Journal articles on the topic 'Occupational pension regulation'

This article reviews the orientation of the European regulation on pension fund governance in the international context of the OECD’s recommendations. It outlines the features judged to be essential for a sound private pension scheme’s governance. It then describes the orientation of the European regulations in this area and sets out some criticisms. The focus is on private sector ‘defined-contribution’ occupational pension plans managed by a pension fund, in light of the shared perception that the ‘governance’ issue is particularly sensitive for these types of schemes.

Introduction. Current demographic trends and social and economic models initiate the challenges regarding the possibility of adequate pension provision of the population in many European countries. International organizations forecasts confirm the need to diversify the sources of pension benefits to the population by accelerating the development of private pension institutions. At the same time effective regulation environment of pension assets management should be provided. It must be done because of their important social value and interrelationship with financial markets, in particular in the aspect of their stable functioning. Purpose. The article aims to identify the key elements of the financial institutions functioning regarding pension assets managing in the European market. They can be determinants of the intensification of regulation modernization of private pension sector in terms of social and financial stability. Method (methodology). Structural and dynamics and correlation analysis of the private pension institutions activities in the European financial market have been considered in this research. Results. The features of EU private pension systems modern trends have been determined. They indicate an increase in financial fragility (in some countries) through the predominance of structures with a defined benefit among occupational pension programs. They also show a growth of share of more risky investments in the instruments of collective investment institutions in the structure of pension investment portfolios, high concentration of cross-border pension assets, sensitivity to cross-border contagion, taking into consideration the low values of home bias and the strategies homogeneity. Low levels of private pension programs coverage of the population, as well as a minor role in the economy (the ratio of pension assets to GDP) in many EU countries demonstrate the feasibility of stimulation the financial industry development. The key characteristics determine the necessity of development of prudential regulations (reduction of pension systems fragility), and stimulation regulations (standards implementation for the development of pan-European personal pension products, which will be standardized by main characteristics).

The article, based on the analysis of the past stages of reforming the pension system, current pension legislation and law enforcement practice in this area, considers the problems and prospects of reforming the pension system in Ukraine. Conclusions were made and separate proposals were made on the need for a comprehensive approach to the process of reforming the pension system in Ukraine in order to establish a decent level of pension provision for citizens and guarantee the implementation of pension rights. Emphasis is placed on the need for legal regulation of the pension system at the level of law in accordance with the provisions of Article 92 of the Constitution of Ukraine and the termination of the practice of administrative regulation. The necessity of improving the solidarity pension system (pay-as-you-go) in the direction of establishing international legal standards for determining the amount of pension, simplifying the procedure for its appointment, increasing the role of insurance experience is substantiated. There are reservations about the possibility of introducing a funded pension system due to the negative experience of other states and the lack of a properly developed system of state guarantees for the stability of such a system. The importance of protecting a certain category of people from occupational risks in the work environment has been proven by introducing mandatory pension insurance through occupational and corporate pension funds. Conceptual issues of pension provision are perhaps the most relevant in modern Ukrainian society and in the world as a whole. At the same time, pensioners in Ukraine remain one of the most vulnerable social groups. The level of poverty remains high among people of retirement age due to the low level of pension provision, which indicates the need for further systematic improvement of pension legislation, which, on the one hand, would establish a decent level of pension provision, and on the other – guarantee citizens access to pension rights. Key words: reform, pension, joint pension system, accumulative pension system, Pension Fund.

ABSTRACTThe actuary has played a role in regulation in the United Kingdom since 1819. More recently, in 1974, the Appointed Actuary system was introduced for life insurance companies, backed by strong professional guidance. Derivatives of the Appointed Actuary concept have been implemented in a number of other countries. Meanwhile, in the UK, defined benefit occupational pension schemes are now required to appoint a Scheme Actuary, who has a statutory whistle-blowing role under the Pensions Act 1995. A number of statutory roles for pension actuaries were in place prior to this. In general insurance, Lloyd's syndicates are now required to obtain an actuarial opinion on the end of year provisions, as part of the Lloyd's market regulatory structure, and friendly societies must obtain an actuarial opinion on their technical provisions once every three years. This paper reviews some of the different regulatory roles of the actuary in the UK, draws some comparisons with the situation in other countries, considers the strengths and weaknesses of the present situation and invites debate and discussion on the way forward in order to optimise the contribution which the profession can make to the public interest in the field of regulation.

