Books on the topic 'Official State Nationalism'
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1
Party, Niger Valley Exploring, ed. The condition, elevation, emigration, and destiny of the Colored People of the United States: And, Official report of the Niger Valley Exploring Party. Amherst, N.Y: Humanity Books, 2004.
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2
Hunter, Stephen. American gunfight: The plot to kill Harry Truman, and the shoot-out that stopped it. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.
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3
Pain, Emil. Contemporary Russian nationalism in the historical struggle between ‘official nationality’ and ‘popular sovereignty’. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0002.
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This chapter develops the theoretical framework structuring the entire volume: the tension and dynamics between state nationalism and grassroots/societal nationalism in Russia. Against a historical canvas extending from the late eighteenth century to the present, the chapter argues that Russian state authorities have always attempted to neutralise emerging civic nationalism that appeals to the principle of popular sovereignty by substituting it with the paternalistic idea of ‘official nationality’, based on anti-Western ideological stances, great-power chauvinism and xenophobia. This ‘political technology’ has repeatedly been employed by tsarist, Soviet and post-Soviet rulers – most recently during the Ukrainian crisis and in response to the growth of democracy-oriented Russian nationalists of the ‘national-democratic’ movement. The chapter concludes that at present, there are in Russia no political forces that could initiate a deconstruction of the prevailing imperial consciousness.
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Judson, Pieter M. Nationalism in the Era of the Nation State, 1870–1945. Edited by Helmut Walser Smith. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199237395.013.0022.
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Under the first German nation state (1870–1945), nationalism became a more potent and, occasionally, a destabilizing force in politics and social life than it had previously been in German society. With the creation of a German nation state, governments and administrators began to treat nationalism as a legitimate tool for the promotion of their official policies at the same time that all manner of activists, politicians, journalists, and reformers used nationalist rhetoric to legitimate their diverse programs for Germany and claims on the state. This article focuses on nationalism in Germany and the concept of the nation state. This article analyses the concept of the German nation along with the idea of German diasporas, and societal and class conflict within German society and the changes that eventually came within German society.
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Kamusella, Tomasz. Nationalism and National Languages. Edited by James W. Tollefson and Miguel Pérez-Milans. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.8.
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This chapter focuses on the use of languages by Europe’s nation-states in the twentieth century, particularly after 1989. The ethnolinguistically homogeneous nation-state became the norm of legitimate statehood in Europe. At the level of rhetoric, the Soviet Union was an exception, but it was replaced by ethnolinguistic national polities. The idea of the normative isomorphism (tight spatial and symbolic overlapping) of language, nation, and state still obtains in Europe, as exemplified by the parallel breakups of Yugoslavia and its Serbo-Croatian language, so that each successor state (with the exception of Kosovo) has its own national language. The widespread normative insistence that languages should make nations and polities, and nation-states should make languages, is limited to Europe and parts of Asia, prevented elsewhere by the imposition of colonial languages. Interestingly, should the European Union persist in its official polyglotism, the normative thrust of ethnolinguistic nationalism may be blunted in the future.
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Kolstø, Pål, and Helge Blakkisrud. Introduction: Exploring Russian nationalisms. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0001.
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Russian societal nationalism comes in various guises, both ethnic and imperialist. Also Putin’s rhetoric is marked by the tensions between ethnic and state-focused, imperialist thinking. Noting the complex interplay of state nationalism and societal nationalism, this introductory chapter examines the mental framework within which Russian politicians were acting prior to the decision to annex Crimea. The chapter develops a typology of Russian nationalisms, surveys recent developments, and presents the three-part structure of this book: official nationalism, radical and other societal nationalisms, and identities/otherings. It concludes that after the annexation of Crimea, when the state took over the agenda of both ethnic and imperialist nationalists in Russia, societal nationalism finds itself at low ebb.
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Ireland, Patrick. Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.173.
