Journal articles on the topic 'One-China Policy'

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1

Ouyang, Yadan. "China relaxes its one-child policy." Lancet 382, no. 9907 (November 2013): e28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(13)62544-1.

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2

Leksyutina, Ya V. "U.S. AND ITS “ONE CHINA” POLICY." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 5 (December 20, 2017): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-5-99-115.

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Amongst top national goals of the contemporary China’s leadership, the Taiwan issue occupies a particular place. This issue bears a fundamental significance since it deals with national pride, state sovereignty, territorial integrity and the unity of the PRC. Its resolution has also an applied significance – it promotes the legitimacy of the ruling China’s Communist Party and resolves some geopolitical difficulties China faces. Currently relying on the creation of island’s all-pervading economic dependency on China, yet not excluding military invasion as an option, Beijing expects to resolve the Taiwan issue by 2049, the 100th anniversary of the PRC. By using economic statecraft and exerting pressure on the world’s countries and international organizations, Beijing has succeeded in narrowing Taiwan’s international space, thus coming close to the desired goal of bringing back the island. Still, a crucial impediment to the resolution of the Taiwan issue is the US’ support of Taiwan. The article reveals specifics of the so-called “One China” policy, a policy that the US pursues towards the Taiwan issue ever since 1970s. By analyzing in details the provisions of the documents that lay the basis of “One China” policy, the author identifies its enduring principles. The author emphasizes the dual character of the US’ “One China” policy, which is its simultaneous orientation to promote relations with the PRC and to support Taiwan. The author further explains the motivation of the American support of Taiwan. The nature of the China-Taiwan relations – either confrontational (which has been the case with a few exceptions) or peaceful (like in the beginning of the 1990s and 2008–2016) – is seen in the article as a major determinant of the formulation of the US’ Taiwan policy. Beijing’s readiness to return the island with the use of force and China’s rapid military power accumulation determine the US-Taiwan close military ties, including arms sales to the island. By analyzing the development of the situation in the Taiwan Strait through the examples of three Taiwan administrations (the ones of Chen Shui-bian, Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen), the author shows that in the 21st century Taiwan leadership’s policy towards mainland China and the independence issue plays the defining role in the Taiwan-China-US triangle relations. It concludes that changes in the basics of the US’s “One China” policy and the termination of Washington’s support of Taiwan are highly unlikely.
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3

Yuesheng, Sun, and Wei Zhangling. "The One-Child Policy in China Today." Journal of Comparative Family Studies 18, no. 2 (August 1, 1987): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.18.2.309.

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4

Green, Lawrence W. "Promoting the One-Child Policy in China." Journal of Public Health Policy 9, no. 2 (1988): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3343010.

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5

Hvistendahl, M. "Has China Outgrown The One-Child Policy?" Science 329, no. 5998 (September 16, 2010): 1458–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.329.5998.1458.

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6

Cao, Jerry, Douglas Cumming, and Xiaoming Wang. "One-child policy and family firms in China." Journal of Corporate Finance 33 (August 2015): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcorpfin.2015.01.005.

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7

S. Trush. "One Year of President Donald Trump's China Policy." International Affairs 64, no. 001 (February 28, 2018): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.50553904.

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8

Liang, James. "Will one child policy reduce entrepreneurship in China?" China Economic Journal 5, no. 2-3 (June 2012): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2012.761837.

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9

Han, Jun, and Zhong Zhao. "One‐child policy and marriage market in China." Review of Development Economics 26, no. 1 (December 13, 2021): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rode.12849.

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10

De Morais, Isabela Nogueira, Ben Lian Deng, and Caroline Rocha Travassos Colbert. "One China Policy: Origins and Implications for the Current US Taiwan Policy." Mural Internacional 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2018.36080.

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11

Juhua Yang. "The One-Child Policy and School Attendance in China." Comparative Education Review 51, no. 4 (2007): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30133041.

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12

White, Tyrene. "Postrevolutionary Mobilization in China: The One-Child Policy Reconsidered." World Politics 43, no. 1 (October 1990): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010551.

