Journal articles on the topic 'Official State Nationalism'
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1
Kyriazi, Anna, and Matthias vom Hau. "Textbooks, Postcards, and the Public Consolidation of Nationalism in Latin America." Qualitative Sociology 43, no. 4 (August 15, 2020): 515–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-020-09467-8.
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Abstract The existing macro-historical scholarship tends to assert rather than demonstrate the wider impact of nationalism. Yet, state-sponsored national ideologies permeate the broader reaches of society to varying degrees. To investigate variations in the consolidation of official nationalism, this paper combines the content analysis of school textbooks as state-regulated and picture postcards as primarily market-driven sources. Building on this novel methodological approach, we find that textbooks published in mid-twentieth-century Argentina, Mexico, and Peru promoted a similar popular nationalism that portrayed the lower classes as “true” national subjects. However, picture postcards from the same period demonstrate that the consolidation of this official national ideology varied. In Mexico and Peru, the new state-sponsored conceptions of nationhood gained presence in public life, but they did not to take hold in Argentina. We conclude that studying the top-down nationalist messages promoted by states should not be equated with studying their ideological impact in public life.
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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Post-Communist Nationalism as A Power Resource: A Russia-Ukraine Comparison." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687473.
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The end of communism brought hopes for a wholesale liberal-democratic transformation to the republics of the former Soviet Union. However, bitter disenchantment soon followed, as resurrected nationalism undermined the republics' stability and threatened democracy. Mass nationalist movements in these countries were not observed until the regime's initial liberalization. In most cases, the high phase of nationalist mobilization was reached only after the postcommunist state elites endorsed nationalism as an official policy of the state. In each instance, nationalist strategies of the state were defined in a complex interplay of domestic and international factors. Ethnicity became politicized as a resource for political action when other resources proved inadequate or insufficient. In addition, exogenous factors often played a leading role in this development.
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Koulos, Thanos. "A digital territory to be appropriated: the state and the nationalization of cyberspace." Open Research Europe 1 (March 28, 2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.14010.2.
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Next to land, water, air and space, cyberspace is the complex socio-technical setting often called the ‘fifth domain’. Nationalism has taken over the organization of the first four domains, in the form of constructing national states, national territorial waters and national airspace. The basic proposition of this article is that the ideology of nationalism has also infiltrated the fifth domain – cyberspace – in two ways. First, through state-led cyber-nationalism via official government websites that present ‘national’ achievements and propagate the official state positions on disputes about territory, symbols or history. Second, through individual communities who use the internet to sustain a sense of national belonging and/or to promote and disseminate their nationalist ideals. Both ways are important in an online national identity (re)production framework that, in a fluid, global, modern world, functions supportively towards the traditional national identity (re)production mechanisms. This article aims to examine the patterns of the nationalization of cyberspace through an analysis of state-led institutions and government websites that aim to enhance national identity and the sense of national belonging in a globalized world, as well as to propagate official state positions. It will focus on Greek, Dutch, US and Israeli websites. The term ‘nationalization’ in this context denotes the ideological charging of the cyber-footprint of the nation: how the internet produces and re-produces the nation, how the users partake in the national community by way of ‘consuming’ the digitalized national ideology, and the way cyber-nationalism defines people’s sense of belonging.
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Koulos, Thanos. "A digital territory to be appropriated: the state and the nationalization of cyberspace." Open Research Europe 1 (October 6, 2021): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.14010.1.
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Next to land, water, air and space, cyberspace is the complex socio-technical setting often called the ‘fifth domain’. Nationalism has taken over the organization of the first four domains, in the form of constructing national states, national territorial waters and national airspace. The basic proposition of this article is that the ideology of nationalism has also infiltrated the fifth domain – cyberspace – in two ways. First, through state-led cyber-nationalism via official government websites that present ‘national’ achievements and propagate the official state positions on disputes about territory, symbols or history. Second, through individual communities who use the internet to sustain a sense of national belonging and/or to promote and disseminate their nationalist ideals. Both ways are important in an online national identity (re)production framework that, in a fluid, global, modern world, functions supportively towards the traditional national identity (re)production mechanisms. This article aims to examine the patterns of the nationalization of cyberspace through an analysis of state-led institutions and government websites that aim to enhance national identity and the sense of national belonging in a globalized world, as well as to propagate official state positions. It will focus on Greek, Dutch, US and Israeli websites. The term ‘nationalization’ in this context denotes the ideological charging of the cyber-footprint of the nation: how the internet produces and re-produces the nation, how the users partake in the national community by way of ‘consuming’ the digitalized national ideology, and the way cyber-nationalism defines people’s sense of belonging.
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Marashi, Afshin. "Imagining Hāfez: Rabindranath Tagore in Iran, 1932." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 46–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x505951.
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AbstractIn April and May of 1932, Rabindranath Tagore traveled to Iran on an official visit. He had been invited to Iran as the official guest of Rezā Shah Pahlavi. Using an array of primary source material, this article examines the cultural, political, and ideological implications of this trip for the emerging discourse of nationalism in interwar Iran. The article argues that Tagore’s visit played an important part in promoting the new official nationalism of the Pahlavi state. The emerging interwar ideology of “Pahlavi nationalism” sought to dissociate Iran from the Abrahamic-Islamicate “civilizational ethos” that was now understood to have long dominated Iranian culture, and instead sought to associate Iranian nationalism’s claim of cultural authenticity to a newly emerging notion of “Indo-Iranian civilization” rooted in the pre-Islamic culture of Zoroastrianism and Aryanism. Tagore’s visit to Iran was seen as an opportunity for his Iranian hosts to present him to the Iranian public as a living personification of this newly conceived idea of national authenticity. The public ceremonies and pronouncements that accompanied Tagore during the four-week trip all reinforced this basic message. The paper therefore argues that the Tagore visit to Iran was closely tied to the Pahlavi state’s policy of cultural nationalism.
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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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ABBOTT, JARED A., HILLEL DAVID SOIFER, and MATTHIAS VOM HAU. "Transforming the Nation? The Bolivarian Education Reform in Venezuela." Journal of Latin American Studies 49, no. 4 (July 13, 2017): 885–916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000402.
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AbstractThe Chávez government introduced a ‘Bolivarian’ national curriculum to promote radically different understandings of Venezuelan history and identity. We place the fate of this reform initiative within the broader study of state formation and nationalism. Scholars have long identified mass schooling as the key institution for socialising citizens and cultivating national loyalties, and many states have attempted to alter the nationalist content of schooling with these ends in mind. Venezuela constitutes an ideal case for identifying the specific conditions under which transformations of official national ideologies do and do not gain broader resonance. Using evidence derived from textbook analysis and semi-structured interviews with educational officials and teachers in Caracas, we highlight a new argument, showing that intrastate tensions between the central government and teachers, heightened by a well-established cultural machinery and by teachers’ increasing exclusion from the Chavista political coalition, explain the limited success in government efforts to implement Bolivarian nationalism through the school curriculum.
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Laruelle, Marlene. "Is Nationalism a Force for Change in Russia?" Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00437.
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This essay defines three categories of Russian nationalist actors: nonstate actors, whose agenda is anti-Putin; parastate actors, who have their own ideological niche, not always in tune with the presidential administration's narrative, but who operate under the state umbrella; and state actors, in particular, the presidential administration. In the future, the Russian ethnonationalism embodied by nonstate actors is the main trend that could pose a serious threat to the regime. However, the Kremlin is not “frozen” in terms of ideology, and its flexibility allows it to adapt to evolving situations. One of the most plausible scenarios is the rise of a figure inside the establishment who would be able to prevent the polarization of Russian nationalism into an antiregime narrative and could co-opt some of its slogans and leaders, in order to gradually channel the official narrative toward a more state-controlled nationalism.
