Academic literature on the topic 'Oikonymic process'

during the Turkish-Tatar (Nogai) history of this region. Much attention is given to the genetic Turkic names, which the Bulgarian settlers moved to a new place of residence from their homeland in the late XVIII — in the first half of the XIX century, and which were renamed during 1944‒1945. It is specially noted formation of the oikonomy of Odessa region during the end of XV‒XVIII centuries took place in a Turkic-speaking environment. This is confirmed by names of settlements such as Akmangit, Bugaz, Karamahmet, Tatarbunary, etc., which appeared here. It should be stressed that the stable linguistic and ethnic situation in this area was disturbed by the Russian-Turkish wars of 1768‒1774, 1787‒1791, 1806‒1812, 1828‒1829, as a result of which, with the assistance of the government of the Russian Empire, the processes of foreign development of this territory intensified, primarily immigrants from across the Danube, who brought here from their land many Turkic names, such as: Burguji (now Vynohradivka Bolgrad district), Iserli (Esirli; now Vilne Bolgrad district). Such names of settlements organic supplemented mainly the Turkish-Tatar component of the local oikonymicon. The greatest changes in the oiconymic system of Odessa region took place in the Soviet period, after 1944, when the new government initiated the renaming of the so-called unsympathetic and etymologically opaque names of Turkic origin. As a result of such administrative intervention, many historical oikonyms disappeared, for example: Anadolu became Dolynsky (now Izmail district), Tashlyk became Kamyansky (now Bolgrad district), Turlak became Vypasny (now Belgorod-Dniester district), and so on. From etymological and structural-semantic analysis of genetically Turkic oikonyms of Odessa region, one may conclude that most of the renamed names do not take into account either the derivational model, according to which the primary oikonym was introduced, or the internal form (appellate meaning) of its solid basis, which led to the appearance of random, artificial names. In independent Ukraine, especially in the Odessa region, the process of restoring the historical names of settlements continues, it is necessary to intensify it, to return the settlements to their original, historically formed, names.

The active nominating processes, caused by the necessity of renaming oikonyms and town objects, have started in the linguistic landscape of cities and villages of Ukraine. This article is dedicated to 32 names of Ukrainian cities before and after the decommunization process. Among the astionyms of the Soviet era, which were to be renamed, seven contained the component Krasny or Chervony, two of them contained the component Komsomol (Chervonopartyzansk, Krasny Lyman, Krasnoarmiysk, Komsomolsk), other names were based on pseudonyms or the names of party leaders and communist ideologues. In general, they were not distinguished by the variety of names neither in terms of the lexical base nor in the aspect of word-formation formants. As a result of the analysis of renamed oikonyms, two main directions of motivational processes were revealed: the first of them was the return of former (old) names to cities (20 units, 62,5%), and the second was the creation of new names (12 units, 37,5%). Returning the historical names, inhabitants, as a rule, took as the basis the names of former towns, villages, small villages, and sometimes microtoponyms and ergonyms, which denoted objects that had existed before, and around which the cities were formed (Kamyanske, Bakhmut, Snovsk, Kadiivka, Golubivka, Gorishni Plavni, Kypuche). New names were chosen for two reasons. The first reason was that the historical name of the city was inconceivable, alien and irrelevant for contemporary inhabitants, and the second reason was that there was no historical name. The new names were chosen primarily according to orientation-spatial and physical-geographical principles of the nomination. They were based on hydronyms, ergonyms and oikonyms, which were somehow tangent to renamed settlements (Kalmiuske, Podilsk, Dovzhansk, Pokrovsk, Zavodske). Only one name represents the memorable principle of the nomination (Kropyvnytsky) and one name represents an aesthetic criterion (Myrnograd). For further research, it is promising and relevant to study renamed comonyms (village names), as well as other classes of onyms, primarily urbanonyms and ergonyms.

We consider religious oikonyms of the Nizhny Novgorod Region. We analyze the specifics of formation of rural toponyms on the basis of cult and religious lexicon and also establish the originality of their lexical meaning. We note that religious oikonyms have a specific place on the Russian toponymic map as they represent the church importance in the Nizhny Novgorod Region and contain the memory of the Christian culture of the Russian people. The inhabited places naming as churches and religious holidays was a productive process in the 19th century and nowadays there are still religious oikonyms in the Nizhny Novgorod Region. In the researched territory the toponyms of religious semantics were not renamed therefore many settlements kept sacral names. We prove that geographical names with Orthodoxy origins reflect not only historical and social, ethnocultural, but also and language features of the Russian ethnos. We conclude that religious oikonyms study on material of different regions of Russia allows the researcher to reveal existentional values of the villager, namely – what Saints in the area were esteemed more, what religious holidays were not indifferent to the people both pragmatically and spiritually.

