Academic literature on the topic 'Official State Nationalism'
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Journal articles on the topic "Official State Nationalism"
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Kyriazi, Anna, and Matthias vom Hau. "Textbooks, Postcards, and the Public Consolidation of Nationalism in Latin America." Qualitative Sociology 43, no. 4 (August 15, 2020): 515–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-020-09467-8.
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Abstract The existing macro-historical scholarship tends to assert rather than demonstrate the wider impact of nationalism. Yet, state-sponsored national ideologies permeate the broader reaches of society to varying degrees. To investigate variations in the consolidation of official nationalism, this paper combines the content analysis of school textbooks as state-regulated and picture postcards as primarily market-driven sources. Building on this novel methodological approach, we find that textbooks published in mid-twentieth-century Argentina, Mexico, and Peru promoted a similar popular nationalism that portrayed the lower classes as “true” national subjects. However, picture postcards from the same period demonstrate that the consolidation of this official national ideology varied. In Mexico and Peru, the new state-sponsored conceptions of nationhood gained presence in public life, but they did not to take hold in Argentina. We conclude that studying the top-down nationalist messages promoted by states should not be equated with studying their ideological impact in public life.
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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Post-Communist Nationalism as A Power Resource: A Russia-Ukraine Comparison." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 2 (June 2000): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687473.
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The end of communism brought hopes for a wholesale liberal-democratic transformation to the republics of the former Soviet Union. However, bitter disenchantment soon followed, as resurrected nationalism undermined the republics' stability and threatened democracy. Mass nationalist movements in these countries were not observed until the regime's initial liberalization. In most cases, the high phase of nationalist mobilization was reached only after the postcommunist state elites endorsed nationalism as an official policy of the state. In each instance, nationalist strategies of the state were defined in a complex interplay of domestic and international factors. Ethnicity became politicized as a resource for political action when other resources proved inadequate or insufficient. In addition, exogenous factors often played a leading role in this development.
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Koulos, Thanos. "A digital territory to be appropriated: the state and the nationalization of cyberspace." Open Research Europe 1 (March 28, 2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.14010.2.
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Next to land, water, air and space, cyberspace is the complex socio-technical setting often called the ‘fifth domain’. Nationalism has taken over the organization of the first four domains, in the form of constructing national states, national territorial waters and national airspace. The basic proposition of this article is that the ideology of nationalism has also infiltrated the fifth domain – cyberspace – in two ways. First, through state-led cyber-nationalism via official government websites that present ‘national’ achievements and propagate the official state positions on disputes about territory, symbols or history. Second, through individual communities who use the internet to sustain a sense of national belonging and/or to promote and disseminate their nationalist ideals. Both ways are important in an online national identity (re)production framework that, in a fluid, global, modern world, functions supportively towards the traditional national identity (re)production mechanisms. This article aims to examine the patterns of the nationalization of cyberspace through an analysis of state-led institutions and government websites that aim to enhance national identity and the sense of national belonging in a globalized world, as well as to propagate official state positions. It will focus on Greek, Dutch, US and Israeli websites. The term ‘nationalization’ in this context denotes the ideological charging of the cyber-footprint of the nation: how the internet produces and re-produces the nation, how the users partake in the national community by way of ‘consuming’ the digitalized national ideology, and the way cyber-nationalism defines people’s sense of belonging.
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Koulos, Thanos. "A digital territory to be appropriated: the state and the nationalization of cyberspace." Open Research Europe 1 (October 6, 2021): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.14010.1.
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Next to land, water, air and space, cyberspace is the complex socio-technical setting often called the ‘fifth domain’. Nationalism has taken over the organization of the first four domains, in the form of constructing national states, national territorial waters and national airspace. The basic proposition of this article is that the ideology of nationalism has also infiltrated the fifth domain – cyberspace – in two ways. First, through state-led cyber-nationalism via official government websites that present ‘national’ achievements and propagate the official state positions on disputes about territory, symbols or history. Second, through individual communities who use the internet to sustain a sense of national belonging and/or to promote and disseminate their nationalist ideals. Both ways are important in an online national identity (re)production framework that, in a fluid, global, modern world, functions supportively towards the traditional national identity (re)production mechanisms. This article aims to examine the patterns of the nationalization of cyberspace through an analysis of state-led institutions and government websites that aim to enhance national identity and the sense of national belonging in a globalized world, as well as to propagate official state positions. It will focus on Greek, Dutch, US and Israeli websites. The term ‘nationalization’ in this context denotes the ideological charging of the cyber-footprint of the nation: how the internet produces and re-produces the nation, how the users partake in the national community by way of ‘consuming’ the digitalized national ideology, and the way cyber-nationalism defines people’s sense of belonging.