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Zeng, Wenna, and Colin Sparks. "Popular nationalism: Global Times and the US–China trade war." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 1 (October 4, 2019): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519880723.
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This article analyses the coverage of the current US–China trade war in the Global Times. Some scholars argue that official nationalism, which stress the unity of the Chinese people, is challenged by popular nationalism, which privileges the dominant Han ethnicity, and that official nationalism is forced to make concessions to popular nationalism. If this is true, then one would expect to find evidence in the coverage of international issues in a ‘popular’ official newspaper like Global Times. The newspaper’s coverage stresses negative features of the USA, but devotes considerable space to the damage that Trump's policies are doing to ordinary Americans. It does not present China as the unique victim of US economic aggression. The coverage stresses broad international agreement for free trade, leaving the USA isolated in adopting protectionist policies. At least in this instance, state-led nationalism remains central and no concessions are made to popular sentiments.
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Houliston, Linda, Stanislav Ivanov, and Craig Webster. "Nationalism in Official Tourism Websites of Balkan Countries." Tourism 69, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.37741/t.69.1.7.
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This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.
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Neumann, Iver B. "Russia’s Return as True Europe, 1991-2017." Conflict and Society 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2017.030107.
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Since the reign of Peter the Great, Russia has identified itself in opposition to Europe. In the late 1980s, Michael Gorbachev and associates forged a liberal representation of Europe and initiated a Western-oriented foreign policy. Against this westernizing or liberal representation of Europe stood what was at first a makeshift group of old Communists and right-wing nationalists, who put forward an alternative representation that began to congeal around the idea that the quintessentially Russian trait was to have a strong state. This article traces how this latter position consolidated into a full-fledged xenophobic nationalist representation of Europe, which marginalized first other forms of nationalism and then, particularly since 2013, liberal representations of Europe. The official Russian stance is now that Russia itself is True Europe, a conservative great power that guards Europe’s true Christian heritage against the False Europe of decadence and depravity to its west.
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Rath, Thomas. "Burning the Archive, Building the State? Politics, Paper, and US Power in Postwar Mexico." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (July 29, 2020): 764–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419881189.
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This article explores how the Mexican state gathered, archived and destroyed information. It focuses on the US–Mexico campaign against foot-and-mouth disease between 1947 and 1952, whose paper archive Mexican officials burned near the successful conclusion of the campaign. This article argues that several factors shaped the context for this documentary bonfire and made the 1940s a key point of inflection in Mexico’s history of official information-gathering: the dominant party’s system of elite power-sharing, the growth of a reading public and the regime’s drift rightward. At the same time, the nature of the foot-and-mouth disease campaign itself ensured that, despite its possible uses, the archive was particularly sensitive, providing evidence of the embarrassing gaps that began to yawn between the state’s language of revolutionary nationalism and its political practise. Indeed, the bonfire represented the culmination of practises Mexican officials had already developed throughout the campaign to reconcile the demands of legibility and deniability, hemispheric integration and nationalism, political stability and state capacity. More broadly, the case illustrates the uneven effects of US assistance on the development of state capacity, the authoritarian but institutionally weak character of the early PRIísta state, and the role of archives in maintaining a coherent image of state sovereignty.
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Murashima, Eiji. "The Origin of Modern Official State Ideology in Thailand." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (March 1988): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400000345.
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Thailand is a non-Western country where a firm state ideology based on national political traditions has been developed to counter the influx of Western liberalism. The official state ideology is clearly set forth in Article 45 of the present constitution, which states that “No person shall exercise his constitutional rights and liberties in a manner adversely affecting the Nation, Religion, King and Constitution.” That is to say, every Thai must be loyal to these four institutions. Moreover, the government maintains a steady output of pamphlets and other publications to imbue this ideology into the minds of the Thai people. “Nation” in this ideology is closely associated with “Religion” and “King”, both of which are fundamental elements in the traditional Thai Buddhist theory of kingship. According to this theory, the king, regarded as elected by a gathering of all the people, should reign justly as a protector on whom the people can rely, and should be guided by the restraints of the moral law of Buddhism. Accordingly, the concept of “nation” in this ideology is different from that in Western liberal nationalism.
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Gimbutaitė, Monika. "The Vytis in New Contexts: How does the Changing Use of the Symbol Relate to the Temperature of Nationalism?" Politologija 106, no. 2 (August 22, 2022): 89–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.3.
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The Vytis (Coat of Arms of Lithuania) is a national symbol of Lithuania that typically functions within an official state frame. This paper examines how the use and functions of the Vytis had changed from the year 2013 to 2019. While presenting an analysis of the new forms of Vytis expression, a question arises: how does the intensified and atypical use of the symbol correlate with the temperature of nationalism in our society? The research, which is based on discourse theory and includes visual and textual information found in media, social media, and other non-academic platforms, allows distinguishing four new directions of the symbol’s expression: (1) commercialization, (2) transformation into a political tool, (3) transfer to everyday culture, and (4) individual practices as well as creative practices. This paper concludes that the changing use of Vytis shows elements of both cooling and heating nationalisms. We face a cooling nationalism when the symbol becomes a part of a routine that we no longer reflect. We can also detect attributes of heating nationalism in our society. They are triggered by a sense of internal or external threats and are inseparable from the temperature of our public space.
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Ishii, Yuri. "The roles played by a common language and music education in modernization and nation-state building in Asia." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 5, no. 2 (July 9, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.221.
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Nationalism is a product of the modern era and is closely linked to the development of capitalism. In a highly mobile industrial society that emerged in modern Europe, people needed to communicate via a common vernacular language, and the speakers of said language gradually formed a sense of unity. The vernacular was then adopted by the government as a common written national language, in its attempt to establish official nationalism, and propagated through a newly established education system (Anderson, 2006). In Asian societies, which skipped this process, the creation of nation was not a result of modernization, but was instead a part of modernization from the very beginning. Asian nations had to face a gap between modernization, which required them to imitate Western values and systems, and the formation of a nation, which in the West was based on existing linguistic peculiarities that distinguished certain members of society from others. The primary aim of this paper is to explore how Asian governments from different backgrounds dealt with this gap. In particular, this paper focuses on music education in schools across Japan, Thailand, Singapore and Taiwan, and argues that the availability of a common language, the change in power holders, the populace’s identification with the government and the historical timing influenced Asian governments’ decisions regarding official nationalism.
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Jovanović, Srđan M. "The Discursive Creation of the ‘Montenegrin Language’ and Montenegrin Linguistic Nationalism in the 21st Century." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 13, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2018-0005.
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Abstract The Serbo-Croatian language was but one of the casualties of the wars of the Yugoslav secession, as it was discursively forcefully split into first two, then three, and recently four allegedly separate languages. The first line of division was promoted by Serbian and Croatian nationalist linguists during the early nineties, soon to be followed by the invention of a standalone Bosnian language, even though contemporary linguistics agrees that Serbo-Croatian, with its regional varieties (as a standardized polycentric language), is a single language. Coming late into the fray, nationally-minded linguists from Montenegro achieved the state-driven proclamation of Montenegrin as a separate language to be in official use within the state only in 2007. Backed by the state, a coterie of nationalist literary theorists and linguists started discursively promoting Montenegrin in academic and public spaces, mostly via the dubious quasi-academic journal titled Lingua Montenegrina. This article explores the manners in which Montenegrin nationalist linguists discursively created what they dub to be a language entirely separate from all variants of Serbo-Croatian, which are mostly contained in encomiastic texts about key nationalists, attempts to classify several allophones and phonemes as well as to assert the purported primordial character of the language.
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Bucur, Maria. "Of Crosses, Winged Victories, and Eagles: Commemorative Contests between Official and Vernacular Voices in Interwar Romania." East Central Europe 37, no. 1 (2010): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x488308.