<p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>of the research is to find out the means of forming a symbolic image of Donbass in modern media texts. </em></p><p><strong><em>Research methodology</em></strong><em>. In the course of writing the article general scientific methods were used: generalization, synthesis and system analysis, which allowed to identify and systematize the means of forming a symbolic image of Donbass in news media texts, their comparison and matching, identification of semantic and structural features; linguistic and semiotic analysis as a special-scientific research method for revealing the content of the conceptual image of Donbass in news media discourse. </em></p><p><strong><em>Results</em></strong><em>. According to the results of the research it is established that the concept of conceptualization belongs to the central and fundamental ones in cognitive linguistics and is considered as a process of developing and formation of concepts in human consciousness. It was found that the conceptualization of the image of Donbass in news media texts covering military actions in Eastern Ukraine is based on symbolic images – oikonyms, which form the mental field of the consumer of information and create in his imagination images endowed with symbolic content. The structural and stylistic features of toponyms are characterized, it is found that they are characterized mostly by a one-component structure, less often by a two-component one. It is established that the semantic structure of the oikonym in news media texts contains a number of general and individual meanings that form a certain information and cultural context and form a symbolic image of Donbass. The directions of further scientific research are also determined. </em></p><p><strong><em>Novelty</em></strong><em>. For the first time the means of forming a symbolic image of Donbass in modern news media texts have been identified and systematized; their semantic features are revealed and the structure is characterized; it is proved that the means of conceptualizing the symbolic image of Donbass in the news media space are oikonyms. </em></p><p><strong><em>The practical significance </em></strong><em>of the research results is that they can be used by authors of news media texts in the coverage of hostilities in eastern Ukraine to form a mental field of information consumers and create a conceptual symbolic image of Donbass. </em></p><p><strong><em>Key words</em></strong><em>: image, symbolic image, conceptualization, news media text, oikonym, semantics, structure.</em><em></em></p>

Changes in Ukrainian society due to the active influence of political factors and objective changes actualize toponymic analysis of geographical names of Ukraine. In April 2015 Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law “On conviction of Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes in Ukraine and promote their prohibition symbols”. This law significantly stimulated the local authorities of regions, towns and villages rename those objects of place names, which are of Soviet and imperial names within six months since the date of entry into force of the law. Nowadays there are about 1,000 Soviet names of settlements in Ukraine. The greatest number of them preserved in Kharkiv (112) and Dnipropetrovsk (89) regions, but they are completely absent in Transcarpathia, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Rivne regions. In the section of administrative districts of Ukraine, the largest number of Soviet place names happen in Krynychky and Piatykhatky districts of Dnipropetrovsk region (12) and Snihurivka district of Mykolaiv region (11). Manipulations of organising of public debates and public voting on possible options on changes of names on the places (in Dnipropetrovsk, Illichivsk, Kirovograd, Shchors) prove the significant inertia of colonial attitudes sentiment in Eastern Ukraine. One of the ways of these manipulations levelling is the toponymic policy implemented in the country, which is led by the Institute of National Remembrance. In the process of the renaming of oikonyms primarily and ahoronyms, hodonyms, urbanonyms subsequently, researchers recommend focusing mainly on historical roots. Therefore, they criticise the Russian imperial historical myths created in Muscovy in the XVI century that were based on the appropriation of the history of Kyivan Rus and Ukrainian historical name “Rus”. Bringing this information to a wide range of Ukrainians has extremely important educational and educative value. Key words: ahoronyms, hodonyms, oikonyms, place names, urbanonyms, historical myths, decommunization, decolonization, Country Moksel, Muscovy, Russian Empire

The article is devoted to toponyms motivated by Slavic compound names with adjective elements: lubo-, -lub, miło-, -mił. This topic is part of the research project called “Names as the Basis of Polish Geographical Names”, carried out at the Institute of the Polish Language at the Polish Academy of Sciences in Cracow. In a two-line analysis (on the antroponymic and toponymic level), enriched with cartographic illustrations, attention was focused on pointing out the chronology of personal names, productivity of the Slavic names in the process of nominating toponyms, and on highlighting the chronology, frequency, geography of oikonyms and their structural types. In over 60 place names created up to the end of the 16th century, and located mainly in Greater Poland, Silesia and Mazovia, 27 names with the above-mentioned elements were preserved. Among them are forms reconstructed from toponyms, such as: *Lubogost, *Lubomysł, *Lubowid, *Lubowit, *Nielub, *Miłobąd, *Miłodrog, *Miłorad, *Niemił. The younger layer of place names dated to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries or introduced officially after 1945 occur mainly in the north and west of Poland.

