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1
Brinegar, Sara. "The Oil Deal: Nariman Narimanov and the Sovietization of Azerbaijan." Slavic Review 76, no. 2 (2017): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.83.
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This essay, with a focus on Baku, Azerbaijan, demonstrates that the need to secure and hold energy resources—and the infrastructures that support them—was critical to the formation of the Soviet Union. The Azerbaijani statesman Nariman Narimanov played a pivotal role in the establishment of Soviet power in Azerbaijan by attempting to use Baku's oil to secure prerogatives for the Azerbaijan SSR. In part, Narimanov gained his position by striking a deal with Vladimir Lenin in 1920, an arrangement that I am calling the oil deal. This deal lay the foundations of Soviet power in the south Caucasus. Lenin charged Narimanov with facilitating connections between the industrial stronghold of Baku and the rural countryside of Azerbaijan and Narimanov agreed to do what he could to help supply Soviet Russia with oil. Lenin put Narimanov in charge of the Soviet government of Azerbaijan, with the understanding that he would be granted significant leeway in cultural policies. Understanding the role of the south Caucasus in Soviet history, then, is also understanding how the extraction and use of oil and other natural resources were entangled with more familiar questions of nationalities policy and identity politics.
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DİYARBAKIRLIOĞLU, Kaan. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia from the Historical Perspective." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss2pp415-439.
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The Nagorno-Karabakh problem had continued for years. The problem had grown thanks to the policies of Russia in the region. The Russians first had carried out expansionist policies. After the industrial revolution, oil in the Caucasus had gained importance in the region. Therefore, the Russian Armenians immigrated to these regions. Strategic plans have been developed to increase the Christian population in the region and to make the region a region without Turks. Armenia and Azerbaijan had gained independence after the Soviet Union collapsed after the Cold War. After the Soviet Union, Russia had given the region the right to self-determination, and the population in the Nagorno-Karabakh region began to be Armenian. Azerbaijani Turks were immigrated from this region. Negotiating groups have been included for the solution of the problem in this region and a ceasefire has been signed between the two countries. Violations had occurred over the years after the ceasefire signed between the two countries. Russia had not wanted the presence of international actors in this region. For this reason, Russia continues to be on the Armenian side. Today, Russia has a voice in the region with a balanced policy. Nagorno-Karabakh region is legally connected to Azerbaijan and has not been recognized as de-facto.
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Kalenova, S. A. "On cooperation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan within the EAEU in the field of energy and transport." Bulletin of "Turan" University, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46914/1562-2959-2021-1-1-64-67.
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In the context of increasing competition between states, especially in the context of the ever-growing COVID–2019 pandemic, when there is a decline in energy prices, a decrease in the consumption of gas, oil and petroleum products, the correct approach to the use of energy resources of the states this union. especially important for the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. Also the efficient organization of transport routes for the export of energy resources to foreign international markets is important. The article proposes a scheme of state regulation that can, in our opinion, solve the problems of implementing the strategic priorities of our states, in particular, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan (especially with regard to Kazakhstan's transit opportunities) in the field of energy and transport. The next important step is the further development of industrial and innovative technological development in the field of energy in our countries. The article also notes the problems in the weak integration of the scientific potential of the two countries. It should be emphasized that the collective use of the scientific potential of both states is not such a difficult problem, since in the Soviet period science developed only through joint efforts. Scientific institutes constantly shared their achievements. Joint conferences, symposia and other events were actively held, where it was possible not only to learn about the latest achievements, but also to agree on any joint projects, especially since there is no language barrier between the post-Soviet states.
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Tretyakova, Albina. "The Soviet Oil and Natural Gas Industries (Problems of Reserve Estimation). By Alexei Mahmoudov. Foreword by Leslie Dienes. Monograph Series on the Soviet Union. Falls Church, Va.: Delphic Associates, 1986. vii, 95 pp. Figures. Maps. Tables. Paper." Slavic Review 47, no. 2 (1988): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498493.
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Lustick, Ian S. "The Absence of Middle Eastern Great Powers: Political “Backwardness” in Historical Perspective." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 653–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550483.
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Propelled by the oil boom of the mid-1970s the Middle East emerged as the world's fastest growing region. Hopes and expectations were high for Arab political consolidation, economic advancement, and cultural efflorescence. With falling oil prices and a devastating war between Iran and Iraq, these hopes had dimmed somewhat by the early 1980s. In 1985, however, the spectacular image of an Arab great power was still tantalizing. A Pan-Arab state, wrote two experts on the region, would include a total area of 13.7 million square kilometers,second only to the Soviet Union and considerably larger than Europe, Canada, China, or the United States. … By 2000 it would have more people than either of the two superpowers. This state would contain almost two-thirds of the world's proven oil reserves. It would also have enough capital to finance its own economic and social development. Conceivably, it could feed itself.… Access to a huge market could stimulate rapid industrial growth. Present regional inequalities could ultimately be lessened and the mismatch between labor-surplus and labor-short areas corrected. The aggregate military strength and political influence of this strategically located state would be formidable.… It is easy to comprehend why this dream has long intoxicated Arab nationalists.
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Zakirzyanov, M. Kh, L. K. Rizatdinov, and I. R. Yagafarov. "Medical and sanitary unit of ISC «Tatneft» and the city of Almetyevsk developmental milestones." Kazan medical journal 96, no. 3 (June 15, 2015): 278–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17750/kmj2015-278.
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Since the beginning of oil industry rapid development in our region in 1952-1957, oil industry specialists from many republics of the Soviet Union arrived. So, a problem of providing the health care services for oil industry workers aroused. Ten prefabricated panel buildings for the district hospital were built in a short time. In 1955, the city had 60 doctors and 172 nurses, 400 beds were available in hospitals. In 2002, medical and diagnostic building was built and set to work, in 2005 office building was renovated, a new surgical building of 7 floors was built in 2007. Since 2008, the medical unit has the status of a regional medical diagnostic center for the residents of the south-east of the Republic of Tatarstan. The effectiveness of the Medical and sanitary unit of JSC «Tatneft» and the city of Almetyevsk is confirmed by the annual increase in the number of treated patients, a decrease in the incidence of temporary disability among industrial workers, increased number of diagnostic manipulations and surgeries. History of the medical unit is intimately linked with the activity of JSC «Tatneft». In a historically short period of 60 years a district hospital of 10 shanty houses has turned into a largest modern medical and diagnostic center in the southeast of the Republic of Tatarstan.
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Shurubovich, A. V. "The Union State and Actual Problems of Russian- Byelorussian Integration." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 244–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-244-258.