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The modernization or developmental model of communist regimes has been widely criticized, but the concept of revolutionary and postrevolutionary phases has endured. Implied in the dichotomy is a fundamental conflict between the politics of revolutionary mobilization (characterized by the push to disrupt and transform bourgeois routines and institutions of the old regime) and the postrevolutionary politics of regularized decision making and institutionalized party rule. The author uses the post-Mao Chinese experience and a case study of China's one-child policy to argue that variant forms of mobilization have remained an integral part of the postrevolutionary Chinese political process, as the Deng regime attempts to rearrange the institutions and routines characteristic of Maoist China rapidly and fundamentally, while preserving a Leninist political order.
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13

Bernman, Jessica. "beijing China attempts to soften its one-child policy." Lancet 353, no. 9152 (February 1999): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)75632-4.

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14

The Lancet. "The end of the one-child policy in China?" Lancet 377, no. 9770 (March 2011): 968. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(11)60369-3.

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15

Fong, Vanessa L. "Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 38, no. 5 (September 2009): 442–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610903800535.

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16

Yang, Juhua. "The One‐Child Policy and School Attendance in China." Comparative Education Review 51, no. 4 (November 2007): 471–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/520858.

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17

Bongaarts, John, and Susan Greenhalgh. "An Alternative to the One-Child Policy in China." Studies in Family Planning 17, no. 2 (March 1986): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1967072.

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18

Bongaarts, John, and Susan Greenhalgh. "An Alternative to the One-Child Policy in China." Population and Development Review 11, no. 4 (December 1985): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1973456.

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19

Didier, Laurent. "Economic diplomacy: The “one–China policy” effect on trade." China Economic Review 48 (April 2018): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.chieco.2016.11.003.

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20

Chen, Dean P. "Liberal Internationalism, Jacksonian Nationalism, and the US One China Policy." Asian Survey 57, no. 5 (September 2017): 885–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.885.

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This article examines how Wilsonian foreign policy tradition has shaped the postwar US One China policy, and how Jacksonianism, championed by the Donald Trump administration, challenges that vision. Embracing militant nationalism, commercial mercantilism, and unilateralist diplomacy, Trump’s commitment to “One China” will more likely be conditional on Sino–American transactional interchanges.
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21

Babiarz, Kimberly Singer, Paul Ma, Shige Song, and Grant Miller. "Population sex imbalance in China before the One-Child Policy." Demographic Research 40 (February 21, 2019): 319–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/demres.2019.40.13.

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22

Wong, Timothy Ka-ying. "Changing Taiwan’s Foreign Policy: From One China to Two States." Asian Perspective 24, no. 1 (2000): 5–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2000.0035.

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23

He, Ling-Yun, Bingdong Hou, and Hua Liao. "Rural energy policy in China." China Agricultural Economic Review 10, no. 2 (May 8, 2018): 224–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/caer-10-2017-0190.

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Purpose Rural energy policy is a critical measure to fight the long-standing poverty issue in China. Energy poverty, per se, is one important yet too often neglected dimension of poverty, and one of the biggest challenges in rural China during the 40-year rural reform. Reducing energy poverty is one of the poverty alleviation tasks and the goals of energy transition in the rural areas. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the status of energy poverty in China, discussing the challenges of energy poverty reduction, and then proposing the potential measures. Design/methodology/approach Using various data (including the authors’ survey data), this paper analyzes the volume and structure of energy use, and affordability of energy for the rural households, then examines the impacts of energy poverty on health, social and productivity, and finally discusses the infrastructure, cognitive ability, culture, income, etc., that shape the challenges to energy poverty reduction. Findings In addition to raising the household income, it is urgently needed to enforce the collaborations among government departments, and to improve the energy infrastructure according to local conditions, helping the residential environment cognition. Originality/value Energy poverty is almost a too often neglected issue in rural China. Few in existing literature comprehensively investigate this critically important social economic problem. This paper contributes to the profound understanding in energy poverty and the possible approaches to alleviate it.
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24

Mattingly, Daniel C. "Responsive or Repressive? How Frontline Bureaucrats Enforce the One Child Policy in China." Comparative Politics 52, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15668632057756.