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Migration has had a strong impact on the interplay between ethnicity and nationalism in Sub-Saharan Africa. Today’s ethnic map of Africa is the outcome of a lengthy history of comings and goings. Before the European conquests, Africa was not populated by clearly bounded, territorially grounded tribes or ethnic groups in the Western sense. Instead, the most prominent characteristics of precolonial African societies were mobility, overlapping networks, multiple group membership, and the context-dependent drawing of boundaries. Colonialism was later seen as having shaped, even created ethnic identities, contributing to the African shift away from Western notions of nationalism. Afterward, with the postcolonial state taking up its mantle, ethnic loyalty continued to overpower national identity. Local ethnic associations have since acted as a substitute for national citizenship, and ethnic belonging for national consciousness. Three countries in particular demonstrate this interplay of ethnicity, nationalism, and migration in sub-Saharan Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, together with the homeland of many of its migrants, Burkina Faso, in West Africa; South Africa, together with the homeland of many of its migrants, Lesotho; and Botswana in southern Africa. They show that, even across very disparate countries and regions, a common trend is visible toward official attempts to subsume internal ethnic differences under a form of nationalism defined partly by excluding those deemed sometimes rather arbitrarily to be external to the polity.
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Katsikas, Stefanos. Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 1821-1940. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190652005.001.0001.
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Drawing from a wide range of primary archival and secondary Greek, Bulgarian, and Turkish sources, the book explores the way the Muslim populations of Greece were ruled by state authorities from Greece’s political emancipation from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s up to the country’s entrance into World War II, in October 1940. In particular, the book examines how state rule influenced the development of the Muslim populations’ collective identity as a minority and how it affected Muslim relations with the Greek authorities, Greek Orthodox Christians, and other ethnic and religious groups. Greece was the first country to become an independent state in the Balkans and a pioneer in experimenting with minority issues. With regards to its Muslim populations, Greece’s ruling framework, and many of the country’s state administrative measures and patterns were to serve as a template at a later stage in other Christian Orthodox Balkan states with Muslim minorities (e.g., Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Cyprus): Muslim religious officials were empowered with authorities they did not have in Ottoman times, and aspects of Islamic law (sharia) were incorporated into the state legal system to be used for Muslim family and property affairs. The book shows that these and any policies can be ambivalent and cannot be a guide to present-day solutions. It also argues that religion remained a defining element and that religious nationalism and public institutions played an important role in the development of religious and ethnic identity.
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Eileen, Denza. Nationals and Permanent Residents of the Receiving State. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198703969.003.0043.
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This chapter looks into Article 38 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which deals with the status of nationals and permanent residents admitted by the receiving State. Article 38 states that a diplomatic agent who is a national of or permanently resident in that State shall enjoy only immunity from jurisdiction, and inviolability, in respect of official acts performed in the exercise of his functions except insofar as additional privileges and immunities may be granted by the receiving State. The Article also states that other members of the staff and private servants, who are nationals of or permanently resident in the receiving State, shall enjoy privileges and immunities only to the extent admitted by the receiving State. The chapter provides an overview of the question of whether a diplomatic agent or other member of the mission who was a national of the receiving State should be entitled to privileges and immunities.
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Hofmann, Ana. Micronarratives of Music and (Self-)censorship in Socialist Yugoslavia. Edited by Patricia Hall. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199733163.013.23.
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This chapter explores the music censorship in “totalitarian,” “closed” socialist Yugoslavia, with particular emphasis on “editorial censorship” that involved constant conscious (self-)censorship on the part of authors. Using official (state and scholarly) narratives and media discourses as a framework, the chapter proposes more nuanced and dynamic interpretations of censorial practices in socialist societies that highlight the complexity of socialist music censorship. It considers changes in state cultural policy during the 1970s and their implications for censorship in Yugoslavia in the field of popular music production. Focusing on the “Law Against Šund [art trash],” the chapter examines how Yugoslav officials attempted to end “unregulated cultural politics” and growing nationalism in all fields by promoting an individualized, subjective approach to censorship without strict rules and institutional supervision. It also describes censorship after the break up of Yugoslavia, and especially the emergence of other ways of controlling cultural production in the post-socialist era.