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AbstractThis essay examines contests between local practices and central institutions over the meaning and cultural practices linked to the nation, focusing in particular on commemorations of the war dead after 1918. The analysis shows that the ability of the state to control how nationalism was celebrated through commemorations of the Great War was by no means determined or even successfully mediated from the center. In fact, local voices in rural settings often had their own rituals for mourning those that died in war and also for commemorating heroism in localized versions of what sacrifice for the nation and mourning heroes might have meant. In discussing vernacular-official contests over commemorating war heroes, this essay will present several important aspects: the relationship between traditional religious symbols and the new secular official symbols in representing nationalism; the relationship between rural and urban settings for understanding the unsuccessful attempts of the state to impose its version of war commemorations; and the relationship between the Romanian majority and other ethnic groups in these contests.
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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18592.
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This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.
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Maia, Tatiana Vargas. "Can the criminalization of reproductive rights be a nationalist project?" Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 21, no. 3 (December 7, 2021): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2021.3.40562.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate a federal bill pending analysis in the Brazilian Federal Congress – the 5069/2013 bill – which seeks to criminalize further women’s capacity to control issues relating to their sexual health in the country. By analyzing this bill, as well as the political discourses surrounding its proposal and the current arguments for its approval, I seek to highlight the social and political roles attributed by it to Brazilian women, focusing on the implications of the adoption of the nationalist discourse of the bill in official state discourse, should it become law, especially with regards to what the nationalism literature refers to as the “biological and cultural reproduction of the nation,” as well as the impact that these new definitions have on Brazilian women’s citizenship.
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NGO, TAM T. T. "Dynamics of Memory and Religious Nationalism in a Sino-Vietnamese Border Town." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (September 13, 2019): 795–829. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000185.
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AbstractThis article analyses the dynamics of official and unofficial religious nationalism in the Vietnamese border town of Lào Cai. In 1979 it was one of many Vietnamese towns that were reduced to rubble during the short but bloody war between Vietnam and China. The normalization of Sino-Vietnamese relations in 1991 allowed a booming border trade that let Lào Cai prosper, while the painful memory of this war continued to haunt the town and the daily experiences of its residents, both humans and gods. Since the Vietnamese state forbids any official remembrance of the war, Lào Cai residents have found a religious way to deal with their war memories that skilfully evades state control. By analysing narratives about the fate of the gods and goddesses that reign in the Father God Temple and the Mother Goddess Temple—two religious institutions located right next to the border—this article shows that it is in the symbolism of the supernatural that one can find memories of the war and of the changing social landscape of Lào Cai and reconstruct its history.
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Amelina, E. M. "State and national culture in P.B. Struve’s writings (on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of his birth)." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2020.4.094-107.
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The author analyzes the views of the famous philosopher, sociologist and politician Petr Struve, whose ideas have enduring relevance in view of the problems of maintaining state unity and developing both culture and national identity. The main object of this research is Struve’s views on the essence of the state and national culture and on their role in the life of Russia. It is indicated that the position of the thinker presupposed a certain historiosophy – an interpretation of history as a process of development of spiritual culture. The features of Peter Struve’s liberal-conservatism and his understanding of the state as a “collective personality”, possessing a “superintelligent” nature are considered. The philosopher’s approach, which aimed at analyzing the seamless connection between state, culture and nationality is analyzed. The author considers how the thinker interpreted the essence of nationality and nationalism, as well as criticized the radical intelligentsia’s “official nationalism” and “absence of a feeling of national belonging”. She examines the philosopher’s views on the outstanding role of the state in Russian history and his understanding of such “fatal” reasons of its destruction as the insufficient involvement of the cultivated elements of the nobility in the ruling of the state as well as the belated abolition of serfdom law. The author also explains Struve’s views on the slogan of class struggle as decisively contributing to the cultural decomposition of the nation and to undermining the unity of the state. She also addresses the views of P.B. Struve, G.P. Fedotov and S.L. Frank concerning the reasons why the sense of national identity was weak in Russia. She concludes that, according to Struve, one of the reasons for the revolutionary radical upheavals in the country was the fact that the radical intelligentsia sowed in the broad masses of the people the ideological poison of “anti-state rebellion” and the “spirit of Bolshevism”. This contributed to a weak demand for national-state ideals and liberal-conservative ideas.
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Yunus, Nur Rohim. "Constitutional Law: Sistem Kontrol Wilayah Dengan Pembentukan Distrik Federal di Negara Rusia." ADALAH 6, no. 1 (June 18, 2022): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/adalah.v6i1.26610.
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Having a large territory with ethnic diversity and nationalism makes the Russian Federation state must provide strategic policies, in order to regulate relations between the center and the regions. The existence of 83 Federal or State Subjects in the Russian Federation made President Vladimir Putin issued a policy in 2000 to establish 9 Federal Districts dividing federal subjects into federal districts headed by an official directly appointed by the president. This makes Russia a unique and interesting country in the analysis of constitutional law studies.
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Roldán-Figueroa, Rady. "Religious nationalism, racism, and raza hispánica (“Hispanic race”) in Constantino Bayle’s, S.J. (1882–1953) missiology (A publication history approach)." Critical Research on Religion 10, no. 1 (April 2022): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20503032221075378.
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This article focuses on the career of the Jesuit priest, Constantino Bayle, as a historian of Spanish Catholic missions and promoter of state-sponsored arrangements that institutionalized nationalist religious historiography. He encoded religious nationalism and racist categories in academic discourse and terminology, elevating in this way racist assumptions and renewed imperialist aspirations to the level of official historiography. The article traces Bayle’s early career as an Americanista at the Spanish Catholic periodical, Razón y Fe. Bayle was an ardent supporter of Francisco Franco’s military uprising of 1936. He was an apologist for Falange Española who defended its Catholic character. Alongside other Jesuits, he was responsible for forging a Spanish school of missiology that was predicated upon the tenets of Spanish national Catholicism and that was meant to rival analogous Protestant and Roman Catholic historiographic projects. Central to this culturalist endeavor were the notions of Hispanidad and Raza Hispanica.
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Hamid, M. Obaidul, and Shuqin Luo. "Discourses of “Crazy English”: reconciling the tensions between the nation-state and neoliberal agenda." English Teaching: Practice & Critique 15, no. 2 (September 5, 2016): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/etpc-10-2015-0084.
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Purpose While education policymakers in Asian polities find it difficult to resist the English language which has attained a new status in “late capitalism”, prevailing policy-level perceptions also suggest that a ruthless adoption of English may undermine national languages, identities and cultures. Despite the heightened commercialisation of English as a global language this policy dilemma raises some critical questions. For example, how can individual entrepreneurs also acting as “language policy actors” effectively promote for-profit English teaching ventures without being accused of compromising national interests, identities and traditions? This article makes a modest attempt towards addressing these questions by conducting a critical analysis of Li Yang’s English teaching venture called “Crazy English” in China and its underlying discourses. Design/methodology/approach From a sample of English teaching resources available on its official website, this paper identifies and discusses four major discourses on the relationship between English and individual entrepreneurship in English on the one hand and Chinese and China’s national values and interests on the other. Findings This paper argues that collectively these discourses represent a model of “edu-business” in English language teaching that reconciles the dichotomies between nationalism and post-nationalism, individualism and collectivism and public and private interests in a neoliberal world. Originality/value With the onset of globalisation and its impact on all aspects of life including the economy, education and communication, there have been on-going debates on the emerging tensions between the nation-state and the forces of trans/post-nationalism, the latter being underpinned by neo-liberalism. These tensions have also been observed in the fields of English and English language education. While research has examined how macro-level policymakers respond to globalisation through their English language policies, there has been limited work on how individual language policy actors engaged in the commercialisation of English reconcile the apparently irreconcilable forces of nationalism and post-nationalism. The contribution of the present article lies in illustrating a case that seeks to reconcile these forces through discourses and discursive strategies.