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December 8, 2019 will be the 20-eth anniversary of signing of the Treaty of creation of the Union state by the presidents of Russia and Byelorussia. The phenomenon of the Union state (US) and the road passed by it are sufficiently contradictory. On the one hand, the US is undoubtedly the most advanced integration alignment on the post-Soviet area and a pattern for other associations. For the period of forming of the US considerable progress in all spheres of cooperation has been achieved. The mutual trade volume grew from $9,3 bln in 2000 to $35,6 bln in 2018. Investment cooperation and industrial cooperation are developing, joint programs are being realized. The documents aimed at securing of equal rights of the two countries’ citizens have been signed and are being realized; military and political as well as cooperation at the regional level is developing. On the other hand, many aims of the US have not been attained, its construction has actually been frozen. The integration process evidently slips, many conceptual issues of the union construction stay unsettled. Serious contradictions between the parties on a number of important economic and political issues remain; periodically serious conflicts (“oil”, “gas”, “milk” etc.) accompanied by “information wars” and questioning the prospects of the Russian-Byelorussian integration arise. Recently Russia raises a question of the necessity to accelerate integration in the framework of the US binding it with maintenance of preferences for Byelorussia in mutual economic relations. The action program of the two countries aimed at activization of integration cooperation in the US is being prepared. However, between the parties serious differences stipulated, first of all, by unwillingness of Byelorussia to waive its sovereignty still remain. Just in the near time it will be clear whether the parties will manage to overcome these differences and start a new stage in the development of integration.
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Alexey, Neroslov. "The Method of Cluster Drilling in the Western Ural as the Beginning of the Technical and Economic Revolution in the World Drilling." TECHNOLOGOS, no. 3 (2020): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2020.3.03.
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In 1943, at the height of the Great Patriotic War, the new revolutionary drilling technique with high efficiency was used in Krasnokamsk oilfield of Molotov (Perm) Oblast for the first time in the world – the cluster turbodrilling method. The development of oil industry in Prikamye in the 1940s was associated with certain complications. The main deposits of the Krasnokasmk oilfield discovered before the war turned out to be located due to a number of reasons within the area of industrial and residential construction of the city of Krasnokamsk and under the Kama river and the Paltinskoye swamp close to the city. Conventional drilling methods could not be used for their development. The way out was to use the method of directional drilling that was little known at that moment. The development of the innovative technology in Krasnokamsk oilfield in 1942 was largely due to the involvement of the specialists of the Experimental Turbodrilling Bureau evacuated from Baku. Directional drilling which involved the deviation of the bottom hole (the ultimate lowest point of the well) from the wellhead (the initial uppermost location) by several hundred metres opened up broad opportunities for developing hard-to-recover oil deposits while significantly accelerating and ensuring cost savings of the drilling process. The directional drilling served as the basis for the development in Prikamye of an advanced technology of cluster drilling when several directional wells with different azimuths were drilled from a small well pad. In 1943–1944, cluster drilling was tested and successfully used in Krasnokamsk oilfield. The cluster drilling comprised an entire range of innovative solutions including the movement of assembled drilling rigs without dismantling power equipment. Also, it resulted in the reduction of total labour costs, scope of construction and assembly works, costs of building oilfield roads, power lines and pipelines, and transportation costs. People’s Commissariat of Oil Industry of the USSR initiated a large-scale rollout of the advanced method of cluster drilling in the largest oil-producing regions of the Soviet Union – Azerbaijan and the North Caucasus, and the area of the “second Baku” – Bashkiria, Tatary, and Kuybyshev oblast. The transition to the advanced and cost-saving technology of cluster drilling laid the foundation for the technical and economic revolution of the world drilling practices.
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Brovina, Alexandra, Larisa Pavlovna Roshchevskaya, and Mikhail Pavlovich Roshchevskii. "Research of oil shale in the Komi ASSR during the Great Patriotic War: experience of the Professor D. N. Kursanov." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.6.33117.
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The subject of this research is the historical role of Russian scientific community in studying the Arctic and Subarctic territories during the years of Great Patriotic War. The key goal consists in demonstrating the contribution of scholars to accumulation of scientific knowledge on the northern region in the context of solution of the priority government objective and establishment of scientific organizations on the European North of Russia in first half of the XX century. The main tasks of this research lie in reconstruction of the process of creation and activity of oil shale laboratory of the Base of Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union on studying the North under the authority of Professor D. N. Kursanov, who dealt with the questions of utilization of solid fossil fuels of the Komi ASSR. This topic did not receive due coverage within the scientific literature. For solution of the set tasks, the author attracted the unpublished archival materials from the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Scientific Archive of the Federal Research Center “Komi Scientific Center of Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences” and National Archive of the Komi Republic; writings of the staff members of the indicated laboratory published based on the research results in 1940s, as well modern researchers of the depths of Russian North. The article explores the history of establishment of scientific department, development of scientific programs and plans, organization of interaction of academic community with the government and economic branches of the Komi ASSR. The main conclusions consists in the proof that the scientific-organizational activity of D. N. Kursanov led to conducting strategic research of defense designation on the problems of studying oil shale of the mineral deposit on Ayyva River, utilization of oil shale for motor fuel generation, and elaboration of new chemical products for defense industry. It is underlined that the high level of explorations and pilot surveys carried out by national scholars in these directions contributed to the development of new shale-chemical industrial sector of the country in the later years.
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Hough, Jerry F. "Attack on protectionism in the Soviet Union? A comment." International Organization 40, no. 2 (1986): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027211.
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Unlike the other countries in what we tend to call “the Soviet bloc,” the Soviet Union benefited financially from the oil crises of the 1970s, for it was a major petroleum and natural gas exporter. The oil crises also benefited the Soviet Union indirectly as a number of radical Third World oil producers acquired money to buy more Soviet arms. Moreover, the windfall increase in petroleum prices was supplemented by a similar windfall increase in the price of the other major Soviet export product, gold. The subsidies that the Soviet Union provided to Eastern Europe did not entail any sacrifice of resources that had been previously committed but required only that it forgo even greater gains. The politics underlying the Soviet decisions were the politics underlying the rapid expansion of export earnings.
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De Groot, Michael. "The Soviet Union, CMEA, and the Energy Crisis of the 1970s." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (December 2020): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00964.
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Numerous scholars have claimed that the Soviet Union was a primary beneficiary of the 1973–1974 oil crisis. Drawing on archival evidence from Russia and Germany, this article challenges that interpretation, showing that the oil crisis forced Soviet policymakers to confront the limits of their energy industry and the effects of the crisis on their East European allies. Demand for Soviet energy outpaced production, forcing Soviet officials to weigh their need to compensate for economic shortcomings at home against their role as the guarantor of Communist rule in Eastern Europe. The Soviet decision to raise prices within the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Soviet Union's inability to fulfill demand across CMEA compelled the East European governments to purchase oil from Middle Eastern countries at increasing world market prices, crippling their balance of payments and accentuating their other economic shortcomings.