Proper names, including ethnonyms (folk, tribal and other ethnic community names), is an<br />essential component of any language lexis, which particularly brightly reveals a variety ofextralinguistic processes.<br />The aim of the paper is to analyze the conformity of ethnonym transonymization (the change of proper name class) and deonymization (the change of proper name into<br />appellative) in the culture of Latgale, and linguistic techniques and extralinguistic factors.<br />Linguo-culturological approach has been used in the research, and the link between cultural-<br />historical and social processes in the research of linguistic processes has been taken into<br />account. Determining the origin of ancient ethnonyms, the researchers of the Baltic languages<br />acknowledge a transonymization model typical to the Balts: hydronym → name of region<br />→ ethnonym (Zinkevičius 2005, 186–187). This paper attempts to reveal various ethnonym<br />(denoting mostly foreigners) transonymization models in the system of proper names of<br />Latgale, nominating motivation, and the types of word-formation.<br />It seems that the ethnonyms that denote the neighbouring nations (Estonians,<br />Lithuanians, Russians) most frequently turn into other proper names. Transonymization<br />models have been identifi ed as follows:<br />1) ethnonym → anthroponym → oikonym (or ethnonym → oikonym → anthroponym),<br />for example, l ī t a u n ī k i ‘the Lithuanians’ → L ī t a u n ī k s ‘a surname’ →<br />L ī t a u n ī k i ‘a village in Preiļi county’;<br />2) ethnonym → microtoponym, for example, ž y d i ‘the Jews’ → Ž y d a p ū r s<br />‘a marsh in Vārkava county’;<br />3) ethnonym → anthroponym, for example, č y g u o n i ‘the Roma people’ →<br />Č y g u o n s ‘a nickname for a dark-haired man’;<br />4) ethnonym (→ oikonym) → ergonym, for example, l a t g a ļ i ‘The Baltic tribe’ →<br />“L a t g a ļ i” ‘a farm in Mērdzene rural municipality of Kārsava county’.<br />Transonymization of ethnonyms in the culture of Latgale is motivated by historical<br />and social processes. Transonymization processes present the evidence of Latgalians’ stereotypical perception of foreigners, compact settlement of different ethnic groups in<br />Latgale, and historical events.<br />Various types of word-formation are used in the transonymization process:<br />1) semantic, i.e., only the meaning changes, the morphemic system of lexeme is notchanged, for example, ethnonym p o ļ a k i → oikonym P o ļ a k i (→ surname P o ļ a k s<br />(the male singular form of the ethnonym));<br />2) morphological, typically suffixes are added to ethnonyms (sometimes phonetic<br />changes in the root occur), for example, i g a u n i ‘the Estonians’ → surnames I k a u n ī k s<br />(ikaun-+-nīk-s); I g o v e n s (igov-+ - en-s);<br />3) syntactical, forming compound words, for example, the ethnonym k r ī v i<br />‘the Russians’ has motivated the oikonym K r ī v a s o l a &lt;Krīva sola ‘Russian Village’,<br />K r ī v m a i z e s &lt;Krīvu maizes ‘Russian bread’;<br />4) formation of analytical forms, where one of the components has ethnonymic<br />semantics and the second component is a nomenclature word (hill, meadow, marsh, lake,<br />etc.), for example, Ž y d a p ū r s ‘Jew’s marsh’, an attributive adjective, for example, a<br />village M a z i e L ī t a u n ī k i ‘small Lithuanians’, a substantive of other semantics, for<br />example, a meadow Č i g o n e i c a s j ū s t a ‘Gypsy’s belt’.<br />Proper names of foreign origin motivated by ethnonyms have taken their stable<br />place in the system of proper names of Latgale, for example, L a t i š i, a village in Pušmucova<br />rural municipality of Cibla civil-parish (in Russian латыши ‘the Latvians’).<br />Proper names of ethnonymic semantics, used to name various phenomena and<br />realities, are often included in the lexicon of various dialects of Latvian and even other<br />languages. If to assume the fact that ethnonyms are proper names, then it can be concluded<br />that the appellatives mentioned above have appeared in deonymization process: ethnonym<br />→ appellative. Moreover, the material of Latgalian dialects confirms the existence of deethnonymic<br />proper names, for example, a lot of different realities are associated with the<br />ethnonyms denoting Roma people: č y g u o n i ‘participants of masquerade parade’;<br />č y g o n k a 1) a sort of winter apples, the apple of this sort (dark green and red); 2) the railroad;<br />3) achimenes (flower, Achimenes); 4) mushrooms: wild champignon (Rozites caperata) or<br />ugly milkcap (Lactarius necator); č y g u o n a s a u l e ‘the moon’. Appellativeness of<br />ethnonyms has an associative character. The names are reflecting the Latgalians’ stereotypical<br />perception of appearance, occupation, character traits, and traditions of foreigners as alien<br />and different, however, acceptable and assimilable phenomena.