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How do authoritarian states implement policies that curb individual freedom? In this article, I examine the implementation of the One Child Policy in China, which has had an enormous impact on Chinese society and yet has received little attention from political scientists. I argue that the success or failure of the policy hinged on using frontline bureaucrats to infiltrate society. Important theories suggest that bureaucratic penetration may increase bureaucrats' responsiveness to citizens and decrease implementation of the law. Drawing on a unique dataset and natural experiment, I show the opposite to be true in China: a one standard deviation increase in bureaucratic penetration lowers over-quota births by 2 to 7 percentage points. There is suggestive evidence that bureaucrats leverage their social embeddedness to control society. The article shows how frontline bureaucrats beyond the police, military, or ruling party are key agents of repression and political control.
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25

Cheng, Guo, Lu Chen, Denis Andreevich Degterev, and Jielin Zhao. "Implications of «One Belt, One Road» Strategy for China and Eurasia." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-1-77-88.

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The «One Belt, One Road» (OBOR) initiative was proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping during his visits to Kazakhstan and Indonesia, in 2013. The initiative «One Belt, One Road» could be fully treated as a comprehensive domestic and foreign policy concept. OBOR is designed to strengthen China as an attractive actor in the global market and advance its soft power. It is mostly aimed at increasing economic exchanges between China and the world. Historically the concept of the «Silk Road» was not only focused on the trade agenda. It also had rather significant cultural meaning. Obviously, the OBOR initiative could serve as a cultural bridge between China and the world and in this sense, emphases the dialogue between civilizations, not only markets and forces. With its long-term interests, China treats OBOR as a grand strategy. The initiative has been extensively discussed among academics and policy-makers both inside and outside China. The article shows also coordinating efforts of China and Russia in regional development as well as the internationalization of Central Asian region after 1991 and the role of China in this process. Contours of possible great powers rivalry as well as lack of mutual political trust between the Central Asian countries are described. This article intends to provide the analysis on the issue from the Chinese scholars’ perspective.
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26

NIE, JING-BAO. "China’s One-Child Policy, a Policy without a Future." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 23, no. 3 (May 27, 2014): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180113000881.

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Abstract:The Chinese Communist Party government has been forcefully promoting itsjihua shengyu(planned fertility) program, known as the “one-child policy,” for more than three decades. A distinctive authoritarian model of population governance has been developed. A pertinent question to be asked is whether China’s one-child policy and the authoritarian model of population governance have a future. The answer must be no; they do not. Although there are many demographic, economic, and social rationales for terminating the one-child policy, the most fundamental reason for opposing its continuation is drawn from ethics. The key ethical rationale offered for the policy is that it promotes the common social good, not only for China and the Chinese people but for the whole human family. The major irony associated with this apparently convincing justification is that, although designed to improve living standards and help relieve poverty and underdevelopment, the one-child policy and the application of the authoritarian model have instead caused massive suffering to Chinese people, especially women, and made them victims of state violence. A lesson from China—one learned at the cost of individual and social suffering on an enormous scale—is that an essential prerequisite for the pursuit of the common good is the creation of adequate constraints on state power.
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27

Nie, Wenjuan. "Xi Jinping's Foreign Policy Dilemma: One Belt, One Road or the South China Sea?" Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 3 (December 31, 2016): 422–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-3c.

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28

Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.

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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of Resolution 1244 passed by the UN Security Council. Hongkong is an integral part of China and the questions regarding this matter are to be resolved by China. Hongkong is a territory with a large degree of autonomy and the recent legislation aims to protect the security of China and Hongkong and do not contradict the policy "One Country - Two Systems", but rather confirm it. The paper also presents new data on the economic development of China and progress made in its economic relations with the EU and the countries participating in the Cooperation 17+1 program.
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29

Judd, Ellen R. "Susan Greenhalgh, Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng’s China." China Perspectives 2009, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.4824.

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30

Birchard, Karen. "China plans to change policy on one-child limit to families." Lancet 351, no. 9106 (March 1998): 890. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)70306-8.

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31

Qingguo, J. "One administration, two voices: US China policy during Bush's first term." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 6, no. 1 (August 23, 2005): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lci132.

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32

Friedman, Sara L. "Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China. Susan Greenhalgh." Journal of Anthropological Research 66, no. 1 (April 2010): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.66.1.27820849.

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33

Festini, F. "Twenty five years of the one child family policy in China." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 58, no. 5 (May 1, 2004): 358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.2003.017335.

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34

Yasuda, John K. "Susan Greenhalgh, Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng’s China." Journal of Chinese Political Science 14, no. 1 (December 23, 2008): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-008-9038-2.