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Smith, Michael R. "Exploration for Oil in the Soviet Union: Special Problems Facing Western Companies." Energy & Environment 9, no. 1-2 (March 1998): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x98009001-202.
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The Soviet Union, including its Republics and Autonomous Regions, although remaining the world's largest oil and gas producer, is seeking the co-operation of the international oil industry to assist in further developing its vast reserves and potential resources. A legislation and taxation system that allows for foreign investment in the Soviet oil industry is being created. Many international oil companies, large and small, are currently evaluating opportunities in the country. Western companies have not been directly involved in Soviet oil operations since 1918. During the intervening years significant diversities of approach, particularly with regard to exploration methods and geological analysis, have emerged between Soviet and western geoscientists. Such differences have caused a myriad of special problems for geologists and geophysicists employed by western oil companies newly evaluating the petroleum potential of the country. These probems must be addressed and overcome before embarking on an expensive exploration or development venture.
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Larsen, Trina L., and Robert T. Green. "Export Opportunities in a Crumbling Economy: The Soviet Union in 1990." Journal of International Marketing 1, no. 4 (December 1993): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069031x9300100405.
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Economic liberalization is underway in many countries that had previously been relatively closed to outside commercial relations. This includes former East Bloc nations and LDCs that had long attempted to protect their inefficient industries from foreign competition. Perhaps the most spectacular example of this trend is the former Soviet Union. This article reports a study of the changes that occurred in the former Soviet Union's trade relations with non-communist countries in the critical period during which trade ‘openness’ was being established. The results provide insights that may be useful to exporters in their assessment of market opportunities in countries undergoing the difficult transition to a market economy.
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Rogers, Douglas. "Thane Gustafson’s Wheel of Fortune and the Study of Post-Soviet Oil." Russian History 41, no. 4 (November 16, 2014): 513–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04104006.
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Thane Gustafson’s Wheel of Fortune: The Battle for Oil and Power in Russia is reviewed and situated within some broader trends in research on Russian natural resource extraction in the oil industry. Gustafson’s book represents the high water mark of a particular genre of scholarship on oil and considerably improves our understandings on a wide range of fronts. However, a number of other methodological and analytical approaches to Soviet and post-Soviet oil are beginning to appear; in the coming years, they will broaden and diversify scholarly conversations about the significance of oil in Russia and the former Soviet Union.
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Smith, Michael R. "Exploration for Oil in the Soviet Union: Special Problems Facing Western Companies." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 9, no. 1-2 (March 1991): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459879100900102.
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Aguilera, Roberto F. "The economics of oil and gas supply in the Former Soviet Union." International Journal of Global Energy Issues 35, no. 6 (2012): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgei.2012.051730.
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Tull, Simon J., David Macdonald, Larisa Voronova, and Graham Blackbourn. "Thematic set; habitat of oil and gas in the former Soviet Union." Petroleum Geoscience 3, no. 4 (November 1997): 313–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/petgeo.3.4.313.
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Chakraborty, Sweta, and Naomi Creutzfeldt-Banda. "Implications of the Risk Communication Guidelines for the European Union." European Journal of Risk Regulation 1, no. 4 (December 2010): 435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00000921.
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This section discusses issues related to risk communication across a range of publicly perceived highrisk industries (such as pharmaceuticals, nuclear, oil, etc.). It reports critically and provides analysis on risk communication as an outcome of risk research within these industries. Contributions are intended to include methods working towards the advancement of risk perception research and describe any lessons learned for successfully communicating to the public about risk.
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Adamson, Ivana. "Can former Soviet Union top managers of large industries become successful leaders of privatized corporations?" Human Resource Development International 2, no. 1 (March 1999): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13678869900000007.
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Kaminsky, Lauren. "Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001184.
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Soviet socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy. Marx and Engels asserted that women's emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.” Building on this legacy, Lenin imagined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by communal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia's family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918. The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexuality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism.
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Kochetkova, Elena. "Milk and Milk Packaging in the Soviet Union: Technologies of Production and Consumption, 1950s–70s." Russian History 46, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04601002.
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This article examines the nature of Soviet consumption and technological development through the history of milk and milk packaging between the 1950s and 1970s. Based on published and archival materials, the paper focuses on the role that milk played in Soviet nutrition and the role that packaging played in Soviet consumption. The article also examines the modernization of technology for making packaging as well as technology transfer from the West. It concludes that, as in many Western countries, both the Soviet state and Soviet specialists saw it as important to increase the consumption of milk after the war, but the meaning of milk changed. Milk, a basic staple for nutrition, became a matter of science and specialists sought to explain its positive effects. In addition, due to the development of the paper and chemical industries, new forms of milk packaging, more practical in their uses, were introduced in the West. Soviet leaders and specialists saw the new packaging as a desirable feature of modernity, but were unsuccessful in launching domestic technologies for manufacturing such packaging. While experimenting with domestic technology, Soviet producers also received foreign equipment for making milk packaging. Nevertheless, the capacity of such foreign equipment was not enough to satisfy growing demand and the consumption of “modern packaging” remained lower than in the West until the introduction of capitalism and, with it, foreign companies into the Russian market in the 1990s.
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Monakov, M. S. "Yalta 1945: the Black Sea Straits and the War in the Far East." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-34-42.
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In the scientific literature on the Yalta conference of leaders of the three powers of the coalition there are no studies that reveal its naval aspects. Meanwhile, among the issues that had significance for the Soviet delegation, they held even if not the first priority, but were quite prominent. In the Russian historiography attention to these matters appeared only in the early 1990s, most likely because the Soviet side in negotiations had a negative impact on the formation of the post-war world order. Contemporary Russian historians are in line with the tradition, a feature of which was a lack of attention to the maritime policy of the Soviet Union, especially in the 1921 - 1955. It is clear, however, that projects of this scale, which required the mobilization of all resources of the Soviet state, creation of the most advanced shipbuilding and entirely new industries for the country and high-tech industries, could not arise in a vacuum. Behind this processes were certain political goals, and when the war began Stalin stopped work on the first "big shipbuilding program" though it did not mean that he refused them. This hypothesis is based and presented in this article.
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Soloshenko, V. "Zigzags in Cultural Policy of the Soviet Union in the Cold War Epoch." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-9.