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Barreto, Amílcar Antonio. The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401131.001.0001.
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Should Spanish be Puerto Rico’s sole official language, or should English be a co-official language? Answers to this question are inseparable from matters of cultural pride, nationalism, and political motivations. The island’s government was declared officially bilingual soon after the Spanish-American War. Attempts to overturn the 1902 official languages law failed until 1991 when Governor Rafael Hernández-Colón signed a bill declaring Spanish the sole official language. This updated book explores the complex machinations involved in promoting competing language policies in Puerto Rico since those first salvos in the language wars were launched three decades ago. Far from an isolated controversy, the clash over official languages in this US territory is inseparable from the larger debate over the island’s status and congressional views on the nexus between the English language and American national identity. Were it to become a separate country or remain a Commonwealth, federal policymakers could afford to ignore the island’s language deliberations. Statehood is a completely different matter. Members of Congress have disparate views on whether the American federation is capable or willing to accept a new state dominated by Spanish speakers. Political operatives in San Juan and Washington continue to exploit the island’s language policy issue as a weapon promoting or sabotaging congressional support for statehood. Far from an isolated issue, the Puerto Rico language controversy has been conscripted into the larger battle over American identity. Such debates cast doubts on the country’s willingness to embrace diversity and its commitment to the sacrosanct Civic Creed.
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Rodríguez, Daniel A. The Right to Live in Health. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659732.001.0001.
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Daniel A. Rodríguez’s history of a newly independent Cuba shaking off the U.S. occupation focuses on the intersection of public health and politics in Havana. While medical policies were often used to further American colonial power, in Cuba, Rodríguez argues, they evolved into important expressions of anticolonial nationalism as Cuba struggled to establish itself as a modern state. A younger generation of Cuban medical reformers, including physicians, patients, and officials, imagined disease as a kind of remnant of colonial rule. These new medical nationalists, as Rodríguez calls them, looked to medical science to guide Cuba toward what they envisioned as a healthy and independent future. Rodríguez describes how medicine and new public health projects infused republican Cuba’s statecraft, powerfully shaping the lives of Havana’s residents. He underscores how various stakeholders, including women and people of color, demanded robust government investment in quality medical care for all Cubans, a central national value that continues today. On a broader level, Rodríguez proposes that Latin America, at least as much as the United States and Europe, was an engine for the articulation of citizens’ rights, including the right to health care, in the twentieth century.
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Cosentino, Olivia, and Brian Price, eds. The Lost Cinema of Mexico. University Press of Florida, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683402534.001.0001.
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This volume moves beyond the exhausted official history of art cinema and cultural nationalism to recover the dismissed, lost films of 1960s to 1980s Mexican cinema. The Lost Cinema of Mexico features a sample of popular and iconic genres, including rock and roll films, luchadora cinema via star Lorena Velázquez, the Chili Western, Sergio García Michel’s Super-8 productions, 1970s Black melodramas, and 1980s cine familiar, plus auteurism in crisis through Felipe Cazals. This collection tracks industrial trends in production, distribution, exhibition, and reception. The chapters offer insights into the changing dynamics of gender, race, and politics in the Mexican social imaginary as State-sponsored revolutionary nationalism faltered. This volume abandons the dominant organizing paradigm of Mexican national identity, advocating for new frameworks of study and a re-periodization of Mexican film history through the reconsideration of this lost cinema.
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Mukherjee, Supriya. Indian Historical Writing since 1947. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199225996.003.0026.
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This chapter focuses on Indian historical writing. The end of colonial rule in 1947 was a turning point in Indian historical writing and culture. History emerged as a professional discipline with the establishment of new state-sponsored institutions of research and teaching. Attached to the institutionalization was the political imperative of a newly independent nation in search of a coherent and comprehensive historical narrative to support its nation-building efforts. At the same time, there was a desire to establish an autonomous Indian perspective, free of colonial constraints and distortions. In this, post-independence historiography owed much to earlier strands of nationalist historiography. During the first two decades after independence, three main trajectories of historical writing emerged: an official and largely secular nationalist historiography, a cultural nationalist historiography with strong religious overtones, and a critical Marxist trajectory based on analyses of social forms.