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35

Li, Jiali, and Rosemary Santana Cooney. "Son preference and the one child policy in China: 1979?1988." Population Research and Policy Review 12, no. 3 (1993): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01074389.

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36

Mikhalev, M. S. "“One Belt, One Road” Project as a new foreign policy strategy of China. Short analysis of the discussion inside China." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, no. 6 (July 24, 2018): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-6-88-103.

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One of the most significant international infrastructure projects of our time is undoubtedly the foreign policy initiative “One belt, One Road” announced by China ’s leader Xi Jinping in 2013. Despite the fact that the true reasons, scale and long-term goals of this global project of China have not been definitively formulated yet, it is obvious the “One Belt, One Road” Project has surpassed its originally stated infrastructure and economic guidelines and become an ambitious long-term plan to promote the Chinese economic model around the world. From the point the Chinese planners the initiative of Xi Jinping is able in the near future to provide a platform for harmonious coexistence and solidarity between various countries and entire civilizations that while remaining independent from each other politically and culturally, will be economically interdependent and share a common desire for a harmonious co-development. The principles and ideals on which, to the mind of the initiators of the “One Belt, One Road” Project, such a civilizational dialogue of equals should be built, require the most serious attention and careful study. Unfortunately, in most modern publications on this topic, the analysis of the reasons, goals and objectives of the global Chinese initiative is carried out only on the basis of official documents of the Chinese government and the positions of those experts in China, whose opinion rather reflects their own attitude to the “One Belt, One Road” Project than is decisive in the process of internal Chinese discussion on this issue. It seems that this approach does not contribute to the formation of an objective understanding of the conditions under which this new foreign policy of China is born and to what consequences it could lead. In contrast, in this article, an attempt is made to consider the origins and to interpret the goals of “One Belt, One Road” Project through the analysis of the discussion taking place inside China which is not intended for the external audience.
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37

Wahyudi, Sava Anisha. "The Impact of the One China Policy on Indonesia's Diplomatic Relations with Taiwan." Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond 2, no. 2 (August 15, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v2i2.52201.

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<p><em>The One China Policy or commonly referred to as the One China Policy is China's policy which states that no more Chin countries may be recognized other than their own. In this case, another country referred to by China is Taiwan, which also claims to be a country that has original power over mainland China and claims to be an independent country, not under the control of the People's Republic of China. Indonesia is one of the countries that implements the implementation of the One China Policy so that it has a fairly large impact on diplomatic relations or cooperation between Indonesia and Taiwan.</em></p>
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38

G.I., Sheriff, Chubado B.T., and Ahmet A. "The One-China Policy and Implications of U.S. Invariable Support for Taiwan." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 4, no. 2 (August 17, 2021): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-xwxscxj8.

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This paper discusses the concept of the one-China policy and how the United States support of Taiwan poses a challenge to stability in the region. The paper adopted the library descriptive instrument from historical research to come up with the available data in the paper. Findings show that, since 1949, the struggle between the Nationalist Republic of China and the Communist party escalated into a civil war which resulted in the defeat of Kuomintang and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which took control of all mainland China. Only the island of Taiwan remained under the control of the ROC. Since then, both the ROC and the PRC have been claiming to represent all of "China", and both officially claim each other's territory. The paper concludes that China cannot forfeit the strait of Taiwan despite American support to the island. The deteriorating relationship between the U.S and China relationship has seen trade wars to accusations on the origins of the coronavirus to political buffering, to the sovereign of Taiwan and Hongkong, it just seems to be a manifestation of the Sino-American Cold War. The way things appear, the relationship between the U.S and China will further deteriorate largely because democracy and liberal order are being challenged by the political posture of China. The paper recommends that there is the need to maintain the non-interference principle by the two parties, the United States should know that Taiwan is China and therefore not meddle in the affairs of China and vice-versa.
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39

Lou, Vivian W. Q., and QinYing Ci. "Ageing under the one-child policy: long-term care needs and policy choices in urban China." International Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 4/5 (2014): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijpp.2014.063095.

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40

Lin-chun, Wu. "“One Drop of Oil, One Drop of Blood”: The United States and the Petroleum Problem in Wartime China, 1937-1945." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 1 (2012): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656112x637151.