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Hultin, Jan. "Rebounding Nationalism: State and Ethnicity in Wollega 1968–1976." Africa 73, no. 3 (August 2003): 402–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.3.402.
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AbstractThis article deals with the interrelationship of ethnic and national processes in a rural district in Wollega at the time of the Ethiopian revolution of 1974. It describes how the state policy of ‘official nationalism’ and Amharisation on the one hand, and the policy of land confiscation and land grants on the other, affected two different categories of Oromo: the small, educated elite, and the peasants. The government promoted Amharic as the language of state, whilst the Oromo language was banned from public contexts and not allowed in print. The government feared popular involvement in politics, and all political parties and organisations were banned. University students voiced demands for modernisation and land reform whilst the war in Eritrea raised the ‘question of nationalities’, but there was not yet any Oromo nationalist claim for statehood. Among the farmers, opposition to the state centred on land tenure and taxes and on the abuse of authority by the government. Most Oromo-speaking regions had been conquered and incorporated into the empire in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Land was confiscated and granted to warlords, or to local leaders who collaborated with the emperor. The original inhabitants became tribute-paying tenants under the new lords. As most landlords were immigrants to the area, ethnicity was an obvious aspect of property relations. In Wollega, however, local Oromo who had collaborated with the emperor were in control of much of the land and both landlords and share-croppers were Macha Oromo. They shared basic value-orientations by which performance is judged. Memories of the moral economy of an earlier time provided an alternative to the existing situation. Reference to history implied an active selection of elements in the formulation of a critical discourse on power and property that addressed the basic opposition between society and state. The last part of the article describes how educated and farmers met in a political meeting that was organised by the local authorities in 1976 to celebrate the revolution and its land reform. The occasion turned into an intense celebration of local values and, at least to some of the participants, this was a moment of new ethnic awareness and a call to revive gada, the Oromo ritual system. Threatened by ethnic identification, the state responded with brutal repression, and several people were murdered. Shortly after, some activists joined the Oromo Liberation Front to wage guerrilla war against the state.
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Dubinets, Elena. "Non-conformism or nationalism? Yuriy Butsko and his “Russian dodecaphony”." Studia Musicologica 56, no. 4 (December 2015): 317–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2015.56.4.2.
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During most of the Soviet era, it was considered ideologically suspect — and anti-nationalistic — to perform, compose, or study any kind of sacred music. How some composers who identified with Orthodoxy conveyed their spirituality through their art in spite of official prohibitions illuminates an interesting way of expressing Russian identity through heritage revival. This paper explores a unique compositional technique that bridged liturgical experience and the concert stage by means of a rather calculated but inspired methodology that expanded the znamenny chant structure into a 12-tone row. Starting with his Polyphonic Concerto (1969), composer Yuriy Butsko (1938–2015) successfully adapted the old chant to modern times while preserving its religious meaning. “Butsko’s row” indigenized a transnational compositional technique (dodecaphony) by kneading principles of Russian chant scale into its core. In the midst of the Cold War a Russian composer reached out to the world by globalizing an inherent pre-Soviet musical element. At the time (though seemingly without any explicit intent on the part of the composer) this could be considered a non-conformist gesture against the regime. Paradoxically, however, Butsko’s system marked his desire to validate his music as a legitimate means of the Russian national representation. Butsko’s utilization of the znamenny chant could have supported the state, had the state patronized the Orthodoxy.
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Sharkey, Heather J. "A Century in Print: Arabic Journalism and Nationalism in Sudan, 1899–1999." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 4 (November 1999): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057081.
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In 1999, Sudan's Arabic periodical press observes its hundredth anniversary. A century before, and one year after the collapse of the Mahdist state (1881–98), the Britishdominated “Anglo-Egyptian“ regime (1898–1956) launched an official Arabic-English gazette. Four years later, Lebanese journalists founded the region's first independent Arabic newspaper, catering to an audience of Egyptians and Lebanese employed by the new government. These expatriates sparked an interest in journalism among educated Northern Sudanese men, who within a few years of the newspaper's debut were avidly subscribing and contributing to journals.
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Palmer, Steven. "Getting to Know the Unknown Soldier: Official Nationalism in Liberal Costa Rica, 1880–1900." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1 (February 1993): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00000365.
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On 28 February 1885 Guatemala's Liberal dictator, Justo Rufino Barrios, declared the Union of Central America, and made it plain that this would be achieved through force of arms if the four other Central American Republics did not consent to his decree. On 5 and 6 March, as Costa Rica's Liberal state began to plan a popular mobilisation against the Guatemalan threat, an article appeared in the pages of El Diario de Costa Rica, written by a resident Honduran man of letters, Alvaro Contreras. It was called ‘Un héroe annómino’. Curiously, though, this hero is not anonymous at all. The article soon reveals that his name is Juan Santamaría, a humble footsoldier who, during the Battle of Rivas in 1856, had volunteered to burn down the Mesón de Guerra from where William Walker's filibusters were decimating Costa Rican troops with rifle fire. The attempt was successful, but Santamaría sacrificed his life in the process. The invention of Costa Rica's ‘almost unknown soldier’ had begun.
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Perica, Vjekoslav. "United They Stood, Divided They Fell: Nationalism and the Yugoslav School of Basketball, 1968–2000." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 2 (June 2001): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120053746.
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Both Yugoslav wars and Yugoslav basketball were conspicuous in Western media in the 1990s. While CNN transmitted scenes of horror from battlefields of Bosnia and Kosovo, several dozen professional athletes of Yugoslav background could be seen in action on U. S. sport channels. Yugoslavs, by far the most numerous among foreign players in the strongest basketball league in the world—the American professional basketball league (NBA)—sparked the audience's curiosity about their background and the peculiar Yugoslav style of basketball. The literature concerning the Yugoslav crisis and Balkan wars noted sporadic outbursts of ethnic hatred in sport arenas, but did not provide any detailed information on the otherwise important role of sport in Yugoslav history and society. Not even highly competent volumes such as Beyond Yugoslavia, which highlighted the country's culture, arts, religion, economy, and military, paid attention to what Yugoslavs called “the most important secondary issue in the world”—sport. Yet sport reveals not merely the pastimes of the Yugoslav peoples, but also the varieties of nationalism in the former Yugoslavia, including probably the most neglected of all local nationalisms: the official communist-era patriotic ideology of interethnic “brotherhood and unity.” The goal of this article is to highlight this type of nationalism manifested via state-directed sport using as a case study the most successful basketball program outside the United States.
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Ternov, Nikolay, and Dmitry Mikhailov. "Nationalism and Siberian archeology of the 19th century." Journal of Eurasian Studies 13, no. 1 (December 23, 2021): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18793665211066318.
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The article provides a comparative characteristic of the nationally motivated ethnocultural concepts of the 19th century, based on the interpretation of Siberian peoples` history. Finnish nationalism was looking for the ancestral home of the Finns in Altai and tried to connect them with the Turkic-Mongol states of antiquity and the Middle Ages. Under the influence of the cultural and historical theories of regional experts, the Siberian national discourse itself began to form, which was especially clearly manifested in the example of the genesis of Altai nationalism. Russian great-power nationalism sought to make Slavic history more ancient and connected it with the prestigious Scythian culture. If we rely on the well-known periodization of the development of the national movement of M. Khrokh, then in the theory of the Finns` Altai origin, we can distinguish features characteristic of phase “B,” when the cultural capital of nationalism gradually turns into political. In turn, the historical research of the regional specialists illustrates the earliest stage in the emergence of the national movement, the period of nationalism not only without a nation but also without national intellectuals. The oblasts are forming the very national environment, which does not yet have the means for its own expression, but it obviously contains separatist potential. At the same time, both the Finnish and Siberian patriots, with their scientific research, solved the same ideological task—to include the objects of their research in the world cultural and historical context, to achieve recognition of their right to a place among European nations. However, Florinsky’s theory, performing the function of the official propaganda, is an example of the manifestation of state unifying nationalism, with imperial connotations characteristics of Russia.