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Tamura, Eileen H. Renunciation. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037788.003.0009.
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This chapter recounts how President Franklin Roosevelt signed Public Law (PL) 405 on July 1, 1944, which amended the Nationality Act of 1940 to allow U.S. citizens living in the United States to renounce their citizenship during wartime. Although not stated explicitly, the law was aimed at dissident Nisei. As Manzanar Project Director Ralph Merritt remarked of the statute, “This is the first time in the history of a civilized nation that a government has permitted a citizen, during a state of war, to renounce his citizenship.” Officials had several motives for favoring such a law. Some sought to have renunciants exchanged for U.S. citizens detained in Japan. Indeed, the chairman of the House Immigration and Naturalization Committee, Samuel Dickstein, suggested that the law's provisions be publicized in the camps, to be followed by notices “calling for volunteers to go to Japan in trade for Americans.”
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Park, Alyssa. Sovereignty Experiments. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501738364.001.0001.
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This book examines Korean migration and settlement in the Tumen valley, officials’ views of Korean migrants, and competing attempts by Korea, Russia (Soviet Union), China, and Japan to govern them in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It argues that these attempts derived from broader aspirations on the part of statesmen to establish exclusive claims over territory and people—the definition of modern sovereignty—in a borderland where such claims had been asserted but not actively enforced. Migrants posed a challenge because they transgressed borders and defied official efforts to contain their movements and to define them as part of distinct political communities. The book analyzes jurisdictional debates, diplomatic negotiations, international treaties, border regulations, legal categorization of subjects and aliens, and cultural and religious missions that were carried out among Koreans. It further explores migrants’ subversion and use of new laws to their own ends, especially in Russia. Integrating sources across contiguous geographies, this transnational history revises nationalist and imperialist histories that have subsumed the region and its Koreans under narratives of colonization or assimilation by a particular state and instead foregrounds the development of common concerns about mobility, borders, and political belonging across Northeast Asia.
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Sujit, Choudhry. Part VI Constitutional Theory, F The Canadian Constitution in a Comparative Law Perspective, Ch.50 The Canadian Constitution and the World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780190664817.003.0050.
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This chapter examines the influence of elements of Canada’s constitutional model abroad, in three areas: (1) the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms as an innovative way to institutionalize the relationship among legislatures, executives, and courts with respect to the enforcement of a constitutional bill of rights, as justified by “dialogue theory”, that contrasts starkly with its leading alternatives, the American and German systems of judicial supremacy; (2) Canada’s plurinational federalism as a strategy to accommodate minority nationalism and dampen the demand for secession and independence within the context of a single state, by divorcing the equation of state and nation; and (3) the complex interplay between a constitutional bill of rights and minority nation-building, as reflected in the constitutional politics surrounding the recognition of Quebec’s distinctiveness, and the role of the Supreme Court of Canada in adjudicating constitutional conflicts over official language policy arising out of Quebec.
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Helfont, Samuel. Compulsion in Religion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843311.001.0001.
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Compulsion in Religion relies on extensive research with Ba’thist archives to investigate the roots of the religious insurgencies that erupted in Iraq following the American-led invasion in 2003. The Iraqi archival records demonstrate that by the 1990s, Saddam’s regime had developed institutions to control and monitor Iraq’s religious landscape. The regime’s ability to do so provided it with confidence to launch a national “Faith Campaign” and to inject religion into Iraqi politics in a controlled manner. Islam played a greater role in the regime’s symbols and Saddam Hussein’s statements in the 1990s than it had in earlier decades. This increase in religious rhetoric did not represent a shift from secular-nationalist ideology to Islamism, however. The regime’s official policies toward religious leaders and institutions remained remarkably consistent throughout the Ba’thist period; Saddam spoke derisively about all forms of Islamist politics in Iraq throughout his presidency. He promoted a Ba’thist interpretation of religion that subordinated it to Arab nationalism rather than depicting the religion as an independent or primary political identity. Saddam did so explicitly to undermine Islamists and the revolutionary religious movements that would emerge after 2003. When the American-led invasion of 2003 destroyed the regime’s authoritarian structures, it unhinged the forces that these structures were designed to contain, creating an atmosphere infused with politically instrumentalized religion but lacking the checks provided by the former regime. Sadrists, al-Qaida, and eventually the Islamic State emerged out of this context to unleash the insurgencies that have plagued post-2003 Iraq.