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In 1931, Japan occupied Manchuria and seemed intent on conquering China. Because Japan was devoid of petroleum, planners turned to exploration in the Western Pacific. In China, mobilization for a military invasion and preparations for economic survival made control of petroleum supplies more urgent than ever. As Irvine H. Anderson reminds us in The Standard-Vacuum Oil Company and United States East Asian Policy, 1933-1941, Standard-Vacuum, Shell, and the Anglo-American diplomatic corps accelerated their close cooperation especially after Japan created monopolies of the economies of Manchuria and North China, which violated the traditional principles of American Open Door Policy. However, the American de facto embargo policy and the Japanese resolve to seize the necessary supplies in the Dutch Indies made it inevitable that American companies would become involved in the formulation and execution of American policy both before and after Pearl Harbor. Building on Anderson’s extraordinary research, this article focuses on the petroleum problem in China and the American response, especially of the State Department and Foreign Service officers, during 1937-45.
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41

Legge Jr., Jerome S., and Zhirong Zhao. "Morality Policy and Unintended Consequences: China's "One-Child" Policy." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 3/4 (November 4, 2016): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i3/4.48.

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The ability of government to change human behavior by altering policy has severe limitations. Nowhere are these limitations more evident than in the area of fertility policy and sexual behavior. This paper considers the impacts of China’s restrictive population policy with regard to two dependent variables. First, we attempt to explain the impact of the “one child” policy on population growth. Secondly, we examine the effect of the policy on an unintended consequence: the sex ratio, or the imbalance between males and women in Chinese society. We utilize a time series, cross-sectional (TSCS) research design for 31 Chinese provinces and municipalities for the years 1996-1999. We consider the Chinese experience within the theoretical framework of morality policy and argue that, while China has been remarkably successful in lowering the growth rate of its still escalating population, the policy has had the unanticipated and harmful effect of an increasingly unbalanced sex ratio. While many Chinese have become convinced of the advantages of smaller families, their preference for sons has created a gender imbalance in the marriage market which potentially may have severe consequences for the future of Chinese society. We discuss these implications and argue that given the strong Chinese preference for sons, especially in rural areas of China, the government is now facing a new challenge in its effort to achieve a gender-balanced society.
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42

Muratshina, Ksenia G. "BRICS Group in Contemporary China’s Policy." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 2 (26) (October 8, 2020): 94–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(2).94-106.

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This paper discusses the place of the BRICS group in contemporary foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China. The author analyses China’s foreign policy documents, statements of Chinese high-ranking officials, and publications of Chinese expert community, mainly political studies. The paper demonstrates that at present stage, BRICS group is not a top priority to China, however, China sees BRICS as one of its foreign policy instruments and one of formats of interaction with the countries of the Global South. Consequently, the PRC is aimed at strengthening its leadership in BRICS, particularly in the New Development Bank, in order to foster economic cooperation according to its foreign policy interests.
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43

Wang, Zishu, Wangfeng Li, Yuanshi Li, Changbo Qin, Chunying Lv, and Yi Liu. "The "Three Lines One Permit" policy: An integrated environmental regulation in China." Resources, Conservation and Recycling 163 (December 2020): 105101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.resconrec.2020.105101.

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44

Yang, H., and K. Chan. "Newborn screening and the relaxation of one-child policy in mainland China." Public Health 129, no. 9 (September 2015): 1304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.puhe.2015.07.027.

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45

Cao, Yuan. "Fertility and labor supply: evidence from the One-Child Policy in China." Applied Economics 51, no. 9 (July 31, 2018): 889–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2018.1502868.

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46

Therese Hesketh. "Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China (review)." China Review International 16, no. 1 (2009): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2009.0022.

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47

HOFFMAN, LISA M. "Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China by Susan Greenhalgh." American Ethnologist 37, no. 2 (May 2010): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2010.01262_9.x.

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48

LIU, XIN. "Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China by Susan Greenhalgh." American Anthropologist 111, no. 2 (June 2009): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01118_5.x.

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49

Yongming, Zhou. "Just One Child: Science and Policy in Deng's China by Susan Greenhalgh." PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 33, no. 1 (May 2010): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1555-2934.2010.01103.x.

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50

FERDINAND, PETER. "Westward ho-the China dream and ‘one belt, one road’: Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping." International Affairs 92, no. 4 (June 20, 2016): 941–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12660.

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