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Presented article has been written based on the report, which was delivered at the International Workshop “The Cultural and Academic Relations between the Eastern Bloc Countries and the West during the Cold War Period” organized by the Ohara Institute for Social Research/Hosei University (Tokyo, Japan) in cooperation with the State Institution “Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine” (Kyiv, Ukraine) and Jagielonian University (Krakow, Poland).In order for reading this article to be more accessible for the scholars of post-Soviet countries, far and near abroad, the author, on exceptional basis, used Russian as the language of her research. Because exactly Russian was the language of learning of the author’s Japanese colleagues, professors from the Hosei University / Tokyo and other universities during their studying in the USSR in the Cold War years.The article underlines that accession of Ukraine to the Soviet Union as the Union Republic-co-founder and its commitment to the establishment of the new social and economic system involved a series of public transformations. In the Soviet Union, the industrialization, collectivization, and cultural revolution were conducted, numerous universities, scientific institutions, theatres, and other culture centers were opened. Soviet culture, as officially defined, served the purpose of construction of a socialist society. At the same time, the cultural policy of the Soviet Union had not only the objectives of changing public consciousness, covered the principles of liquidation of private property and repudiation of religion, but also, on the base of communist ideology, it was intended to provide a formation of the «New Soviet Man». The author demonstrated the Cold War influence on the culture of the USSR. The research highlighted that the development of new industries and scientific discoveries of global significance by the Soviet scientists enabled to use to a greater extent of human achievements for further progress and cultural wealth accumulation. The article deals with the achievements and loses in the process of Ukrainian national identity assertion.
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Bayetova, Nazgul. "Neoliberalism and Kazakhstan's emerging higher education." Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education 11, Winter (March 14, 2020): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jcihe.v11iwinter.1342.
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The Republic of Kazakhstan is one of the Central Asian countries of the former Soviet Union. The ninth largest country in the world in physical size with a population of over 17 million people and significant oil, iron ore, coal, copper, and gas reserves, Kazakhstan gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. In the early 1990s, the Supreme Court of the Kazakh Social Soviet Republic declared the transition of a planned economy to a market economy. Kazakhstan’s market system has significantly impacted its emerging higher education system. Less government spending and the creation of private universities in Kazakhstan were the core strategies that have been implemented under the neoliberal policies of Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s president from independence to this year (1991-2019).
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Churcher, John, and Patricia Worgan. "Development of Industrial and Commercial Management in Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union." Industry and Higher Education 12, no. 2 (April 1998): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229801200207.
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UK higher education, in partnership with UK industry, contributes positively to the training of managers and entrepreneurs from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the New Independent States and Russia. Since 1992, the University of Luton has delivered management training courses in CEE and the former Soviet Union (FSU), developing expertise to assist both UK companies and CEE/FSU managers to understand the different attitudes and experiences that will help to overcome potential partnership problems and encourage East-West industries to take full advantage of the increasing trading opportunities. This case study analyses the management training programmes, and details pre- and post-training insights.
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Ferreira, Paulo, Éder J. A. L. Pereira, and Hernane B. B. Pereira. "The Exposure of European Union Productive Sectors to Oil Price Changes." Sustainability 12, no. 4 (February 21, 2020): 1620. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12041620.
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Oil is one of the most important products in the world, being used for fuel production but also as an input in several industries. After the oil shocks of the 1970s, which caused great turbulence, the interest in the analysis of this particular product grew. The analysis of the comovements between oil and other assets became a hot topic. In this study, we propose an analysis of how oil price correlates with several industry indexes. The detrended cross-correlation analysis coefficient ( ρ DCCA ) is used, with data from 1992 to 2019, and we analyze not only the correlation between oil and several Euro Stoxx indexes during the whole sample, but also how that correlation evolved for the different decades (1990s, 2000s and 2010s). Naturally, oil and gas are the sectors that correlate the most with crude oil, with correlation coefficients reaching levels higher than 0.6 in some cases. However, the results also indicate that all sectors are now more exposed to oil price variations than in the past, with the financial sector as one of the sectors with the greatest increase in correlation.
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Zhiltsov, S. S. "Coronavirus hits former-Soviet countries." Post-Soviet Issues 7, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2020-7-1-8-17.
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The year of 2020 started a new chapter in the development of former-Soviet countries. The coronavirus epidemic, which began in the Chinese city of Wuhan, has spread to affect all countries throughout the world, including the countries of the former Soviet Union. Its influence has already affected the economic and social development of the countries in the post-Soviet space. Closing borders, stopping tourism, and imposing severe restrictions on transport services were the first measures that contributed to reducing the incidence rates. At the same time, these measures affected bilateral and multilateral trade and economic relations among the countries of the post-Soviet space.All countries of the post-Soviet space have taken steps to allocate additional funds to combat coronavirus. Ad hoc funds were formed, the review of budget expenditures and revenues began. However, in fact in the first few months the countries faced economic distress, the overcoming of which could take considerable time.The coronavirus epidemic is taking place against the backdrop of global economic crisis and a sharp drop in oil prices. Economic development models based on increasing consumption without economic growth, increasing the level of external and internal debt have shown their insolvency. In these conditions, the countries of the post-Soviet space, which are highly dependent on the external factor, have also experienced significant economic hardships.Finally, the «price warfare» in the oil market has a strong influence. The United States and Saudi Arabia’s attempts to achieve dominance in the oil market, by displacing Russia from it, as well, have had a destabilizing impact on the world oil market. This factor has had a direct impact on those former-Soviet countries that produce and export hydrocarbon resources.In general, the coronavirus epidemic, taking place against the backdrop of global economic challenges and oil competition, will have a negative impact on the economic and political development of former-Soviet countries. The impact of the epidemic, its consequences, will affect the former-Soviet countries for many years to come.
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Filatov, Georgy. "ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE USSR AND THE FRANCOIST SPAIN IN THE 1960-S." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-20-26.
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Relations between Spain and the Soviet Union in the XX century had periods of rapid development and quick decline. During the civil war in Spain the ties intensified unprecedentedly, but the rule of Francisco Franco was marked by the transformation of the two states into ideological and political opponents. The period of World War II can be considered as the lowest point in the relationship, when Spanish volunteers fought in the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. The situation did not improve after the war, when the Soviet Union proposed the most stringent measures to influence the Franco regime. Nevertheless, since the second half of the 1950s, when both regimes experienced a period of relative liberalization, direct channels of communication, primarily economic, have begun to appear. Together with symbolic steps that the sides exchanged, the development of economic relations contributed significantly to the change. The Soviet Union supplied aluminum, cellu-lose and tractors, Spain exported agricultural products and copper. Since the middle of the 1960s, the range of goods has become more diverse: in Soviet deliveries, oil and oil products have played an increasing role, and Spain has provided more and more consumer goods. In the second half of the 1960s a new sphere has opened for the trade relations between Madrid and Moscow - fishing. Active development of the fishing industry in the USSR required new fishing areas, and the Spanish ports were convenient for basing Soviet fishing vessels. In the end of the decade, the sides signed a number of bilateral treaties regulating the mutual use of coastal infrastruc-ture. Economic ties between the USSR and the francoist Spain began to pave the way for establishing normal relations between the two countries.