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Calloway, Colin G. (Colin Gordon), 1953- author of foreword and Smith, Paul Chaat, author of afterword, eds. Officially Indian: Symbols that define the United States. National Museum of the American Indian, 2017.
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Consular notification and access: Instructions for federal, state, and local law enforcement and other officials regarding foreign nationals in the United States and the rights of consular officials to assist them. 2nd ed. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Dept. of State, 2003.
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United States. Dept. of State., ed. Consular notification and access: Instructions for federal, state, and local law enforcement and other officials regarding foreign nationals in the United States and the rights of consular officials to assist them. Washington, D.C: U.S. Department of State, 1998.
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United States. Dept. of State., ed. Consular notification and access: Instructions for federal, state, and local law enforcement and other officials regarding foreign nationals in the United States and the rights of consular officials to assist them. 2nd ed. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Dept. of State, 2003.
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Chang, Jason Oliver. Forging a Racial Contract. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040863.003.0006.
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This chapter documents the far-reaching consequences of the rise of antichinistas within the revolutionary state as officials and politicians fought for the hegemony of mestizo nationalism. Antichinismo became an influential ideology that shaped policy, programs, and the country’s longest running political party. The chapter illustrates that antichinismo became popular not because it rejected the Chinese, but because rejecting the Chinese created an image of benevolent intervention and citizenship practices that did not challenge the revolutionary state. The chapter turns to the 1929 presidential election, the raise of Mexican eugenics, the formation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario, the racial politics of Rafael Melgar’s Depression era Campaña Nacionalista, and several instrumental reforms in land, labor, census, and immigration policy. The ascendence of antichinismo to the highest echelons of Mexican society was reflected back in new rounds of violence against the Chinese and state-wide expulsions in Sonora and Sinaloa in 1931-32.
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Robertson, Jennifer. Eugenics in Japan: Sanguinous Repair. Edited by Alison Bashford and Philippa Levine. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195373141.013.0026.
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The article aims to discuss the relationships between eugenics, nationalism, and colonialism in Japan, and to highlight the ways in which eugenics was popularized and incorporated into everyday practices and official policies at home and in the colonies. It deals with eugenics-related activities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and addresses some of their postwar guises. It discusses some of these guises as posthuman eugenics, or the biotechnological enhancement of human life and reproduction. It concludes with the argument that Japan was only one of many nation-states to employ eugenics as social policy nearly a century ago, but it may be one of the first to implement posthuman eugenics to address looming demographic concerns.
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Sica, Emanuele. Italian Irredentism and French Patriotism in the Côte d’Azur. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039850.003.0004.
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This chapter focuses on Italian irredentist groups in the French Riviera and how they lobbied on both sides of the border as part of their campaign for the incorporation of the County of Nice into the new Fascist regime. To further undermine the French state in preparation for a possible annexation of the French Riviera at the end of World War II, and in spite of the aristocratic disdain they harbored for the local Italian immigrants, officials of the Commissione di Armistizio con la Francia (CIAF) attempted to fully mobilize local Fascist militants. In spite of being united by a common goal, however, CIAF officials despised the irredentists. This chapter examines how the mobilization of local irredentists in the Côte d’Azur turned out to be a double-edged sword. It also considers how French nationalism in the region was stirred by Italian irredentism. Finally, it discusses the disputes between Italian representatives in France and the local population, not only in the Alpes-Maritimes but in other parts of the country.