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Marashi, Afshin. "Imagining Hāfez: Rabindranath Tagore in Iran, 1932." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 46–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x505951.
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AbstractIn April and May of 1932, Rabindranath Tagore traveled to Iran on an official visit. He had been invited to Iran as the official guest of Rezā Shah Pahlavi. Using an array of primary source material, this article examines the cultural, political, and ideological implications of this trip for the emerging discourse of nationalism in interwar Iran. The article argues that Tagore’s visit played an important part in promoting the new official nationalism of the Pahlavi state. The emerging interwar ideology of “Pahlavi nationalism” sought to dissociate Iran from the Abrahamic-Islamicate “civilizational ethos” that was now understood to have long dominated Iranian culture, and instead sought to associate Iranian nationalism’s claim of cultural authenticity to a newly emerging notion of “Indo-Iranian civilization” rooted in the pre-Islamic culture of Zoroastrianism and Aryanism. Tagore’s visit to Iran was seen as an opportunity for his Iranian hosts to present him to the Iranian public as a living personification of this newly conceived idea of national authenticity. The public ceremonies and pronouncements that accompanied Tagore during the four-week trip all reinforced this basic message. The paper therefore argues that the Tagore visit to Iran was closely tied to the Pahlavi state’s policy of cultural nationalism.
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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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ABBOTT, JARED A., HILLEL DAVID SOIFER, and MATTHIAS VOM HAU. "Transforming the Nation? The Bolivarian Education Reform in Venezuela." Journal of Latin American Studies 49, no. 4 (July 13, 2017): 885–916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000402.
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AbstractThe Chávez government introduced a ‘Bolivarian’ national curriculum to promote radically different understandings of Venezuelan history and identity. We place the fate of this reform initiative within the broader study of state formation and nationalism. Scholars have long identified mass schooling as the key institution for socialising citizens and cultivating national loyalties, and many states have attempted to alter the nationalist content of schooling with these ends in mind. Venezuela constitutes an ideal case for identifying the specific conditions under which transformations of official national ideologies do and do not gain broader resonance. Using evidence derived from textbook analysis and semi-structured interviews with educational officials and teachers in Caracas, we highlight a new argument, showing that intrastate tensions between the central government and teachers, heightened by a well-established cultural machinery and by teachers’ increasing exclusion from the Chavista political coalition, explain the limited success in government efforts to implement Bolivarian nationalism through the school curriculum.
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Laruelle, Marlene. "Is Nationalism a Force for Change in Russia?" Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00437.
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This essay defines three categories of Russian nationalist actors: nonstate actors, whose agenda is anti-Putin; parastate actors, who have their own ideological niche, not always in tune with the presidential administration's narrative, but who operate under the state umbrella; and state actors, in particular, the presidential administration. In the future, the Russian ethnonationalism embodied by nonstate actors is the main trend that could pose a serious threat to the regime. However, the Kremlin is not “frozen” in terms of ideology, and its flexibility allows it to adapt to evolving situations. One of the most plausible scenarios is the rise of a figure inside the establishment who would be able to prevent the polarization of Russian nationalism into an antiregime narrative and could co-opt some of its slogans and leaders, in order to gradually channel the official narrative toward a more state-controlled nationalism.
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Zeng, Wenna, and Colin Sparks. "Popular nationalism: Global Times and the US–China trade war." International Communication Gazette 82, no. 1 (October 4, 2019): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519880723.