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Cortada, James W. "Public Policies and the Development of National Computer Industries in Britain, France, and the Soviet Union, 1940—80." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 3 (June 25, 2009): 493–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009409104120.
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Marantz, Paul. "Conciliation ou agression : Un examen de quelques facteurs susceptibles d’influencer la politique étrangère soviétique au cours des années 80." Études internationales 13, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 657–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701422ar.
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This paper analyzes the way in which internal forces are likely to affect Soviet foreign policy over the next few years. Four developments are examined: potential Soviet petroleum shortages, the growing Soviet Muslim population, the slowdown in the rate of economic growth in the Soviet Union, and the imminent post-Brezhnev succession struggle. The question is posed: Will these factors soon impel the Soviet Union toward foreign expansion and adventurism? It is our conclusion that two of these factors, the leveling off of oil production and the rapid growth of Soviet Muslims, are not likely to have a strong influence on Soviet foreign policy. On the other hand, the decline in growth rates and the demise of Brezhnev are likely to have a major impact on future Soviet policies. The Soviet system is not experiencing a terminal crisis, but it is definitely laboring under growing burdens. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that this will necessarily result in foreign expansion. A new, rejuvenated leadership may well seek a relaxation of tensions, as it did upon Stalin’s death in 1953, so as to create favorable conditions for dealing with its pressing problems. The future remains highly uncertain. International developments will be at least as important as domestic factors, and much will depend upon the policies adopted by Western governments.
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YEŞILBURSA BEHÇET, KEMAL. "FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)." History and Modern Perspectives 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-1-92-105.
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On 26 February 1921, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Friendship» with Iran which was to pave the way for future relations between the two states. Although the Russians renounced various commercial and territorial concessions which the Tsarist government had exacted from Iran, they secured the insertion of two articles which prohibited the formation or residence in either country of individuals, groups, military forces which were hostile to the other party, and gave the Soviet Union the right to send forces into Iran in the event that a third party should attempt to carry out a policy of usurpation there, use Iran as a base for operations against Russia, or otherwise threaten Soviet frontiers. Furthermore, in 1927, the Soviet Union signed a «Treaty of Guarantee and Neutrality» with Iran which required the contracting parties to refrain from aggression against each other and not to join blocs or alliances directed against each other’s sovereignty. However, the treaty was violated by the Soviet Union’s wartime occupation of Iran, together with Britain and the United States. The violation was subsequently condoned by the conclusion of the Tripartite Treaty of Alliance of 29 January 1942, which permitted the Soviet Union to maintain troops in Iran for a limited period. Requiring restraint from propaganda, subversion and hostile political groups, the treaty would also appear to have been persistently violated by the Soviet Union: for example, the various radio campaigns of «Radio Moscow» and the «National Voice of Iran»; the financing and control of the Tudeh party; and espionage and rumour-mongering by Soviet officials in Iran. Whatever the Soviet’s original conception of this treaty may have been, they had since used it one-sidedly as a treaty in which both countries would be neutral, with one being «more neutral than the other». In effect, both the 1921 and 1927 treaties had been used as «a stick to beat the Iranians» whenever it suited the Soviets to do so, in propaganda and in inter-governmental dealings. During the Second World War, the treaty between the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and Iran, dated 29 January 1942 - and concluded some 5 months after the occupation of parts of Iran by allied forces, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union were entitled to maintain troops in Iran, but the presence of such troops was not to constitute a military occupation. Nonetheless, Soviet forces in the Northern provinces used their authority to prevent both the entry of officials of the Iranian Government and the export of agricultural products to other provinces. The treaty also required military forces to be withdrawn not later than six months after «all hostilities between the Allied Powers and Germany and her associates have been suspended by the conclusion of an armistice or on the conclusion of peace, whichever is the earlier». This entailed that the Soviet Union should have withdrawn its forces by March 1946, six months after the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, however, there emerged in Iranian Azerbaijan, under Soviet tutelage, a movement for advanced provincial autonomy which developed into a separatist movement under a Communist-led «National Government of Azerbaijan». In 1945, Soviet forces prevented the Iranian army from moving troops into Azerbaijan, and also confined the Iranian garrison to barracks while the dissidents took forcible possession of key points. At the same time, Soviet troops prevented the entry of Iranian troops into the Kurdistan area, where, under Soviet protection, a Kurdish Republic had been set up by Qazi Mohammad. In 1946, after Iran had appealed to the Security Council, the Russians secured from the Iranian Prime Minister, Qavam es Saltaneh, a promise to introduce a bill providing for the formation of a Soviet-Iranian Oil Company to exploit the Northern oil reserves. In return, the Soviet Union agreed to negotiate over Azerbaijan: the Iranians thereupon withdrew their complaint to the Security Council, and Soviet forces left Azerbaijan by 9 May 1946. In 1955, when Iran was considering joining a regional defensive pact, which was later to manifest itself as the Baghdad Pact, the Soviet Government threatened that such a move would oblige the Soviet Union to act in accordance with Article 6 of the 1921 treaty. This was the «big stick» aspect of Soviet attempts to waylay Iranian membership of such a pact; the «carrot» being the conclusion in 1955 of a Soviet-Iranian «Financial and Frontier Agreement» by which the Soviets agreed to a mutually beneficial re-alignment of the frontier and to pay debts arising from their wartime occupation of Northern Iran. The Soviets continued their war of nerves against Iranian accession to the Pact by breaking off trade negotiations in October 1955 and by a series of minor affronts, such as the cancellation of cultural visits and minimal attendance at the Iranian National Day celebrations in Moscow. In a memorandum dated November 26, the Iranian Government openly rejected Soviet criticisms. Soviet displeasure was expressed officially, in the press and to private individuals. In the ensuing period, Soviet and Soviet-controlled radio stations continued to bombard their listeners with criticism of the Baghdad Pact, or CENTO as it later became. In early 1959, with the breakdown of the negotiations for a non-aggression pact, Iran-Soviet relations entered into a phase of propaganda warfare which intensified with the signature of the bilateral military agreement between Iran and the United States. The Soviet Union insisted that Iran should not permit the establishment of foreign military bases on its soil, and continued to threaten Iran despite the Shah’s assurance on this issue. Consequently, the Iranians denounced Articles 5 and 6 of the 1921 treaty, on the basis of which the Soviet Union was making its demands. Attempts by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to improve relations met with little success until September 1959, when Russia offered massive economic support on condition that Iran renounced its military agreements with the United States. This offer was rejected, and, as relations continued to become strained, the Soviets changed their demand to one neither for a written agreement that Iran would not allow its terrain to be used as a base of aggression nor for the establishment of foreign missile bases. The publication by the Soviet Union of the so-called «CENTO documents» did nothing to relieve the strain: the Soviet Union continued to stand out for a bilateral agreement with Iran, and the Shah, in consultation with Britain and the United States, continued to offer no more than a unilateral assurance. In July 1962, with a policy of endeavouring once more to improve relations, the Shah maintained his insistence on a unilateral statement, and the Soviet Government finally agreed to this. The Iranian undertaking was accordingly given and acknowledged on 15 September. The Instruments of ratification of the 1957 Agreements on Transit and Frontier Demarcation were exchanged in Moscow on 26 October 1962 and in Tehran on 20 December, respectively.