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Haroon, Sana. Competing Views of Pashtun Tribalism, Islam, and Society in the Indo-Afghan Borderlands. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520294134.003.0008.
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This chapter explores descriptions of Pashtun tribes and their religious predisposition in 20th century Urdu literature associated with strategic mobilization of the Pashtun regions, and highlights the inconsistency of this discourse with other twentieth-century nationalist projects in colonial India and Afghanistan. In the first instance, the 1914-36 writings of a group called the Jama‘at-i Mujahidin were at variance with the Pashtun and Muslim nationalist positions of the Khuda’i Khidmatgars and the Jamʻiyyat al-‘Ulama-yi Hind, and with the officially sanctioned geographies of the Afghan state. In the second instance, writings published in Pakistan during the period of the anti-Soviet Afghan jihad contradicted USAID- and Kabul-funded demographic and cartographic studies of the 1970s. Such descriptions of Pashtun religious predisposition, tribal valor, resistance and autonomy must be understood as intentional and disruptive interventions in knowledge production about, and political organization in, the Pashtun regions.
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Llewellyn, Matthew P., and John Gleaves. The Ultimate Move. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040351.003.0009.
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This chapter discusses the continued decline of amateurism in the late twentieth century. As professional sport grew in popularity, the lines between amateurism and professionalism blurred further. An expanding global media apparatus, in concert with avaricious corporations and shrewd marketing agencies, transformed professional athletes into global sporting icons. The Olympic Movement faced higher competition. Although the fusion of nationalism and Citius, Altius, Fortius made the Olympic Games an attractive commodity, the Internatioal Olympic Commitee's eligibility code—and the forced prohibition of some of the world's leading athletes—dampened the spectacle. Public condemnations and accusations of hypocrisy damaged the Olympic brand. With multimillion dollar television broadcasting deals at stake, Olympic officials displayed an unwillingness to make the necessary sacrifices to preserve amateurism.
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Mette Prassé, Hartov. Part II Commentaries to Typical Sofa Rules, 8 Members of Visiting Forces. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808404.003.0008.
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This chapter provides a proposed scope of application of the NATO SOFA and compares this to other agreements. In the NATO SOFA, the definition of a ‘force’ covers both collective military units and individuals in active service and assigned to the military line of command. Nationality is not a condition to be met as a ‘member of a force’. The member of the armed service of one party must be present on the territory of another contracting party to fall within the definition, and as such, Receiving State personnel are excluded from the definition of a ‘force’. The force must furthermore be operating in the North Atlantic Treaty area. Finally, the member of the force must be present on the territory of another party in connection with official duties. This condition, particularly, has generated discussion in NATO SOFA practice.
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Mennecke, Martin. The African Union and Universal Jurisdiction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198810568.003.0002.
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Universal jurisdiction permits states to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of certain widely condemned offences, irrespective of whether they possess any of the traditional territorial, nationality, or other jurisdictional links to the offence. As a legal principle, African states accept the principle of universal jurisdiction, but in the past decade they have pushed back against it due to the perception that the courts of various European states have unfairly targeted African government officials that they perceive as enemies. Against this background, the chapter examines the status of the universal jurisdiction debate and how it relates to the role of the International Criminal Court and that of the African Union and its member states, in addition to evaluating the proposals made by African states within the framework of the United Nations to address the African government concerns about double standards in the application of universal jurisdiction through a special ad hoc committee of the General Assembly.
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Ballengee, Christopher L. Steel orchestras and tassa bands. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199352227.003.0005.
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In the 1950s, the steel orchestra in Trinidad and Tobago became an icon of a nationalist discourse promoting African Trinidadian culture as national culture. In subsequent decades, steel orchestras were subsidized by the state and routinely linked with moments of national significance. Some Indian Trinidadian leaders met steelpan’s official declaration as the country’s national instrument in 1992 with accusations of unequal representation and they have continued to press the government to make the Indian Trinidadian tassa drum co-national instrument. This chapter surveys the cultural and political histories of steel orchestras and tassa bands and uses the national instrument debate as a key example of how notions of collective creativity, multiculturalism and national identity are processed through ideas about music and musical performance. The chapter concludes with a discussion of collaborations between steelpan and tassa musicians as representative of a desire to create musical and ideological fusions that reflect Trinidad and Tobago’s multiculturalism.