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This article analyses the coverage of the current US–China trade war in the Global Times. Some scholars argue that official nationalism, which stress the unity of the Chinese people, is challenged by popular nationalism, which privileges the dominant Han ethnicity, and that official nationalism is forced to make concessions to popular nationalism. If this is true, then one would expect to find evidence in the coverage of international issues in a ‘popular’ official newspaper like Global Times. The newspaper’s coverage stresses negative features of the USA, but devotes considerable space to the damage that Trump's policies are doing to ordinary Americans. It does not present China as the unique victim of US economic aggression. The coverage stresses broad international agreement for free trade, leaving the USA isolated in adopting protectionist policies. At least in this instance, state-led nationalism remains central and no concessions are made to popular sentiments.
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Houliston, Linda, Stanislav Ivanov, and Craig Webster. "Nationalism in Official Tourism Websites of Balkan Countries." Tourism 69, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.37741/t.69.1.7.
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This paper investigates the official tourism websites for the Balkan countries of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey to learn about its depiction of the nation for an international tourism market. The research combines Pauwels’ (2012) multimodal discourse analysis method designed for cultural websites with Smith’s (1998) six main institutional dimensions to seek out potential nationalistic patterns involving the state, territory, language, religion, history, and rites and ceremonies. The findings mostly involve verbal and visual signifiers that have a historical context to them such as antiquity, communism, Yugoslavia, religion, irredentism, the Ottoman Empire, and national identity. The findings illustrate that official websites, while being sensitive not to alienate international tourists, portray a sense of nationalism but do so in a different way, based upon the historical experiences and unique features of each country surveyed.
Books on the topic "Official State Nationalism"
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Party, Niger Valley Exploring, ed. The condition, elevation, emigration, and destiny of the Colored People of the United States: And, Official report of the Niger Valley Exploring Party. Amherst, N.Y: Humanity Books, 2004.
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Hunter, Stephen. American gunfight: The plot to kill Harry Truman, and the shoot-out that stopped it. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2005.
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Pain, Emil. Contemporary Russian nationalism in the historical struggle between ‘official nationality’ and ‘popular sovereignty’. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0002.
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This chapter develops the theoretical framework structuring the entire volume: the tension and dynamics between state nationalism and grassroots/societal nationalism in Russia. Against a historical canvas extending from the late eighteenth century to the present, the chapter argues that Russian state authorities have always attempted to neutralise emerging civic nationalism that appeals to the principle of popular sovereignty by substituting it with the paternalistic idea of ‘official nationality’, based on anti-Western ideological stances, great-power chauvinism and xenophobia. This ‘political technology’ has repeatedly been employed by tsarist, Soviet and post-Soviet rulers – most recently during the Ukrainian crisis and in response to the growth of democracy-oriented Russian nationalists of the ‘national-democratic’ movement. The chapter concludes that at present, there are in Russia no political forces that could initiate a deconstruction of the prevailing imperial consciousness.
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Judson, Pieter M. Nationalism in the Era of the Nation State, 1870–1945. Edited by Helmut Walser Smith. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199237395.013.0022.
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Under the first German nation state (1870–1945), nationalism became a more potent and, occasionally, a destabilizing force in politics and social life than it had previously been in German society. With the creation of a German nation state, governments and administrators began to treat nationalism as a legitimate tool for the promotion of their official policies at the same time that all manner of activists, politicians, journalists, and reformers used nationalist rhetoric to legitimate their diverse programs for Germany and claims on the state. This article focuses on nationalism in Germany and the concept of the nation state. This article analyses the concept of the German nation along with the idea of German diasporas, and societal and class conflict within German society and the changes that eventually came within German society.
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Kamusella, Tomasz. Nationalism and National Languages. Edited by James W. Tollefson and Miguel Pérez-Milans. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190458898.013.8.
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This chapter focuses on the use of languages by Europe’s nation-states in the twentieth century, particularly after 1989. The ethnolinguistically homogeneous nation-state became the norm of legitimate statehood in Europe. At the level of rhetoric, the Soviet Union was an exception, but it was replaced by ethnolinguistic national polities. The idea of the normative isomorphism (tight spatial and symbolic overlapping) of language, nation, and state still obtains in Europe, as exemplified by the parallel breakups of Yugoslavia and its Serbo-Croatian language, so that each successor state (with the exception of Kosovo) has its own national language. The widespread normative insistence that languages should make nations and polities, and nation-states should make languages, is limited to Europe and parts of Asia, prevented elsewhere by the imposition of colonial languages. Interestingly, should the European Union persist in its official polyglotism, the normative thrust of ethnolinguistic nationalism may be blunted in the future.