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Bevzyuk, Yevhen, and Olga Kotlar. "IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY AS A PRINCIPLE OF MODERNIZATION OF THE INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.257053.
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The purpose of the study. The topic's relevance has been caused by the fact that research on S. Uvarov's ideological heritage was done mainly within the Marxist paradigm from the standpoint of social and class competition for many years. The Soviet historical science argued that imperial education had served the interests of autocracy; therefore, it had adopted the idea of Official Nationality. At the same time, historians quite carefully omitted the fact that S.S. Uvarov had laid the ideological tool for organizing the linguistic and cultural assimilation of the peoples of the Russian Empire. Scientific novelty. There has recently been a tendency to study the complicated bureaucratic and intellectual heritage of S. Uvarov (C.H. Whittaker, R. Wortman, E.D. Dneprov, A. Miller). Such attention has been related to a growing interest of contemporaries in the philosophy of conservatism with the intensification of national processes. The research aims to clarify the content and objectives of Uvarov's conservative and ideological doctrine, which became «an intellectual weapon» of modernization of the educational sphere and part of the domestic imperial national policy. The object of research is the ideological system of the Russian autocracy. The subject is S. Uvarov's intellectual heritage, specifically his Official Nationality program, which provided an algorithm for the «evolutionary» correlation of the ideological foundation of the Russian educational environment for many years. Conclusion. Hence, Uvarov took his place in the history of the empire not just as a talented bureaucrat and reformer of the educational environment but as a politician who tried to emancipate the Russian national consciousness against the background of the imperial ideology, in the key of loyalty to the autocracy. His Triad served to ideologize society to maintain control over the public. Uvarov's proclamation of the Official Nationality program contrasted the uncontrolled spread of materialistic and liberal ideas with a conscious conservative barrier in the form of strengthening bureaucratic regulation in the sphere of education. Within the domestic policy of state nationalism framework, the minister combined «public education» «with the spirit of Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality».
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Čolović, Ivan. "Yugoslav culture after Yugoslavia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 4 (December 2021): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.4.2.
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In the states which formed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, ethnic/national cultures are developing independently, alongside a parallel shared post-Yugoslav culture. This culture is not a continuation of the official cultural collaboration between the Yugoslav nations which took place when Yugoslavia existed, rather it is a new phenomenon. It is appearing in opposition to nationalism, against the closing off of culture into narrow ethno-national frames and is based on the genuine existence of a cultural unity older than the common state which was created from the common Yugoslav state itself. It seeks creative responses to the problems caused by the wars and collapse of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It also looks for the appropriate analytical instruments. The author uses the Biblioteka XX vek (The 20th Century Library) as an example – the book series which he founded and publishes in the field of humanities and social sciences. The alternative post-Yugoslav culture is characterised by the high quality of what it offers. However, its protagonists are simultaneously criticised by the nationalist circles in power in the states formed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, who consider the post-Yugoslav cultural unity an alleged national betrayal.
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Zhang, Chenchen. "Contested disaster nationalism in the digital age: Emotional registers and geopolitical imaginaries in COVID-19 narratives on Chinese social media." Review of International Studies 48, no. 2 (January 6, 2022): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210522000018.
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AbstractThis article examines how affective narratives of the COVID-19 pandemic on Chinese social media reinforce and challenge established scripts of national identity, political legitimacy, and international geopolitical imaginary. Taking theoretical insights from the scholarship on trauma, disaster nationalism, and politics of emotions, I structure the analysis of social media posts from state media and private accounts around three emotional registers: grief as a crucial site of control and contestation during the initial stage of the outbreak; gandong (being moved in a positive way) associated with stories of heroic sacrifices, national unity, and mundane ‘heart-warming’ moments; and enmity in narratives of power struggles and ideological competition between China and ‘the West’, especially the United States. While state media has sought to transform the crisis into resources for strengthening national belonging and regime legitimacy through a digital reworking of the long-standing repertoire of disaster nationalism, alternative articulations of grief, rage, and vernacular memory that refuse to be incorporated into the ‘correct collective memory’ of a nationalised tragedy have persisted in digital space. Furthermore, the article explicates the ways in which popular narratives affectively reinscribe dominant ideas about the (inter)national community: such as the historical imagination of a continuous nationhood rising from disasters and humiliation, positive energy, and a dichotomous view of the international order characterised by Western hegemony and Chinese victimhood. The geopolitical narratives of the pandemic build on and exacerbate binary oppositions between China and ‘the West’ in the global imaginary, which are co-constructed through discursive practices on both sides in mutually reinforcing ways. The lens of emotion allows us to attend to the resonances and dissonances between official and popular narrativisations of the disaster without assuming a one-way determinate relationship between the two.
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Muwati, I., D. E. Mutasa, and M. L. Bopape. "The Zimbabwean liberation war: contesting representations of nation and nationalism in historical fiction." Literator 31, no. 1 (July 13, 2010): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v31i1.41.
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This article examines the array of macro and micro historical factors that stirred historical agency in the 1970s war against colonial settlerism as depicted in selected liberation war fiction. This war eventually led to a negotiated independence in April 1980. Historical fiction in the early 1980s is characterised by an abundance of fictional images that give expression to the macrofactors, while historical fiction in the late 1980s onwards parades a plethora of images which prioritise the microhistorical factors. Against this background, the article problematises the discussion of these factors within the context of postindependence Zimbabwean politics. It argues that the contesting representations of macro- and microfactors in historical fiction on the war symbolise the protean and fluid discourse on nation and nationalism in the Zimbabwean polity. Definitions and interpretations of nation and nationalism are at the centre of Zimbabwean politics, because they are linked to the protracted liberation war against colonialism and the politics of hegemony in the state. Macrofactors express and endorse an official view of nationalism and nation. On the other hand, microfactors problematise and contest the narrow appropriation of nation and nationalism by advocating multiple perspectives on the subject in order to subvert and counter the elite hegemony.
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White, Leanne. "“It’s time”: revolution and evolution in Australian political advertising." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 8, no. 3 (August 15, 2016): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-08-2015-0034.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine two significant political advertising campaigns which used the “It’s Time” slogan and to reflect on how these related to official, popular and commercial nationalism in Australia. The paper is primarily concerned with two main issues: identifying and examining the variety of images of Australia in two key television advertisements, and exploring the methods by which advertising agencies created positive images of Australia and Australians in the two campaigns. It specifically highlights the significance of the “It’s Time” campaign, which is relevant for scholars and advertisers seeking to understand effective political communication. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines television advertisements by using semiotics as the principal methodology. The research methodology devised for the advertisements consists of two main components: a shot combination analysis, also known as a shot-by-shot analysis, and a semiological reading of the visual and acoustic channels of the advertisement. Findings This paper examines the use of commercial nationalism in television advertising. As one of many social and cultural influences, advertisements assist the individual in understanding their notion of themselves and their relationship with the wider community – be it local, national, regional or global. The primary focus of this research is the phenomenon of commercial nationalism – the adoption of national signifiers in the marketplace. However, by examining the more general discourse on nationalism, particularly the voice of official nationalism – the promotion of nationalism by the nation-state (or those aspiring to power), the symbiotic relationship between these two complementary brands of nationalism is explored. Originality/value The methodology adopted for analysing the two political advertising campaigns offers conceptual and practical value. It provides a consistent set of terms and concepts for further research to build upon. The paper provides insights for the marketing or examination of advertising campaigns. The paper demonstrates the power of market research to inform a framing strategy for a political campaign. The paper contributes to the body of knowledge in this area and thus society’s understanding of these important periods in the nation’s history. In particular, the paper provides an exploration into the “It’s Time” campaign and how it mobilised a broader cultural awakening to engineer success at the ballot box in 1972. The two case studies examined in this paper are relevant to political scientists and media and communication scholars.