The article deals with the research of the issues of pension provision for police officers as a component of their social security. Since the category of police employees is new to Ukraine, its significance for labour law and, accordingly, the value of the police for the society, whose citizens they protect, has been characterized. An analysis of statutory acts regulating the pension provision for law enforcement bodies' employees has been carried out. The concept of a seniority pension for police officers has been defined as a monthly payment from the Pension Fund of Ukraine intended to compensate for lost pay and allowances and granted upon resignation for the purpose of maintaining living standards of citizens having the seniority of a specified duration in law enforcement bodies, the National Police, the Court Protection Service, the State Fire Protection Service, the State Service of Ukraine for Special Communications and Information Protection, bodies and divisions of the Civil Protection Service, the Tax Police or the State Penitentiary Service of Ukraine, whose occupational incapacity is presumed to set in before they reach the retirement age established by law for awarding an old-age pension. The author proposes the adoption of a new law on pensions precisely for police officers. For in contrast to the definition of Militia (the name the police were called in the Soviet Ukraine and during a number of the post-Soviet years) as an armed body of the executive branch, the Law of Ukraine "On the National Police" defines the police as a central body of the executive branch that serves the society by ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, combating crime, maintaining public security and order. According to the author, the legal regulation of the pension provision for servicemen and police employees by a single statutory act (law) does not correspond to the realities of today. Conclusions have been formulated on supplementing the Law of Ukraine "On the National Police" with the provision that restrictions of guarantees of social and legal security of the law enforcement bodies' employees shall not be allowed when adopting laws and bylaws, as well as when making decisions by law enforcement agencies of the state. Special attention has been paid to calculating the amount of police officers' seniority pension. The procedure for determining the amount of pension depending on the length of service has been analysed. The author believes that lowering the limit of the seniority pension for law enforcement bodies' employees, including police employees, initially from 90 down to 80 per cent and then from 80 down to 70 per cent of their pay and allowances is a violation of the Constitution of Ukraine. Constitutional rights and freedoms are guaranteed by the state and cannot be revoked when adopting new laws or amending existing ones. No narrowing of the content and scope of existing rights shall be allowed. The author proposes to work out a new Procedure for recalculating pensions granted to police officers. Outdated statutory acts governing the procedure for recalculating pensions granted to law enforcement bodies' employees contain controversial provisions, have conflicting points, do not comply with the Constitution of Ukraine and the realities of today, and are therefore subject to repeal.

The article presents the role of the staff representation under the Act of 4 October 2018 on Employee Capital Plans. Employee Capital Plans (PPK) are the part of third pillar of polish pension system. By creating the PPK, the legislature placed the staff representation and the employer under an obligation to co-decide on the form of the created capital plan. The method of identifying the staff representation, as defined in the Act on Employee Capital Plans, is modelled on the regulation contained in the Act on Occupational Pension Schemes. The Act on Employee Capital Plans states, that an occupational trade union organisation operating within the premises of the company excludes the competence of representation of employees. The legitimacy of the primacy of the trade union over the non-union representation of the staff stems, first of all, from the possibility of guaranteeing the employees’ effective participation in the selection of the financial institution.

The main tax obstacle to the functioning of pan‐European pension funds is the exclusion from tax relief of cross‐border contributions. Many Member States have eliminated this obstacle or have announced that they will do this soon. The few Member States which may wish to continue the discrimination against foreign funds may find it very difficult to explain to the ECJ why they cannot do what so many other Member States already have. The conclusion of this article is, therefore, that for most situations, the main tax obstacle for pan‐European pension funds will be eliminated after the implementation date of the Pension Fund Directive, that was by 23 September 2005. The Pension Fund Directive includes the assumptions for a cross‐border activity of company pension funds. Among the existing national regulations of the setting of the systems of old age pensions the member states have to allow domestic companies in line with the Pension Fund Directive to be institution of foreign pension funds, which are licensed in other member states.

Introduction. In order to further move towards the European Economic Area, Ukraine needs to take pension reform measures. Pension provision in Ukraine has to be profoundly reformed in terms of regulatory and legislative framework for calculating pensions in Ukraine. What is of particular importance is improving Ukraine’s laws and methods for calculation and pension payments to citizens. Another important focus of the reform agenda is to define categories of people eligible for old-age pensions, disability pensions, and long- service pensions. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to interpret the regulatory and legislative framework for calculating pensions in Ukraine; to describe changes in pension payments before and after the reform was implemented; to highlight ways of improving pension payments in terms of regulations and legislation. Methods. The research methods used in the article include: analysis; comparison; historical method to consider the legislative framework for calculating pensions at different periods of time. Results. The regulatory and legal framework for calculating pensions in Ukraine is a complex system comprising the Constitution of Ukraine, the Laws of Ukraine, the Labour Code of Ukraine, decrees, Presidential decrees, International agreements and laws of the USSR. Some of these regulations and legislation need to be revised and amended in order to bring them in line with contemporary practices and modern standards. It is claimed that since 2017, Ukraine’s government has been implementing the pension reform aimed at relieving the pressure on the working-age population and improving living standards for retired people. In particular, the retirement age has been raised, eligibility criteria for preferential pensions have been revised, and methods for calculating pensions have been changed. The Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine argues that the new pension reform is expected to enhance social, labour and post-retirement relations, to increase tax revenues through reporting real salaries, to develop a framework of social justice when calculating pensions. The author points out that the regulatory and legislative framework for calculating pensions is outdated at this stage and it requires changes. The considered changes are as follows: the establishment of a working group for entitlement of preferential pensions; the introduction of wage differentials by industries and occupations; the increase of pensions in line with inflation and age; the implementation of notional defined contribution pension system; the introduction of the new Labour Code and Pension Code, which are expected to regulate labour and post-retirement relations and meet modern standards. It is also indicated that continued employment should be enforced by legislation and a system of granting advantages and social security benefits to those who retire later needs to be developed. In terms of legislation, sufficient regard should be given to non-state pension schemes, defined contribution pension systems, and the principle of fairness when it comes to pension entitlements. It is also crucial to adjust pension amounts and retirement age to align with the sustainability ratio and the average life expectancy. Discussion. Further research of regulatory and legal framework for calculating pensions in Ukraine should be focused on the development of the Pension Code and improvement of the existing laws relative to pension calculation and payment. The author also suggests differentiating minimum wages by industries and regions and countering the illicit labour market and campaigning against payments ‘in envelope’, because official wages are the basis for calculating pensions.