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Kolstø, Pål, and Helge Blakkisrud. Introduction: Exploring Russian nationalisms. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0001.
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Russian societal nationalism comes in various guises, both ethnic and imperialist. Also Putin’s rhetoric is marked by the tensions between ethnic and state-focused, imperialist thinking. Noting the complex interplay of state nationalism and societal nationalism, this introductory chapter examines the mental framework within which Russian politicians were acting prior to the decision to annex Crimea. The chapter develops a typology of Russian nationalisms, surveys recent developments, and presents the three-part structure of this book: official nationalism, radical and other societal nationalisms, and identities/otherings. It concludes that after the annexation of Crimea, when the state took over the agenda of both ethnic and imperialist nationalists in Russia, societal nationalism finds itself at low ebb.
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Ireland, Patrick. Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.173.
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Migration has had a strong impact on the interplay between ethnicity and nationalism in Sub-Saharan Africa. Today’s ethnic map of Africa is the outcome of a lengthy history of comings and goings. Before the European conquests, Africa was not populated by clearly bounded, territorially grounded tribes or ethnic groups in the Western sense. Instead, the most prominent characteristics of precolonial African societies were mobility, overlapping networks, multiple group membership, and the context-dependent drawing of boundaries. Colonialism was later seen as having shaped, even created ethnic identities, contributing to the African shift away from Western notions of nationalism. Afterward, with the postcolonial state taking up its mantle, ethnic loyalty continued to overpower national identity. Local ethnic associations have since acted as a substitute for national citizenship, and ethnic belonging for national consciousness. Three countries in particular demonstrate this interplay of ethnicity, nationalism, and migration in sub-Saharan Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, together with the homeland of many of its migrants, Burkina Faso, in West Africa; South Africa, together with the homeland of many of its migrants, Lesotho; and Botswana in southern Africa. They show that, even across very disparate countries and regions, a common trend is visible toward official attempts to subsume internal ethnic differences under a form of nationalism defined partly by excluding those deemed sometimes rather arbitrarily to be external to the polity.
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Katsikas, Stefanos. Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 1821-1940. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190652005.001.0001.
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Drawing from a wide range of primary archival and secondary Greek, Bulgarian, and Turkish sources, the book explores the way the Muslim populations of Greece were ruled by state authorities from Greece’s political emancipation from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s up to the country’s entrance into World War II, in October 1940. In particular, the book examines how state rule influenced the development of the Muslim populations’ collective identity as a minority and how it affected Muslim relations with the Greek authorities, Greek Orthodox Christians, and other ethnic and religious groups. Greece was the first country to become an independent state in the Balkans and a pioneer in experimenting with minority issues. With regards to its Muslim populations, Greece’s ruling framework, and many of the country’s state administrative measures and patterns were to serve as a template at a later stage in other Christian Orthodox Balkan states with Muslim minorities (e.g., Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Cyprus): Muslim religious officials were empowered with authorities they did not have in Ottoman times, and aspects of Islamic law (sharia) were incorporated into the state legal system to be used for Muslim family and property affairs. The book shows that these and any policies can be ambivalent and cannot be a guide to present-day solutions. It also argues that religion remained a defining element and that religious nationalism and public institutions played an important role in the development of religious and ethnic identity.
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Eileen, Denza. Nationals and Permanent Residents of the Receiving State. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198703969.003.0043.
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This chapter looks into Article 38 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which deals with the status of nationals and permanent residents admitted by the receiving State. Article 38 states that a diplomatic agent who is a national of or permanently resident in that State shall enjoy only immunity from jurisdiction, and inviolability, in respect of official acts performed in the exercise of his functions except insofar as additional privileges and immunities may be granted by the receiving State. The Article also states that other members of the staff and private servants, who are nationals of or permanently resident in the receiving State, shall enjoy privileges and immunities only to the extent admitted by the receiving State. The chapter provides an overview of the question of whether a diplomatic agent or other member of the mission who was a national of the receiving State should be entitled to privileges and immunities.