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Milanesio, Natalia. "Food Politics and Consumption in Peronist Argentina." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 75–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-091.
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Abstract From the beginning of Juan Domingo Perón’s administration, food consumption was both a significant object of state policy and a central component of official propaganda. This essay resists the analytical separation between politics and imaginaries in order to expand our understanding of Peronism in new directions. First, it shows the economic, political, and iconographic centrality of food for state planning, commercial culture, public health, and definitions of social, national, and physical well-being. Second, the essay reinterprets nationalism and social entitlement—concepts that researchers have identified as key in Peronist ideology—through a new focus on food. An increase in per capita beef consumption, beyond serving as a symbol of popular well-being, undermined the images of Argentina as an export economy subservient to foreign capitalism. By favoring internal consumers over external markets, Peronist beef politics created an empowering ideology of economic sovereignty. This ideology reinforced the commitment of the state to benefit the local population in the distribution of national wealth. Between 1946 and 1949, the government popularized the rise in beef intake as the new entitlement of the working classes to what had previously been a “luxury food.” Finally, the analysis demonstrates that Peronism collected and instrumentally continued or redefined key arguments circulating in Argentine popular culture and medical and leftist discourses, including the relation of beef consumption to nationalism, luxury, rights, and health; the intervention of the state in nutritional issues; the dietary education of the masses; and the connection between nationalism, tradition, and culinary culture.
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Hidayati, Rizca Nur. "OLAHRAGA SEBAGAI KEKUATAN MEMBANGUN JIWA NASIONALIS MASYARAKAT PLURAL." Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan 13, no. 1 (February 27, 2021): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/madani.v13i1.2288.
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Sport is part of the success of national development. Sports fostering and development must be placed in the mainstreaming of various government and local government policies at all lines and levels within the framework of the spirit of the nation. In the midst of the plurality of the Indonesian nation in race, ethnicity, culture and religion, sport is one of the means of unifying the nation. Our very diverse society competes in one arena, whether it is against fellow Indonesians, or with other nations from around the world, all of which blend into one. The research method used is descriptive qualitative. The use of a qualitative approach in research through descriptive analysis, the researcher wants to describe the concept of diversity nationalism and sports nationalism, the relationship between nationalism and sports and its manifestations in the field. This paper is a literature review on the phenomenon of sports nationalism in a diverse society. Sources of data come from scientific journals, book literature, official website which is then described by descriptive analysis. The results of the study show that exercise has broad benefits. Sports are often used as a tool for government and media to achieve national interests. Nationalism can be a source of motivation to achieve the best achievements as a gift to the nation and state. State institutions take sports programs that adapt and are friendly to socio-culture in East Java to integrate cultural sports synergy programs in uniting diversity. Multicultural culture comes to the surface, all soccer enthusiasts accept it as a new identity. Football no longer thinks about the backgrounds of the players, whether they are regional men or players from outside the region and region.
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Leve, Lauren G. "Subjects, Selves, and the Politics of Personhood in Theravada Buddhism in Nepal." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 3 (August 2002): 833–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096348.
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On june 30, 1990, between twenty-five and thirty thousand people took to the streets of downtown Kathmandu to protest the possibility that a new constitution, then being drafted, might reassert Nepal's official legal identity as a Hindu kingdom. Carrying banners and chanting slogans, they demanded the country's redefinition as a secular state. The march was arguably the largest demonstration in modern Nepali history, with protestors representing a range of religious, ethnic, political, and cultural groups. Even more significant, the marchers explicitly rejected the longstanding alliance between religion and the state in Nepal by challenging the interpolation of Brahmanical Hinduism into the country's political and civil institutions, and its centrality to Nepali nationalism as a collective identity.
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Guo, Xiaolin. "Chinese Socialism and Local Nationalism in the Discourse of Development." Inner Asia 10, no. 1 (2008): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000008793066849.
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AbstractThis paper deals with 'development' — a state discourse formulated initially to transform the ethnic minority societies in China's southwest upon the founding of the People's Republic (PRC) — and how this state discourse has inadvertently served the interests of the ethnic elites in the course of China's current economic reforms. Half a century on, socialism on China's periphery has transformed from being an alien concept to acquiring its present catchphrase-status, underscoring a complex learning process on the part of ethnicminority cadres. Going beyond the conventional static view of binaries (typically, as often seen in English writings, Han versus non-Han and state versus society), this study explores the interaction of a wide range of forces within the political system that shape the dynamics of ethnicity and ethnic relations in China. It shows, as much as ethnic cadres are subject to certain restrictions of the local offices in which they serve, their manoeuvring and creative manipulation of the official language exerts equal constraints on the central state, especially in the context of economic development and nationalities policy. Such a mode of interaction generates, and at the same time mitigates the tension within the bureaucratic system. In this light, the 'embrace' of socialism by the ethnic cadres may indeed be seen as an adaptation through which they justify their relationship with the state. The magic of socialism is, therefore, not the ideology itself, but the policy implementation in its name. In a multiethnic region like southwest China, where ethnic identities remain fluid and local nationalism largely reflects inter-community relations vis-à-vis the state, socialism serves a unique conflict management function. This particular mechanism perhaps offers an explanation for the marked contrast between the former Soviet Union and PRC: in the former, socialism collapsed as a political system but not as a set of values, whereas, in the latter, socialism may have lost its appeal to the majority of the population as a set of values, but has not collapsed as a system.
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Ismail, Mohammad Azziyadi, and Mohammad Agus Yusoff. "Anti-Federal Sentiment in Sabah and its Impact on Malaysian Politics." Akademika 92, no. 3 (October 28, 2022): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/akad-2022-9203-18.
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The conflict between the federal government and the state of Sabah has occurred since 1963 stemming from the dissatisfaction of the people of Sabah towards the implementation of their autonomy rights as contained in the 1963 Malaysia Agreement (MA63). This dissatisfaction led to an anti-federal sentiment among the people of Sabah towards the federal government, which threatened the stability of the Federation of Malaysia. Hence, this study examines the factors leading to the emergence of anti-federal sentiment in Sabah and assesses the impact of such sentiment on Malaysian politics utilising the concept of federalism as an analytical tools. The primary source of this artile comprised interviews, whereas books, journals, official government reports, articles and news portals were used as its secondary sources. Findings revealed that the factors promoting the anti-federal sentiment among Sabahans are the dissatisfaction with the implementation of autonomy rights and MA63, the imbalance in infrastructure development, the socio-economic gap between Sabah and the states in the Peninsula, distribution of oil royalties and the presence of illegal immigrants. This anti-federal sentiment has createda strained relationship between the federal government and Sabah, the demand for self-government, the fading of patriotism, the threat to national harmony and unity, the rise of state nationalism and the decline of the people’s nationalism. Consequently, this sentiment threatens the stability of the federation and therefore requires an immediate solution to maintain national unity and sovereignty. Keywords: Federation of Malaysia; Malaysia Agreement 1963; Sabah; state nationalism; anti-federal
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Conker, Ahmet. "Understanding Turkish water nationalism and its role in the historical hydraulic development of Turkey." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 877–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1473353.
