsequent revivals—we can detect diverse agencies shaping the libretto and score, which accommodated different needs and tastes and conveyed multiple social and political meanings. Showing how the Roman aristocracy experimented with new systems of production that would radically change the history of opera, L'Alcasta also raises broader questions concerning the presence and functions of “patronage” in commercial opera theaters. The trajectory that emerges in the history of opera patronage in the papal city during the second half of the century begins with collective forms of sponsorship during the 1660s and develops further, giving rise to Rome's first commercial opera theater during the 1670s, the Teatro Tordinona. In this context, at a time in which opera in Rome did not find full institutional support, Queen Christina of Sweden represented, at least nominally, the missing patron, a highly representative figure who stood in as guarantor of the new theater on behalf of the aristocratic class that produced and conspicuously consumed opera.
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39

Hume, Robert D. "The politics of opera in late seventeenth-century London." Cambridge Opera Journal 10, no. 1 (March 1998): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700005310.

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To what degree does late seventeenth-century English opera contain politics? Some recent critics have assumed that political commentary conveyed by allegory is a pervasive feature of ‘Restoration’ masques and operas. Is this true? Quite a few political interpretations of particular works have been published but no one has systematically enquired to what extent allegory and/or ideology was presumed to be built into operas mounted in late seventeenth-century London. Theoretical statements of the time about opera are scant and contradictory, their authors disinclined to take up political issues. Some of the political content is glaringly obvious (the allegory in Dryde'ns and Grabu's Albion and Albanius); some of it is sharply disputed. How should we read a work like Dryden's and Purcell's King Arthur? Is it essentially a muddled adventure story? An expression of British nationalism rising above current politics? A piece of covert Jacobite propaganda?
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40

Gilman, Todd S. "Augustan Criticism and Changing Conceptions of English Opera." Theatre Survey 36, no. 2 (November 1995): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400001186.

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The love-hate nature of the relations between England and Italy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is well known. Ever since Henry VIII broke with Rome after Pope Clement VII refused to allow his divorce, things Italian were a popular object of satire and general disdain. An ever-increasing British nationalism founded on political, religious, and aesthetic principles during the seventeenth century fanned the flames of anti-Italian sentiment. This nationalism, newly consolidated in the seventeenth century by the ambitions of the Stuart monarchs to destroy Parliament, was intimately connected with English Protestantism. As Samuel Kliger has argued, the triumph of the Goths—Protestant Englishmen's Germanic ancestors—over Roman tyranny in antiquity became for seventeenth-century England a symbol of democratic success. Moreover, observes Kliger, an influential theory rooted in the Reformation, the “translatio imperii ad Teutonicos,” emphasized traditional German racial qualities—youth, vigor, manliness, and moral purity—over those of Latin culture—torpor, decadence, effeminacy, and immorality—and contributed to the modern constitution of the supreme role of the Goths in history. The German translatio implied an analogy between the conquest of the Roman Empire by the Goths (under Charlemagne) and the rallying of the humanist-reformers of northern Europe (e.g., Luther) for religious freedom, understood as liberation from Roman priestcraft; that is, “the translatio crystallized the idea that humanity was twice ransomed from Roman tyranny and depravity—in antiquity by the Goths, in modern times by their descendants, the German reformers…the epithet ‘Gothic’ became not only a polar term in political discussion, a trope for the ‘free,’ but also in religious discussion a trope for all those spiritual, moral, and cultural values contained for the eighteenth century in the single word ‘enlightenment.’”
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41

Bhasin, Christine Scippa. "Prostitutes, Nuns, Actresses: Breaking the Convent Wall in Seventeenth-Century Venice." Theatre Journal 66, no. 1 (2014): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tj.2014.0029.

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42

De Vivo, Filippo. "Paolo Sarpi and the Uses of Information in Seventeenth-Century Venice*." Media History 11, no. 1-2 (April 2005): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1368880052000342406.

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43

Amendola, Adriano. "Collecting copper plates between Venice and Rome in the seventeenth century." Journal of the History of Collections 28, no. 2 (June 29, 2015): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/fhv011.

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44

Everist, Mark. "Meyerbeer'sIl crociato in Egitto: mélodrame, opera, orientalism." Cambridge Opera Journal 8, no. 3 (November 1996): 215–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700004730.

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Il crociato in Egittowas the last in a series of Italian operas written by Giacomo Meyerbeer between 1817 and 1824. Although hisEmma di ResburgoandMargherita d'Anjouhad been successful in Venice and Milan, it wasIl crociatothat put Meyerbeer in the first rank of internationally renowned composers of Italian opera. The work's contemporary popularity makes it an important element in the history of early nineteenth-century Italian opera, and the abundant source material that survives for the opera permits a reconstruction of its early history. Furthermore, the publication in facsimile of a copyist's score from the première at La Fenice and the recording of the work by Opera Rara have encouraged a modern revaluation.
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45

Hye Lyun Pyun. "National Traits in the Early Venetian Opera of the Seventeenth Century." journal of Ewha Music Research Institute 14, no. 2 (December 2010): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17254/jemri.2010.14.2.001.