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Hofmann, Ana. Micronarratives of Music and (Self-)censorship in Socialist Yugoslavia. Edited by Patricia Hall. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199733163.013.23.
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This chapter explores the music censorship in “totalitarian,” “closed” socialist Yugoslavia, with particular emphasis on “editorial censorship” that involved constant conscious (self-)censorship on the part of authors. Using official (state and scholarly) narratives and media discourses as a framework, the chapter proposes more nuanced and dynamic interpretations of censorial practices in socialist societies that highlight the complexity of socialist music censorship. It considers changes in state cultural policy during the 1970s and their implications for censorship in Yugoslavia in the field of popular music production. Focusing on the “Law Against Šund [art trash],” the chapter examines how Yugoslav officials attempted to end “unregulated cultural politics” and growing nationalism in all fields by promoting an individualized, subjective approach to censorship without strict rules and institutional supervision. It also describes censorship after the break up of Yugoslavia, and especially the emergence of other ways of controlling cultural production in the post-socialist era.
Book chapters on the topic "Official State Nationalism"
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Dietrich, Christopher R. W. "Suez and the United States: Oil, Lifelines, and “All of Mankind” in the Cold War." In Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security, 71–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15670-0_4.
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AbstractThis chapter analyzes the rhetoric and policy of U.S. officials regarding oil and the Suez Canal during the early Cold War. When William J. Casey warned experts that the 1970s energy crisis was “a strategy of progressive strangulation” and that American military power was the best response, he drew on a decades-long set of beliefs that identified the Suez Canal as an artery for the economic health of “the West.” According to that perspective—which took root after World War II and drew on earlier strategic discourses of the British Empire—the supply of cheap oil was crucial to the political-economic health and national security of the capitalist world. Beginning with the threat of economic nationalism and the creation of the concepts of a “world oil market” and interdependence, that powerfully ingrained perception is critical to our understanding of twentieth century international history.
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Papanastasiou, Thomas-Nektarios. "The Implications of Political Risk Insurance in the Governance of Energy Projects: Τhe Case of Japan’s Public Insurance Agencies." In Public Actors in International Investment Law, 155–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58916-5_9.
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AbstractBy purchasing political risk insurance (PRI), investors can successfully strengthen their position in the host state, allocating the burden of political risk to third parties (insurance agencies). PRI is provided by international organisations, such as the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and state-sponsored insurance agencies, known as export credit agencies (ECAs) or public insurance agencies. This chapter focuses on the insurance schemes of NEXI, Japan’s officially sponsored ECA, which plays a dominant role in providing PRI to Japanese nationals. The benefits of insurance agencies providing PRI schemes go beyond cash indemnification. PRI mechanisms include various policy requirements, operational conditions, and performance standards that not only influence the engagement of the insured investors, but also shape the regulatory authority of host governments and affect local communities. PRI plays a particularly crucial role in the governance of energy projects due to the complexity of this sector and its importance to states and local communities. However, there are policy and operational implications of PRI provision in the governance of energy projects with an adverse effect on local communities. In response, most insurance agencies like NEXI, have taken measures for socially and environmentally responsible investments, requiring their insured clients to comply with various social and environmental standards and establishing surveillance mechanisms and in-house grievance facilities. Even if these practices are moving in the right direction, their true functionality and effectiveness have not yet been proved.
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Bardhan, Pranab. "Merchants of Hype and Hate." In Majoritarian State, 177–92. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078171.003.0010.
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This chapter primarily evaluates the political economy of India under the Modi regime which came to power with economic development as one of the main promises. It analyses the ground realities backed up with official data, from the lack of employment creation, myth about being a corruption free government to the failure of demonetization and public relation coups including capturing the nationalism narrative using mainstream media. It also analyses some of the continued schemes like Goods and Services Tax (GST) and Aadhar continued from the previous UPA government. It further evaluates some good steps taken by the regime, including the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code and Ujjawala free gas cylinders program. However, cow vigilantism and dilution of the Forest Rights Act are some of the backward steps taken by this regime. Overall, the economic performance of India under the Modi regime is described as mediocre at best, but it’s socio-political landscape is in far worse condition.