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Turkey is fully engaged in its “hydraulic mission,” very extensively and rapidly “developing” water resources throughout its territory. The extensive hydraulic development attempts conducted by the Turkish government create local, national, inter-state, and transnational contestations among the different interest groups. A great deal of scholarly literature has analyzed the rationale behind Turkey's massive-scale hydraulic development. While some studies link Turkey's hydraulic mission to its energy and food security, others highlight the importance of domestic conflicts, as in the case of the Kurdish issue in the southeast. However, few works examine the relationship between hydraulic development and state- and nation-making processes in the early period of the republic. This paper seeks to analyze the role of hydraulic development in state- and nation-making in the context of Turkey by looking at the institutional documents published by official authorities and speeches made by key politicians. Drawing mainly upon the theory of water nationalism and its related conceptual frameworks, this study argues that hydraulic development has formed one of the important components of the modernization process in Turkey, thereby playing a significant role in its state- and nation-making processes.
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Wilczyńska, Elżbieta. "The Return of the Silenced: Aboriginal Art as a Flagship of New Australian Identity." Australia, no. 28/3 (January 15, 2019): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.28.3.07.
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The paper examines the presence of Aboriginal art, its contact with colonial and federation Australian art to prove that silencing of this art from the official identity narrative and art histories also served elimination of Aboriginal people from national and identity discourse. It posits then that the recently observed acceptance and popularity as well as incorporation of Aboriginal art into the national Australian art and art histories of Australian art may be interpreted as a sign of indigenizing state nationalism and multicultural national identity of Australia in compliance with the definition of identity according to Anthony B. Smith.
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Djordjević, Ljubica. "The legal status of languages / ‘languages’ that emerged from Serbo-Croatian." Language Problems and Language Planning 46, no. 2 (November 17, 2022): 146–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.00090.djo.
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Abstract With the break-up of Yugoslavia, and following the ideology of nationalism and the aspired match between state, nation, and language, Serbo-Croatian fragmented into four languages: Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian. The paper deals with the legal aspects of the fragmentation of Serbo-Croatian in the four countries concerned, exploring the impacts of provisions relating to the official language on the status of the languages in question and their speakers. The central argument is that by fully ignoring mutual intelligibility (or even the same linguistic foundation) between the four languages, the legal provisions are inadequate to deal with this specific linguistic situation; in essence, they are intolerant and exclusive (thus underpinning ethnic divisions in the region), and they also lead to some trivial situations such as ‘translation’ in official communications. The paper pleads for a more sophisticated approach, which while acknowledging the symbolic aspects of language and existing ethnic diversity, at the same time is able to accommodate the linguistic reality.
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Goujon, Alexandra. "Language, Nationalism, and Populism in Belarus." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 4 (December 1999): 661–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999108885.
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Political leaders often use language as an instrument to establish their legitimacy. From the end of the 1980s, the Belarusian language became the symbol of Belarusian independence; however, it has never been the language of power. The language law of Belarus, which was adopted in 1990 and made Belarusian the official language of the state, appears to have been more a symbolic action for a new appropriation of power than the expression of a real political will. During perestroika political elites, mostly Russophones, preferred to rely on the language situation inherited from the Soviet system, in which the majority spoke Russian, rather than question a policy that could guarantee their popularity. When Alyaksander Lukashenka came to power in 1994, the gradual process of Belarusian language development was slowly reversed in order to integrate language policy into the continuity of Soviet practice. The promotion of the Russian language and the increase of discrimination against Belarusian have taken place along with the establishment of an authoritarian regime, which is based on press censorship, arrests of political opponents, and the monopolization of social, political, economic, and cultural activities. Faced with a direct threat to its existence, the Belarusian language became, as was the case during the Soviet period, a language of opposition and of counter-power. Belarusian leaders have tried to keep the Belarusian language and the discourses related to it out of power. The opposition, however, uses Belarusian as a political weapon against the regime, seeking to transform Belarusian into a future language of power. Considering the language as a crucial political issue, language policy is a way to manage and control not only the use of language, but also the discourse and the persons who are using it. In that context, language implies a speech, and the French distinction between langue and language is interesting in this respect. Language politics implies social and political representations of language and speech, which can be studied, analyzing the influence of political actors on these representations and the way in which they deal with the language problem.
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Kasiński, Krzysztof. "Amerykański nacjonalizm." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 40 (February 15, 2022): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.009.
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American NationalismThe phenomenon of American nationalism dates back to the pioneer times of the Pilgrims and Founding Fathers, who established first social and political relations creating origins of a future developed country. Throughout the past centuries the term “nationalism” from an American perspective was tangled to various definitions and sometimes official politics of the state. American nationalism was first represented by faithful Protestant settlers who believed strongly in a God’s destined society. Based on that the first definition was coined by John Winthrop in his “City upon a Hill” – an idea of a land liberated from evil in all of its emanations, which is not distant and follows the will of an Absolute. One of the Founding Fathers – Thomas Paine in his Common Sense – developed Winthrop’s idea and presented Americans as people with unlimited abilities. American writers and first colonists believed in a Biblical promised land that offered them unlimited potential of self-growth. This strength of self-consciousness paved the way for a scientific term of superpatriotism. Coined by Michael Parenti, this term encompasses both democratic ideas of Alexis de Tocqueville and vision of a self-made man, who is the organizer of American statehood. American nationalism also derives from the ideology of Americacentrism, with its roots in the 19th century concept of Manifest Destiny, proclaiming a nation that is endowed with an eternal right to secure the world for democracy. This idea led to a long term debate in American political and social life as the United States became more and more involved in international affairs since the beginning of the 20th century. In sum, the idea of American nationalism is the result of the American melting pot of religious, cultural and specific historical circumstances that built this nation.
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Paces, Cynthia J. "“The Czech Nation must be Catholic!” An Alternative version of Czech Nationalism during the First Republic." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 3 (September 1999): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999108948.
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Jaroslav Durych, a popular Czech Catholic poet and essayist, began his weekly column in Lidové listy's (People's News) 10 May 1923 issue with the following proclamation: “The Czech Nation must be Catholic!” What did Durych mean by this puzzling statement? The majority of Czechs in the new Czechoslovak state considered themselves at least nominally Catholic. Yet Durych's article did not address the confessional status of Czechoslovakia's population, nor did it address religious differences between Czechs and Slovaks. Instead, Durych concerned himself with the representation of the Czech nation in popular mythology and official symbolism. He demanded that the Czech national symbols reflect the country's majority religion and not the Protestant experiment of the late Middle Ages.
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FULLER, C. J. "Anthropologists and Viceroys: Colonial knowledge and policy making in India, 1871–1911." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (October 13, 2015): 217–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000037.
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AbstractThe anthropology of caste was a pivotal part of colonial knowledge in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Denzil Ibbetson and Herbert Risley, then the two leading official anthropologists, both made major contributions to the study of caste, which this article discusses. Ibbetson and Risley assumed high office in the imperial government in 1902 and played important roles in policy making during the partition of Bengal (1903–5) and the Morley-Minto legislative councils reforms (1906–9); Ibbetson was also influential in deciding Punjab land policy in the 1890s. Contemporary policy documents, which this article examines, show that the two men's anthropological knowledge had limited influence on their deliberations. Moreover, caste was irrelevant to their thinking about agrarian policy, the promotion of Muslim interests, and the urban, educated middle class, whose growing nationalism was challenging British rule. No ethnographic information was collected about this class, because the scope of anthropology was restricted to ‘traditional’ rural society. At the turn of the twentieth century, colonial anthropological knowledge, especially about caste, had little value for the imperial government confronting Indian nationalism, and was less critical in constituting the Indian colonial state than it previously had been.
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Čičak-Chand, Ružica. "Obilježja multikulturalizma i sekularizma u indijskom društvu." Migracijske i etničke teme / Migration and Ethnic Themes 37, no. 1 (2021): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.11567/met.37.1.3.