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46

Sternfeld, Frederick W. "Orpheus, Ovid and Opera." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 113, no. 2 (1988): 172–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrma/113.2.172.

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It was in the Shakespeare year of 1964 that I first realized to what extent my work on English stage music lacked foundation and depth without a better knowledge of the practices of dramatic music in Italy. Even at that early stage I recognized that the key plot for intermedi and the first operas was the story of Orpheus which looms so impressively, both in quantity and in quality, at the birth of opera. Indeed, it is a plot that continues to act as a springboard for the imagination of composers of operas and ballets, even after the seventeenth century, as witnessed by the works of Gluck, Offenbach and Stravinsky.
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47

Ongaro, Giulio. "Sixteenth-century patronage at St Mark's, Venice." Early Music History 8 (October 1988): 81–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900000905.

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The chapel of St Mark's in Venice occupied a prominent place in the musical life of most of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, so that a Venetian writer could justly remark: ‘The chapel of these Lords is thought to be among the best in the world, and [singers] have come to serve from France and Spain.’ Yet, in spite of its importance in the history of Western music, our knowledge of its development and organisation is far from complete and contains large gaps. It will suffice to point out that we know a lot more about the Gabrielis – organists – than we do about Zarlino in his capacity as maestro and composer, that the first modern study of the chapel, barely eight years old, is the recent Vespers at St Mark's by James Moore, and that the venerable Storia della musica sacra nella già cappella ducale di S. Marco in Venezia by Francesco Caffi, the only comprehensive study of the subject, has, in default of more modern work, been reprinted several times in recent years. The situation is gradually improving, with several new studies on music in Venice and at St Mark's already available or in preparation, but one of the issues not yet treated adequately is the question of patronage at St Mark's and of the social and economic status of its singers.
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48

Dell'Antonio, Andrew. "Il divino Claudio: Monteverdi and lyric nostalgia in fascist Italy." Cambridge Opera Journal 8, no. 3 (November 1996): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700004754.

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In the early part of this century Italian musical critics were bemoaning the decadence of the national lyric stage. No inspired figure had come forth to claim the mande of Verdi; new Italian opera was becoming artistically irrelevant. In an effort to reclaim a ‘lyric spirit’ from Wagnerian Germany, Gabriele D'Annunzio ‘rediscovered’ the early seventeenth century as the birthplace of opera. Specifically, he fashioned Monteverdi – ‘il divino Claudio’ – as visionary proto-lyricist, a nostalgic move seconded by many other Italian authors through the 1920s and 30s.
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49

OMODEO, PIETRO DANIEL, SEBASTIANO TREVISANI, and SENTHIL BABU. "BENEDETTO CASTELLI’S CONSIDERATIONS ON THE LAGOON OF VENICE: MATHEMATICAL EXPERTISE AND HYDROGEOMORPHOLOGICAL TRANSFORMATIONS IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY VENICE." Earth Sciences History 39, no. 2 (November 12, 2020): 420–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-39.2.420.

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ABSTRACT This paper deals with the geoenvironmental politics of early-modern Venice as a case study of geological agency that enlightens the entanglements of geo-history and human history. It focuses on a controversy that was sparked by Galileo’s pupil Benedetto Castelli, as he claimed that his mathematical treatment of running waters could solve all of the most urgent problems linked to the management of the Lagoon of Venice. From an epistemological viewpoint, the controversy is relevant as a case of clashing ‘styles of thought’, as it constituted a disciplinary conflict that pitted Galileian physico-mathematical abstraction (which resulted from the isolation of a set of quantifiable data) against ‘geological’ concreteness (a form of comprehensive knowledge which aimed to cope with systemic complexity). Castelli was not able to convince the Venetian authorities that his method could solve the main problems relative to the conservation of the lagoon at a time when its depth and navigability were worryingly diminishing. While the Venetian authorities invested in diverting rivers away from the lagoon to reduce sediment supply, Castelli argued, to the contrary, that it was precisely the diversion of the rivers that caused shoaling because of the loss of the great quantity of water discharged by the rivers, which he accurately calculated. His analytical approach was dismissive of the comprehensive knowledge and complex methods that Venetian water experts and engineers had developed towards a systemic understanding of the hydrogeology and the environment of the lagoon with the active involvement of citizens and fishermen in the assessment of the state of the waters.
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50

GLIXON, BETH L. "PRIVATE LIVES OF PUBLIC WOMEN: PRIMA DONNAS IN MID-SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY VENICE." Music and Letters 76, no. 4 (1995): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/76.4.509.

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