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Dean, Austin. China and the End of Global Silver, 1873-1937. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752407.001.0001.
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In the late nineteenth century, as much of the world adopted some variant of the gold standard, China remained the most populous country still using silver. Yet China had no unified national currency; there was not one monetary standard but many. Silver coins circulated alongside chunks of silver and every transaction became an “encounter of wits.” This book focuses on how officials, policy makers, bankers, merchants, academics, and journalists in China and around the world answered a simple question: how should China change its monetary system? Far from a narrow, technical issue, Chinese monetary reform is a dramatic story full of political revolutions, economic depressions, chance, and contingency. As different governments in China attempted to create a unified monetary standard in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the United States, England, and Japan tried to shape the direction of Chinese monetary reform for their own benefit. This book argues convincingly that the silver era in world history ended owing to the interaction of imperial competition in East Asia and the state-building projects of different governments in China. When the Nationalist government of China went off the silver standard in 1935, it marked a key moment not just in Chinese history but in world history.
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Davis, Muriam Haleh. Markets of Civilization. Duke University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478023104.
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In Markets of Civilization Muriam Haleh Davis provides a history of racial capitalism, showing how Islam became a racial category that shaped economic development in colonial and postcolonial Algeria. French officials in Paris and Algiers introduced what Davis terms “a racial regime of religion” that subjected Algerian Muslims to discriminatory political and economic structures. These experts believed that introducing a market economy would modernize society and discourage anticolonial nationalism. Planners, politicians, and economists implemented reforms that both sought to transform Algerians into modern economic subjects and drew on racial assumptions despite the formally color-blind policies of the French state. Following independence, convictions about the inherent link between religious beliefs and economic behavior continued to influence development policies. Algerian president Ahmed Ben Bella embraced a specifically Algerian socialism founded on Islamic principles, while French technocrats saw Algeria as a testing ground for development projects elsewhere in the Global South. Highlighting the entanglements of race and religion, Davis demonstrates that economic orthodoxies helped fashion understandings of national identity on both sides of the Mediterranean during decolonization.
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Blythe, Christopher James. Terrible Revolution. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190080280.001.0001.
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The relationship between Mormons and the United States was marked by anxiety and hostility. Nineteenth-century Latter-day Saints looked forward to apocalyptic events that would unseat corrupt governments across the globe but would particularly decimate the tyrannical government of the United States. Mormons turned to prophecies of divine deliverance by way of plagues, natural disasters, foreign invasions, American Indian raids, slave uprisings, or civil war unleashed on American cities and American people. For the Saints, these violent images promised an end to their oppression. It also promised a national rebirth as part of the millennial Kingdom of God that would vouchsafe the protections of the U.S. Constitution. Blythe examines apocalypticism across the history of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, particularly as it would take shape in localized and personalized forms in the writings and visions of ordinary Latter-day Saints outside of the church’s leadership. By following the official response of church leaders to lay prophecy, Blythe shows how the hierarchy, committed to a form of separatist nationalism of their own, encouraged apocalypticism during the nineteenth century. Yet, after Utah obtained statehood, as the church sought to accommodate to national norms for religious denominations, leaders sought to lessen the tensions between themselves and American political and cultural powers. As a result, visions of a violent end to the nation became a liability, and leaders began to disavow and regulate these apocalyptic narratives especially as they showed up among the laity.
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Kaur, Raminder. Kudankulam. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199498710.001.0001.