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Sidel, John T. "Beyond Nationalism and Revolution in Southeast Asia." In Republicanism, Communism, Islam, 1–18. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501755613.003.0001.
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This chapter offers a composite picture of the Philippine, Indonesian, and Việtnamese revolutions that goes beyond both established understandings of these revolutions as nationalist in nature and the various strands of the growing body of literature on the various cosmopolitan connections cited above. The chapter intends to provide a new descriptive overview of the three major revolutions in Southeast Asian history. In so doing, the chapter provides a critical counterpoint to those understandings and accounts of these revolutions that, consciously or unconsciously, follow official nationalist narratives in which the rise of national consciousness produces nationalists who make national revolutions. It works to undermine efforts to appropriate these revolutions — and the making of these three new nation-states — for the nationalist elites who came to occupy state power in the aftermaths of these revolutions and throughout the postindependence era. By providing alternative narratives, the chapter suggests ways these revolutions might be understood not only in terms of their victories and their victors but in light of their betrayals and their victims, as the diverse and diverging emancipatory energies that helped to fuel revolutionary mobilization were in various ways absorbed, appropriated, and eviscerated by postrevolutionary (nation-)states.
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Potter, Simon J. "Wireless Nationalism, 1938–1939." In Wireless Internationalism and Distant Listening, 111–42. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198800231.003.0005.
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During the late 1930s international broadcasting was mobilized as a weapon for deployment in the coming conflict, an essential tool of propaganda. In 1938 the BBC began broadcasting to the Middle East in Arabic and to Latin America in Spanish and Portuguese. In running the Arabic Service in particular, the BBC was obliged to accept the input of civil servants from the Foreign Office and other branches of the state, particularly when it came to the editing of news bulletins. Material was carefully included and omitted to further British foreign policy goals. BBC officers sought to build up an Arabic Service that would appeal to listeners across the Middle East but made limited headway due to a lack of resources and the scarcity of listener feedback. Similarly, there seemed little evidence to suggest that the BBC Latin American Service developed a significant audience. Attempts to strengthen links between British and American broadcasters meanwhile continued. Only vestiges of wireless internationalism remained: these were years of wireless nationalism, driven by the expansion of fascist broadcast propaganda. The September Crisis of 1938 prompted the inauguration of BBC broadcasts in German, Italian, and French. In all these activities the BBC adhered closely to official policies of appeasement, and accepted government directions to avoid broadcasts that would provoke Germany and Italy. The British government also covertly broadcast to Europe from commercial stations on the Continent, particularly Radio Luxembourg, with the involvement of the Secret Intelligence Service.
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Teper, Yuri. "How Civic is Russia's New Civil Religion and How Religious is the Church?" In Comparative Perspectives on Civil Religion, Nationalism, and Political Influence, 125–55. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0516-7.ch005.
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This chapter demonstrates how and why a shift in the balance between civic and religious elements of a civil religion can take place, using Russia as an illuminating case study. Post-Soviet Russia is used to demonstrate how religion can be utilized to reinforce national identity and the legitimacy of the political system in the face of their civic weaknesses. The chapter demonstrates how, eventually, the civic-democratic political model officially designated during Yeltsin's presidency gradually changed to a more religiously grounded one, albeit a model that is not fully recognized, during Putin's rule. Moreover, the Russian case allows us to differentiate between two possible levels of civil religion: an official and openly communicated secularism, and an established church religion, promoted by the establishment in more subtle but not necessarily less aggressive ways. It further shows that just as the state has to adopt religious features in order to be deified, religious institutions have themselves to become more secular to be suitable for adoption as the state's civil religion.
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Rios, Fernando. "State-Sponsored Folklorization of Music-Dance Traditions in the MNR Era." In Panpipes & Ponchos, 101–29. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190692278.003.0004.