The paper deals with the analysis of the toponyms of the historical Klaipėda region (Ger. Memelland), the northern part of former East Prussia. Research material comes from historical and cartographic sources of various periods. The accessibility of these sources enables marked expansion of the data that was used by the initiators of this theme in the middle of the twentieth century. A fairly small seaside territory (2,735 ha in the mainland), in which the concept of the regional park is directly related to the protection of cultural heritage, was selected for research. Methods of diachronic and comparative linguistics, as well as of geolinguistics, are combined with analysis of historical and genealogical data. Special attention is paid to the traces of fifteenth-to-eighteenth-century migration from Courland in the onomastics in the Klaipėda region. The problem of regional lexical identification, investigation of the chronology of the documentation of names, and the search for specific linguistic features addressed in the paper allow raising the hypotheses of the origin and the interaction of languages. The actualisation of historical and obsolete names for the needs of the Baltic, historical, and cultural studies is approached as an important issue. In the sixteenth century, the northern part of Prussia was a zone of intensive contacts of the Baltic languages. The personal names recorded here at that time point to undisputed links between the dialects of Courland and north-western Lithuanians. Now it is difficult to say which part of the toponyms has reached us from the old Curonians and which toponyms immigrated from Courland – not only due to the hypothetical nature of the reconstructed system of close languages, but also because analysis is made complicated by varying orthography in German characters. In the seventeenth century and later, the expansion of Latvian onomastics in the Klaipėda region decreased, but even then, there would appear names the etymology of which is more transparent in Latvian and not Lithuanian. The influence of Curonian and neo-Curonian (the Kursenieku language) is stronger in the seaside territories of fishermen and in the locations where fishermen became assimilated in the farmers’ community. However, the names of the villages situated at some distance from the sea are more frequently related to Lithuanian anthroponyms. In the northern part of the Klaipėda region, German toponyms were rare exceptions even during the period of intensive germanization. Although in the early twentieth century, the origin of the official oikonyms used in the Lithuanian and German environment often differed, the absolute majority of German oikonyms are of Baltic origin. Lituanization of the names of villages was a natural result of the residents’ assimilation process. In the process of the reconstruction of historical toponyms, it is possible to form a reserve list of names, part of which could be brought back for ‘the second life’ by giving these names to streets, parts of the regional park, hotels, and other objects.

The subject of analysis in this article is the ranks of proper names that have entered the onomastic space of Russia over the past 75 years, in which the memory of the heroes and events of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945 has been preserved. The purpose of the work is to identify the specificity of onomastic units associated with the specified period in the history of our country. The authors of the article suggest calling them heroic toponyms, ergonyms, carabonyms, etc. According to the authors, the onomastic space of the Russian Federation is currently one of the most reliable types of historical memory of the people, since the names, surnames, and occupations of people who have made a significant contribution to the history of a particular settlement, region or country in overall, as well as the names of historical events. The process of this onomastic nomination is presented as part of the state policy of memory. The article examines in the aspect of commemoration toponyms, microtoponyms, oikonyms, urbanonyms, oronyms, carabonyms, astronyms, cosmonyms, ergonyms, as well as modern memorial sports events dedicated to the events and heroes of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. The main attention is paid to heroic toponymy, in particular, the specificity of the commemorative nomination in the settlements on the territory of which during the war years hostilities took place (hero cities, cities of military glory, settlements of military valor) are highlighted. The authors come to the conclusion that reliable information about one of the most difficult periods of Russian history will be reliably transmitted from generation to generation through the onomastic space of Russia.