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Kirillova, Elena. "Rights of Transit and Intervention in the Oil and Gas Industry of the Former Soviet Union." Journal of Energy & Natural Resources Law 11, no. 4 (November 1993): 262–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02646811.1993.11432967.
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Reynolds, Douglas B., and Marek Kolodziej. "Former Soviet Union oil production and GDP decline: Granger causality and the multi-cycle Hubbert curve." Energy Economics 30, no. 2 (March 2008): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eneco.2006.05.021.
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Mazov, Sergey Vasilyevich. "USSR and the 1966 Coup d’État in Ghana: Based on Materials from Russian Archives." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 619–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-619-633.
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The article investigates the role of Soviet experts and diplomats in conceiving the economic policy of the government of Kwame Nkrumah and in elaborating a seven-year development plan for Ghana (1963-1970). Drawing on extensive documents from Russian archives, the author proved that the USSR Ambassador to Ghana had recommended Soviet economic recipes to President Kwame Nkrumah, ignoring Ghanaian realities and opportunities, - the introduction of a planned economy, the nationalization of large enterprises and banks, the establishment of state control over the main industries, and the creation of collective farms in the countryside. K. Nkrumah believed that with the assistance of the Soviet Union, Ghana would be able to successfully repeat its experience of rapid industrialization. The attempts to implement an unfeasible program have brought the economy of Ghana to the brink of collapse. Soviet economic and financial aid turned out to be ineffective. Most joint ventures remained costly long-term constructions due to errors in planning and supply. The economic collapse and falling living standards of the population ensured the success of the military coup on February 24, 1966 to a large extent. The leadership of the USSR faced a difficult dilemma. In the name of publicly declared values, ideological principles of the Soviet foreign policy, the military-police junta that ousted K. Nkrumah should not be recognized. Pragmatic interests (repayment of loans, retaining profitable bilateral trade, the ability to complete the construction of joint facilities) required the maintaining of relations with the junta. The author found that the reaction of the Soviet Union to the military coup was not consistent. At first, it was decided not to recognize the reactionary, pro-Western regime and to help K. Nkrumah regain power by force of arms. A Soviet ship was sent to the shores of West Africa with a cargo of weapons for his supporters. Soon the ship was recalled, and full-scale relations with the new regime were restored. Pragmatism has become superior over ideology reflecting a change in the Soviet African policy after a series of setbacks there.
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Czech, Katarzyna. "OIL DEPENDENCE OF POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES IN THE CASPIAN SEA REGION: THE CASE OF AZERBAIJAN AND KAZAKHSTAN." Acta Scientiarum Polonorum. Oeconomia 17, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/aspe.2018.17.3.32.
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The aim of the research is to present oil dependence of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan from 2000 till 2017. The analysed countries represent two former Soviet Union countries in the Caspian Sea region and are among the world’s top 15 oil dependent economies. It is shown that both countries generate high oil rents to GDP ratios. Moreover, the paper reveals that their fuels export constitutes a huge portion of total merchandise export. It implies that majority of Azerbaijani and Kazakhstani export revenues come from resources extraction. The empirical analysis of co-movements between the crude oil prices and chosen macroeconomic indicators shows that correlation between oil prices and Kazakhstani and Azerbaijani public debt to GDP ratios is negative, strong and significant. In addition, there is significant relationship between oil prices and Kazakhstani exchange rate and GDP growth rate.
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Zykin, Ivan. "Construction Program of the First and the Second Five-Year Plans in Timber Industry of the USSR: Experience in the Study." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 529–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2020.21(4).529-552.
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Timber industry was a very meaningful component element of the «social industrialization» project in the Soviet Union of the late 1920s and the early 1940s. The national economy and the population of the country were in urgent need of products provided by the industry; timber resources and materials generated much revenue from their export. The main directions and parameters of the forest-timber complex were the subject of the first soviet five-year plans. They included establishing timber-industry centers in the European North, Ural, Siberia and the Far East. The plans also contained the itemized lists of the main construction sites made by the Supreme Council of National Economy of the USSR (for the First Five-Year plan), as well as by the Peoples Commissariat of Timber Industry of the USSR (for the Second Five-Year Plan). The present paper introduces for the first time the analysis of timber industry construction program: investments, dynamics of quantity and value of new construction sites, plan target timelines and completion dates of the construction sites. The analysis was based on the materials of the first and the second five-year plans, in reference to timber industry components and regions of the Soviet Union. The study identified the main investment priorities in regional levels, such as sawmilling and wood processing industries as well as pulp and paper industry. The article also contains conclusions about underperformance of some projects and readjustment of tasks for the Soviet timber industry in 1933-1934 (after failure of the First-Year Plan), while remaining the baselines of the industry.
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MASSETTI, EMANUELE, and MASSIMO TAVONI. "THE COST OF CLIMATE CHANGE MITIGATION POLICY IN EASTERN EUROPE AND FORMER SOVIET UNION." Climate Change Economics 02, no. 04 (November 2011): 341–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2010007811000346.
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This paper provides one of the few assessments of the economic implications of climate change policies in the important region of Eastern Europe and post-Soviet states. We use an integrated assessment model to evaluate the consequences of implementing climate policies consistent with the targets proposed by the Major Economies Forum by mid-century. We decompose the economic impacts in terms of domestic abatement costs, of oil trading and of international emission permit trading for a variety of scenarios, and show that these could be substantial for this region. The results point towards innovation and economic diversification as key complementary measures to be implemented in preparation of climate mitigation strategies.
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Taylor, Peter Mark, James Anthony Thornborough, and Mehrdad Nazari. "Developing a National Oil Spill Response System in the Caspian Region: Turkmenistan Case Study1." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2001, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 513–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2001-1-513.