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In the context of research into the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in contemporary India, this paper points to their specific interrelatedness and the distinctive Indian approach to secularism through the idea of a principled distance as a way to adjust to religious pluralism that has a close affinity with multiculturalism. Contrary to opinions that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation, by a selection of instances through Indian history, the paper illustrates the broader meaning of “Indian” religious and secular thinking and also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, particularly between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. However, the paper focuses on the analysis of Indian constitutional secularism and legally warranted multiculturalism. Debates on multiculturalism follow two distinct directions: the first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system, whereas the second is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, and secularism. It also touches upon the influence of the British colonial rule on the shaping of interreligious relations in independent India. The last section questions the ascendancy of Hindu nationalism, particularly in view of the rise to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014, its appropriation of the new “idea” of India, especially the Hindu nationalist narrative, which endangers India’s official ideology of secularism, as well as the position of the minorities, in particular of the Muslim minority. The article is divided into seven sections. The Introduction outlines, in general, the main distinction between secularism and multiculturalism and their relationship, referring to the two principal approaches to secularism: (1) neutrality between different religions, and (2) prohibition of religious associations in state activities. Indian secularism tends to emphasise neutrality in particular rather than prohibition in general. The second section, Traces of the Indian Secular Thought through History, examines the view, particularly pervasive among Hindutva supporters, that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation from the perspectives of history and philosophy, which both provide evidence that “the constituents of secularism which make up the concept are not alien to Indian thought” (Thapar, 2013: 4). In this context, the most evoked name in connection with religious tolerance is that of Ashoka Maurya, who in his edicts called not only for the co-existence of all religious sects but also for equal respect for those who represented them. Many centuries later, Moghul Emperor Akbar supported dialogue across adherents of different religions, including atheists. He laid the formal foundations of a secular legal structure and religious neutrality of the state. The paper here also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, the more so between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. It focuses on extending the meaning of “Indian” religion in the sense that it includes multiple religions, such as Brahmanism, Buddhism, Jainism, Bhakti, Shakta, Islam/ Sufism, Guru-Pir tradition, which, but for Brahmanism, challenge orthodoxy by giving greater weight to social ethics rather than to prescriptive religious texts. The third section, Multiculturalism in Indian Context, refers to the Indian legally warranted multiculturalism and relating debates followed by two distinct directions. The first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system; a process which involves the political accommodation of ethnic identities, which remains the most effective method of management and resolution of conflicts. The second direction is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, secularism. According to Rajeev Bhargava (1999: 35, 2007), cultural particularity might undermine the “common foundation for a viable society”, and might also lessen individual freedom, thus invalidating the values of liberal democracy. From there follows the question of constitutional protection of personal laws of religious communities, which is, in a way, in collision with the primary secular identity, that of a citizen (Thapar, 2010, 2013). The fourth section, Characteristics of Indian Secularism, analyses in some detail the Articles of the Indian Constitution concerned with the basic understanding of secularism, i.e., that religion must be separated from the state “for the sake of religious liberty and equality of citizenship.” The analysis indicates that, while some Articles (Indian Constitution, Articles 25–26) depart from the mainstream western secularism, others are close to the Western liberal leanings, like those stipulating that the state will have no official religion (constitutional amendment 42) or that no religious instruction will be allowed in educational institutions maintained wholly out of state funds, as well as that no person attending any educational institution receiving financial aid from state funds shall be required to take part in compulsory attendance at religious instruction or worship (Articles 27–28/1/). But, more specifically, the idea of a principled distance from religious pluralism points to India’s highly contextual, thus distinctively Indian, version of secularism. The fifth section, The Question of Indian Identity, argues that, with the inauguration of democracy in India, multiculturalism was adopted as a policy of recognising and respecting diversity, guaranteeing the protection and rights of minorities and positive discrimination for the historically marginalised, and emphasising intergroup equality, while leaving the issue of intragroup equality somewhat aside. In the last section, Challenges of Hindu Nationalistic Ideology, the author points to some manifestations of the current ascendency of Hindu nationalism, particularly resulting from the Bharatiya Janata Party coming to power in 2014, such as the increasing identification of state leaders with Hindu cultural symbols and, at the same time, decreasing official support for the public festivals of minorities, Mus lims and Christians in the first place. According to Hindu nationalists, most Muslims and Christians are converts from Hinduism and should therefore recognise the precedence of the Hindu culture in India. Anti-Muslim prejudice in India stems not from the ideas of their racial or cultural differences but, above all, from questioning their loyalty to India. Here emerges the question of the “secular nationalism” of the Congress Party as opposed to the “Hindu nationalism” of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which insists on Hinduism as the essential token of the Indian national identity, implying cultural and political pre-eminence of Hindus in India. The Conclusion summarises some of the main points regarding the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in the Indian context, indicating that despite the present challenges that Hindu nationalism poses to both, “…the Indian experience suggests that some form of moderate secularism will continue to remain necessary as a state framework to check the advance of religious majoritarianism” (Bajpai, 2017: 224). The author assumes that the article offers some constructive avenues for future studies on secularism and multiculturalism, which should not only provide further insights into the Indian case but also enhance the understanding of the varieties of secular trajectories worldwide, as well as their implications for democracy.
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Brandenberger, David. "Nationalist, heretic or populist?" Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (September 2010): 757–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.498470.
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I am grateful to Andreas Umland and David Marples for their thoughtful responses to my piece and appreciate the invitation of the editors of Nationalities Papers to briefly reply. Because “Stalin's Populism” is an essay rather than an article devoted to empirical research, historiography or contemporary politics, some of the objections that Umland and Marples raise are a function of genre more than anything else. Other issues require more detailed engagement, however. As both responses indicate, “Stalin's Populism” elaborates upon an argument that I've advanced in a number of places about the USSR's rehabilitation of Russian historical heroes, imagery and iconography during the 1930s and 1940s. An enduring source of debate over the past half-century, this development has been variously attributed to Stalin's retreat from world revolution, his low confidence in proletarian internationalism, his wavering commitment to Marxism and his insecurity during the Second World War. It's also been seen as evidence of a turn toward nationalism and even fascism. I have long been frustrated by the schematicism of such accounts and offer here a more contingent interpretation situated specifically within the historical contours of the Stalinist 1930s. I have also grown frustrated by the hyperbole of the traditional literature's focus on Stalin's personal failings and ideological apostasy and suggest here that the policy changes in question display all the hallmarks of authoritarian populism, inasmuch as they advanced claims of Soviet state legitimacy and authority rather than Russian political autonomy or self-rule. Indeed, it is this official emphasis on party and state legitimacy and union-wide mobilization that leads me to use terms like “national Bolshevism” and russocentrism rather than Russian nationalism in regard to the Stalinist party line.
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Yusuf, Imtiyaz. "The Role of the Chularajmontri (Shaykh al-IslOEm) in Resolving Ethno-religious Conflict in Southern Thailand." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v27i1.355.
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The century-old conflict in southern Thailand, which began with Siam’s annexation of the former Malay sultanate of Negara Patani in 1909, reemerged viciously in 2004 – with no end in sight. The Thai state expected that its official head of the Muslim community at the national level, the chularajmontri (shaykh al-Islam), whose office was set up in 1945 to integrate all Thai Muslims into the new nation-state of Thailand (formerly called Siam), would lay a significant role in resolving the southern conflict. Thus, this office was entrusted with tackling the issue of ethno-religious nationalism among the southern Muslims, an important factor lying at the root of this conflict. The office was expected to address the Thai nation-state’s political and socio-religious needs via promoting a pro-integration religious interpretation of Islam. This paper contends that its failure to contribute toward the conflict’s resolution lies in the differences in the two parties’ historical, ethnic, and religious interpretations of Islam.