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The book tells the many stories that circulate around a nuclear power plant in Kudankulam in the southern peninsular region of Tamil Nadu in India from the late 1980s. The tales are by way of fishermen and women, farmers, environmentalists, activists, writers, scholars, teachers, journalists, priests, children, as much as they are of lawyers, scientists, state officials and the author drawing upon an interdisciplinary field as the subject compels. They show how peninsular residents contended with the prospect of one of Asia’s largest nuclear enterprise being built on their doorstep. They reveal what role the nuclear plant plays in contested discourses of development, democracy, and nationalism in multiple spaces of criticality. Based on over a decade of historical and ethnographic research, we learn about the anti-nuclear campaign’s part in ‘right-to-lives’ movements, the (re)production of knowledge and ignorance in the understanding of radiation, and tactics to create an evidence base in response to the otherwise unavailable or inaccessible data on radiation and public health in India. In the process, the author casts a lens on how national and transnational solidarity was both received and curtailed, where processes of neo-liberalization and national security led to the hardening of the ‘nuclear state’. This phenomenon came with the direct and indirect repression of the anti-nuclear movement with the engineering of ‘death conditions’ for its protagonists. Altogether, this is one of the few books that has at its heart the many facets of a grassroots movement for energy justice in the global south from the 1980s that, three decades on, went on to become an international cause célèbre.
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Santelli, Maureen Connors. The Greek Fire. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501715785.001.0001.
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This book examines the United States' early global influence as the fledgling nation that inserted itself in conflicts that were oceans away. It focuses on the American fascination with and involvement in the Greek Revolution in the 1820s and 1830s. That nationalist movement incited an American philhellenic movement that pushed the borders of US interests into the eastern Mediterranean and infused a global perspective into domestic conversations concerning freedom and reform. Perceiving strong cultural, intellectual, and racial ties with Greece, American men and women identified Greece as the seedbed of American democracy and a crucial source of American values. Grassroots organizations sent men, money, and supplies to aid the Greeks. Philhellenes, often led by women, joined efforts with benevolence and missionary groups and together they promoted humanitarianism, education reform, and evangelism. Public pressure on the US Congress, however, did not result in intervention on behalf of the Greeks. Commercial interests convinced US officials to remain out of the conflict. The book analyzes the role of Americans in the Greek Revolution and the aftermath of US involvement. In doing so, it revises understandings of US involvement in foreign affairs, and shows how diplomacy developed at the same time as Americans were learning what it meant to be a country, and what that country stood for.
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Inventing the "American Way": The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement. Oxford University Press, USA, 2007.
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Hunter, Stephen, and John Bainbridge. American Gunfight. Books on Tape, 2005.
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Gross, Michael L. Military Medical Ethics in Contemporary Armed Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190694944.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Beleaguered countries struggling against aggression or powerful nations defending others from brutal regimes mobilize medicine to wage just war. As states funnel medical resources to maintain unit readiness and conserve military capabilities, numerous ethical challenges foreign to peacetime medicine ensue. Force conservation drives combat hospitals to prioritize warfighter care over all others. Civilians find themselves bereft of medical attention; prison officials force feed hunger-striking detainees; policymakers manage health care to win the hearts and minds of local nationals; and scientists develop neuro-technologies or nanosurgery to create super soldiers. When the fighting ends, intractable moral dilemmas rebound. Postwar justice demands enormous investments of time, resources, and personnel. But losing interest and no longer zealous, war-weary nations forget their duties to rebuild ravaged countries abroad and rehabilitate their war-torn veterans at home. Addressing these incendiary issues, Military Medical Ethics in Contemporary Armed Conflict integrates the ethics of medicine and the ethics of war. Medical ethics in times of war is not identical to medical ethics in times of peace but a unique discipline. Without war, there is no military medicine, and without just war, there is no military medical ethics. Military Medical Ethics in Contemporary Armed Conflict revises, defends, and rebuts wartime medical practices, just as it lays the moral foundation for casualty care in future conflicts.
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Inventing the American Way: The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2009.
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Hunter, Stephen. American Gunfight: The Plot to Kill President Truman--and the Shoot-out That Stopped It. Simon & Schuster, 2007.
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