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ABSTRACT The collapse of the former Soviet Union a decade ago has led to increasing interest in the Caspian region as a source of crude oil and gas for global markets. This paper explains the project scope and the framework under which a sustainable national oil spill response system is being developed in Turkmenistan, a former Soviet Republic and one of the Caspian's littoral states. The key success factors of the oil spill contingency planning project in Turkmenistan, which are believed to be relevant for similar activities under development in other parts of the Caspian region, include the support of high-level government representation; a participatory and cross-sectoral approach; adopting a standardized process based on international guidance and Conventions; alliance of local and international experts to provide input and support the progress of the project; and accumulation of knowledge and its dissemination using digital media.
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Stole, Inger L. "Advertising America: Official Propaganda and the U.S. Promotional Industries, 1946–1950." Journalism & Communication Monographs 23, no. 1 (February 8, 2021): 4–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637920983766.
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In the mid-1930s, the notion that the U.S. government would collaborate with the country’s private industries to project official policies and shape public opinion abroad as well as at home would have been controversial and considered a violation of the nation’s democratic values. Yet, by the early 1950s, institutions and practices were in place to make this a regular activity. Much of this ideological work was done surreptitiously, in conjunction with commercial media, and there was little public or news media discussion demanding exposure and accountability for it. What had once been unthinkable had become unquestionable. This monograph chronicles the development of U.S. “information services” in the immediate postwar years. It chronicles the synergetic relationship between government interests, represented by the U.S. State Department, and major American corporations, represented by groups like the Committee for Economic Development and the Advertising Council in portraying the rapidly escalating Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union in a manner that would secure economic world dominance for American interests in the postwar era.
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Kaufmann, Robert. "The End of Cheap Oil: Economic, Social, and Political Change in the US and Former Soviet Union." Energies 7, no. 10 (September 29, 2014): 6225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en7106225.
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Anoprienko, A. Ya. "Centenary jubilee of Donetsk National Technical University (DonNTU)." Ferrous Metallurgy. Bulletin of Scientific , Technical and Economic Information 77, no. 5 (May 26, 2021): 511–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32339/0135-5910-2021-5-511-517.
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In May of 2021 Donetsk National Technical University celebrates 100-years anniversary. Facts of its history of foundation, formation and development presented. The role of DonNTU in training of highly qualified professionals not only for Donbass, but for the whole Soviet Union, Russia and for near 100 world countries, as well as in development of science in the region shown. It was noted that at present DonNTU is a center of training of highly qualified professionals not only in traditional for industrial Donbass industries (mining, metallurgy, machine building, chemistry and others), but also in all the directions of informationcomputer technologies, extremely important for formation of digital economics.
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Ozturk, H. Huseyin. "A techno-economical evaluation for energy exploitation of wastes from agro-processing industries: a case study of cotton processing wastes." World Journal of Engineering 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/1708-5284.12.1.61.
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The main objective of the present study was to evaluate the feasibility of obtaining energy from cotton processing waste oil and heating demand in the cotton oil processing. For the techno-economical feasibility, Cukobirlik cotton union, located in Adana, Turkey was selected considering capacity per annum. The techno-economical feasibility of cotton processing wastes for fossil fuel substitution running three scenarios was examined. The case study constitutes of the following parts, background information and description of the company activities, the existing facilities and its energy requirements, the second the technical options for the exploitation of biomass and the results of their financial appraisal, environmental considerations, risks and assumptions and finally conclusions and recommendations. The economic and financial assessment of the investment for biomass utilization in Cukobirlik cotton union includes the calculation of the economic viability parameters and cash flow analysis table and investment return indices. An economical solution was determined to be scenario 2 for Cukurova cotton union. The values of discounted payback period, net present value, internal rate of return and benefit to cost ratio were calculated as 3.28 years, 2 832 421 €, 34.07% and 3.31 for scenario 2. Based on the results of the pre-feasibility study, it seems that the installation of a 5 MW biomass boiler to Cukobirlik for substitution of fuel oil (scenario 2) is a very attractive investment and is still favorite in comparison with the installation of a natural gas boiler to meet the same needs when the natural gas price is higher than 0.37 €/Nm3.
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Abdel Razzaq, M. Shaheen Siham. "Iraq's official position on political developments in Iran (1941-1945)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 223, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v223i1.333.
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The events that took place in Iran during the second world war are considered an important item for Iraqi diplomacy and follow-up by the Foreign Ministry in Iraq. On the other hand, this Iraqi diplomacy was considered to be quite flexible when a reshuffle occurred. It was looking for its causes and linking them, and then adopting accurate scenarios to protect its interests. Iraq was not far from what was happening in Iran .When Mohammad Reza Pahlavi took power in Iran, The oil conflict has also existed. In addition to Iran's strategic position, making US intervention clear. Which prompted Iran to build an intimate relationship with the United States and strengthen its relations in all respects, especially when Ahmed assigned the strength of the Sultanate to form the ministry on the ninth of August 1924 and consider America a third force used by Ahmed Qawam as a bargaining chip to confront the British and Soviet Union in the region. After the issue of oil emerged on the political scene and at that time, the Iranian government took a deep breath in the embrace of the United States. In fact, Reza Shah Pahlawi inherited a backward country, especially in the economic field. He tried to reform the country's economic recession and make Iran to acquire a new stage, and the result of foreign demand for Iranian oil led to widespread reactions at the internal level and became pro-Western groups to reject the Soviet demand and solidarity with the independent. While the Iranian Communist Party (Toda Party) supported the request and held demonstrations for the immediate admission of the Soviet Union
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Britcyna, Ekaterina, Soili Nystén-Haarala, and Minna Pappila. "Extractive Industries and Public Participation in Russia: The Case of the Oil Industry in Izhemskii District, Komi Republic." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 9, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 131–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_009010007.
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This article focuses on the participatory rights of local people living in the areas of extensive oil industry operations in the Izhemskii district of the Komi Republic in Russia. The district has long been suffering from oil leaks and resulting negative environmental impacts. Lukoil-Komi bought the business directly after the Soviet era and inherited the ecological threats related to old and rusty pipelines. Lukoil-Komi has promised to put things in order, but a great deal remains to be done.This article scrutinizes how statutory law and private governance interact in protecting the participatory rights of local people living in the vicinity of oil production in Komi. First, we evaluate what participatory rights Russian legislation guarantees to local people when oil production arrives in a new area or when new wells are being explored or opened. Second, we elaborate how the major oil company in the region – Lukoil-Komi – fulfills its corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the area of participatory rights and how local people feel about their possibility to exercise their participatory rights. As participatory rights, we discuss both procedural justice with public hearings and distributive justice in the form of benefit-sharing between the company and local community. The wider perspective on participation is due to Russian CSR practices. In Russia, companies tend to earn their Social License to Operate (SLO) through benefit-sharing, often within private governance. This practice is based on the social partnership agreements between authorities and companies. These contracts have path-dependent features resembling earlier Soviet solutions. The same can be claimed to apply to a wider SLO with more focus on local communities. We argue that Lukoil-Komi has not yet been able to achieve an SLO (local acceptance) due to the lack of participatory rights and continuing environmental problems. Most local people are not willing to trade a clean environment and participatory rights for the social benefits the company offers. However, the social partnership agreement concluded between Lukoil-Komi and a local NGO, Izvatas, could be a step forward in achieving a local SLO.