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Bolivia’s “revolutionary nationalism” epoch (1952–1964) saw a remarkable upsurge in the number, scope, and variety of state-sponsored folkloric music-dance events involving criollo-mestizo, cholo-mestizo, and indigenous performers. It was also in the years of MNR rule that Bolivia obtained a state-funded folkloric ballet company and fully operational Department of Folklore. The 1952–1964 MNR era thus represents not only a time of momentous political, social, and economic change for Bolivia, but also a critical juncture for the national folklore movement. This chapter analyzes the major musical folklorization initiatives that state-affiliated entities launched in La Paz city from 1952 to 1964, with special attention given to their connections with MNR projects and agendas, in particular the party’s panacea of cultural mestizaje (ethnic-cultural fusion). As this chapter shows, MNR-sponsored musical folklorization initiatives at times contradicted official party ideology, and in some instances articulated to a greater extent with indigenismo than with mestizaje.
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Woods, Colleen. "An Amazing Record of Red Plotting." In Freedom Incorporated, 20–58. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749131.003.0002.
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This chapter examines how anticommunist politics emerged alongside international socialist and communist anti-imperial movements during the late 1920s and early 1930s, when U.S. and Philippine political and military officials turned to anticommunism politics to explain the rise of labor and peasant protest, proscribe class-based anti-imperial critiques, and bolster the nationalism of the governing Filipino political elites. Indeed, even before the official formation of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) in 1930, U.S. and Philippine officials deployed “anti-red” politics to limit the acceptable range of political debate and protest in the archipelago. Throughout the 1930s, U.S. and Filipino policymakers attempted to eliminate socialist, communist, and peasant labor activists' ideas from the political sphere through state repression. Yet by 1939, with the rise of fascism in Europe and Japan and the subsequent embrace of the “popular front” by Western communist parties, Franklin D. Roosevelt pressured the Philippine Commonwealth to minimize its persecution of the political Left. Focusing on the economic, political, and social structures of the colonial state that gave rise to anticolonial critiques and movements, the chapter shows how a transnational political class of Americans and Filipinos anticipated independence by tightening their hold on social, economic, and political power within the islands.
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Chatterjee, Shibashis. "Securing South Asia." In India's Spatial Imaginations of South Asia, 77–115. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489886.003.0003.
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The chapter accounts for the growth of territorial nationalism and realism undergirding India’s security thinking in South Asian. The author concentrates here on the political and security narratives of Indian elites and shows how they have thought about India’s security primarily in realist, geopolitical terms. He also shows that while the perspectives differ on certain issues across India’s major political parties, when entrusted with actual policymaking, these differences lessen quite remarkably. The chapter also discusses the perspectives of the strategic elites in India who legitimate the narrative of space as power. While these experts are not a part of the ‘ruling elite’, their role in package legitimation of a realist or power-centric reading of the neighbourhood influences the official narratives to a great extent. The accessibility and privileging of certain discourses over others is an excellent indicator of the spatial thinking of the state.
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Sarkar, Tanika. "How the Sangh Parivar Writes and Teaches History." In Majoritarian State, 151–74. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078171.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
Beginning with the writings on history by Savarkar and Golwalkar, Tanika Sarkar analyses how Hindu nationalists essentially understand Indian history as a Hindu history. She shows how this understanding of history has slowly percolated through the RSS network of schools and institutions. More recently, this version of history has been inserted into official curricula and history textbooks, from English language textbooks at both the national level, to a range of vernacular textbooks at the state level. Sarkar proceeds to demonstrate that an older and less known Hindu nationalist agenda for historical research has gained force across the country since 2014. This agenda consists of three main aims: a) to elevate the vast corpus of Sanskritpuranas (myths, legends, stories) to the status of literal historical sources; b) to refute the so-called ‘Aryan invasion hypothesis’ and to show that Brahmanical Hinduism is the original religion and civilization of the subcontinent; and c) to incorporate vast numbers of local and tribal gods and legends into an overall national and Brahmanical structure of history and sacred geography. All these initiatives are promoted and generated by a vast base of volunteers and RSS activists across India.
Conference papers on the topic "Official State Nationalism"
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إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
Full textAbstract:
"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."