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Chen, Jia He. "Status of the Development and Application of Oil Sand." Advanced Materials Research 562-564 (August 2012): 367–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.562-564.367.
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Oil and natural gas are important energy and chemical raw materials, its resources are gradually reduced. With the rapid development of the global economy, the conventional oil resources can’t meet the rapid growth of oil demand, people began turning to unconventional oil resources, one of which is the oil sands. Oil sands is unconventional oil resources, if its proven reserves are converted into oil, it will be much larger than the world's proven oil reserves. Canadian oil sands reserves stand ahead in the world, followed by the former Soviet Union, Venezuela, the United States and China. However, due to its special properties, different mining and processing technology, and higher mining costs compared with conventional oil, the research of oil sands makes slow progress. At present, due to the rising of world oil price, oil sands mining technology have attracted more and more attention, and have developed a lot.
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Blackbourn, Graham. "3. Habitat of Oil and Gas in the Former Soviet Union: University of Warwick (UK), 17–18th April." Journal of Petroleum Geology 19, no. 4 (October 1996): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-5457.1996.tb00453.x.
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Sablah, Mawuli, Jennifer Klopp, Douglas Steinberg, Zaoro Touaoro, Arnaud Laillou, and Shawn Baker. "Thriving Public—Private Partnership to Fortify Cooking Oil in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) to Control Vitamin A Deficiency: Faire Tache d'Huile en Afrique de l'Ouest." Food and Nutrition Bulletin 33, no. 4_suppl3 (December 2012): S310—S320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15648265120334s307.
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Background In sub-Saharan Africa, more than 42% of children are at risk for vitamin A deficiency, and control of vitamin A deficiency will prevent more than 600,000 child deaths annually. In the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA), an estimated 54.3% of preschool-age children are vitamin A deficient and 13% of pregnant women have night blindness. Objective To project the achievements of this West African coalition. Methods This article documents the achievements, challenges, and lessons learned associated with the development of a public—private partnership to fortify vegetable oil in West Africa through project reports and industry assessments. Results National-level food consumption surveys identified cooking oil as a key vehicle for vitamin A. Stakeholders therefore advocated for the production of fortified vegetable oil at large scale, supported industrial assessments, and reinforced the capacity of cooking oil industries to implement vitamin A fortification through effective coordination of public and private partnerships tied with standards, regulations, and social marketing. Strong alliances for food fortification were established at the regional and national levels. Stakeholders also developed policies, adopted directives, built capacity, implemented social marketing, and monitored quality enforcement systems to sustain fortification for maximum public health impact. The synergy created resulted from the unique and complementary core competencies of all the partners under effective coordination. The initiative began with the 8 UEMOA member countries and now includes all 15 countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), plus Cameroon, Tanzania, and Mozambique, forming a sub-Saharan Africa-wide initiative on food fortification. All members of the Professional Association of Cooking Oil Industries of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (AIFO-UEMOA) now fortify edible oil with vitamin A. Through multisector cooperation, an estimated 70% of the population has access to vitamin A–fortified edible oil in participating countries. Conclusions Sustainable fortification of cooking oil is now a reality in all UEMOA countries.
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Mehdiyoun, Kamyar. "Ownership of Oil and Gas Resources in the Caspian Sea." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 1 (January 2000): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2555242.
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In the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union and the birth of new sovereign nations bordering the Caspian Sea, the legal status of the sea has emerged as one of the most contentious international problems facing the region. The discovery of large offshore oil and gas deposits in the area has added urgency to the need to resolve the twin issues of the legal status of the sea and the corresponding mining rights.The Caspian, the largest inland body of water in the world, is approximately the size of Japan. The south Caspian is the deepest part and contains the most productive oil and gas fields. The oil-producing area of the south Caspian that holds the most promise extends along a narrow structural zone across the sea from the Apsheron Peninsula in Azerbaijan to the Peri-Balkhan region of western Turkmenistan.
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Rodionova, Irina, and Tatiana Kokuytseva. "Industrial development of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union in transition to the digital economy." E3S Web of Conferences 159 (2020): 02001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202015902001.
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The rapid growth in high-tech production is a key development trend in the modern world industry. However, the situation in the developing countries, as well as in “transition economies” (former socialist countries) differs from the one in developed countries. The economy restructure during the transition “from plan to market” in the post-Soviet states after the collapse of the USSR did not improve the state of the industrial sector in these countries. On the contrary, some industries were lost, economic interregional and intersectoral relations were destroyed when they became sovereign countries. And their foreign trade was reoriented outside the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and later the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). The purpose of the article is to assess the degree of readiness of the EEU and the CIS countries as a whole for the digital transformation of the economy on the basis of an analysis of their innovative and industrial development. The differentiation of the EEU countries by the level of industrial development, as well as the degree of lagging behind global trends in the transition to a post-industrial economy, is revealed. The analysis of the positions of the EEU countries in international rankings showed, that these countries continue to yield to the world leaders in terms of innovation activity and economic development. Today this gap may even widen. Only three countries still correspond to the main trends of world innovative development in the post-Soviet space: Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus. Others have difficulties in innovative and industrial development.
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Tadjiev, Sardor, and Pierre-Yves Donze. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY IN POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES SINCE 1991." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF BUSINESS AND MANAGEMENT 9, no. 2 (2021): 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejbm.2021.09.02.005.
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This paper discusses the impact of industrial policy on the development of the automotive industry in five post-Soviet countries since 1991 (Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan). By using foreign trade and production statistics as well as qualitative data on automobile companies from business news, this paper highlights three different paths: success in post-2000 Russia and Uzbekistan, stagnation and struggle for survival in Belarus and Kazakhstan, and failure in pre-2000 Russia and Ukraine. The existence of an automotive industry before 1991 was not a factor in success because most pre-existing firms collapsed after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Instead, the growth of these post-Soviet automotive industries has essentially relied on the presence of global car makers. This research demonstrates that inward foreign direct investment and licensing agreements were fostered by the combination of protectionist policies that made importation uncompetitive and access of global firms to the large Russian market (both direct access and indirect access via a country with privileged access to Russia). This paper also highlights different strategies adopted by foreign firms: whereas the largest Western and Japanese companies invested directly in Russia, companies from China and Korea used Central Asia and Belarus as back doors to enter the Russian market.