ABSTRACTThe precarious financial situation of many elderly women in developed countries is well established. Nevertheless, in-depth insight into the persistent vulnerability of this group remains largely absent. In this article, we demonstrate how a specific focus on the interaction between work history, family history and pension regulations can provide greater insight into the mechanisms that produce poverty among elderly women in Belgium. To that end, we make use of register data on some 9,000 women aged 65–71. Data on the poverty risk of these women is linked to career and family data, spanning over 45 years. We find that pension policy can indeed account for the higher poverty risk of some groups of elderly women (e.g. divorcees) as compared to others (e.g. widows). Similarly, pension policy can, to a large extent, directly or indirectly explain how previous lifecourse events, such as marital dissolution or childbirth, affect old-age poverty risk. However, our study also reveals some unexpected findings. Most notably, pension regulations fail to account for the beneficial situation of married women. Indeed, our analyses suggest that capital (income) may prove more decisive than pension rights in explaining the low poverty risk of married women when compared to other marital groups. Drawing from our findings, we conclude with some suggestions as to where pension policy should go from here.

Our objective has been to review, analyze and evaluate the pension scheme for professional soldiers and their family members in Poland, including the current legal regulations governing this area. The unique legal status of the armed forces in Poland has always been associated with the commonly held belief that professional soldiers and their families enjoy a special, privileged position in terms of social security compared with other occupational groups. However, the unique and more advantageous conditions for the acquisition of health or old-age pension rights drawn up specifically for the armed forces can be seen as compensation for the high psychophysical and intellectual expectations that professional soldiers must satisfy. These expectations include requirements such as constant work availability, willingness to risk one's life and health and, in general, a higher degree of work stress among professional servicemen than among other groups of employees.

State’s Supervision over the Insurance Activity in Poland and the European UnionSummaryThe paper tries to answer a question on the status of the adaptation process regarding the state’s supervision over the insurance activity in poland in comparison w ith the solutions applied in this respect on the uniform European insurance market. The comparative analysis shows that Polish solutions in principle do not differ from those applied in the European Union. In Poland, the same as in the European Union, a regulation based on a primary rule of a financial supervision as a type of the hitherto material supervision has been chosen.Further, the Polish system of supervision may be characterised by the following:1. Consolidation o f the management of the insurance supervision system with the supervision over the pensions system, performed by one body - The Com m ittee of the Insurance Supervision and the Occupational Pensions Funds (Komisja Nadzoru Ubezpieczeniowego i Funduszy Emerytalnych);2. The supervision covers the activity of insurance agencies and the employees’ pensions programmes;3. In the transition period more severe conditions have been applied with regard to the personal issues, creation o f the insurance products and costs of the insurance protection.

Abstract Apart from influencing the quality of life, occupational injuries and illnesses can pose a large economic burden to a society. There are many studies that estimate the costs of occupational injuries and illnesses in highly developed economies, but the evidence for other countries is scarce. This study aimed to estimate the financial costs of occupational injuries and illnesses to Croatian government and employers in 2015. Workers were excluded due to the lack of data. Costs were estimated by analysing available data sources on occupational health and safety. Financial costs were grouped in several categories: medical costs, productivity losses, disability pensions, compensation for physical impairment, administrative costs, and legal costs. Unlike in other studies, the costs of compliance with occupational safety and health regulations were also investigated. In 2015, financial costs to employers were twice higher than costs to the government (HRK 604.6 m vs HRK 297 m). Employers additionally covered around HRK 300 m of compliance costs. Taking into account that financial costs of occupational injuries and illnesses are significant, even without including the costs to workers, policy makers should put additional efforts into their prevention. A prerequisite is transparency in Croatian Health Insurance Fund’s expenditures, as well as more detailed data on lost days from work by industries, causes of injury etc. Organisations in charge of occupational health and safety and policy makers should observe relevant statistics in monetary terms too.

There are various growing definitions and perceptions of disability. It leads to various complications leading to independency for all other activities of daily living, making occupational limitations and economically dependent. So there is a need to make them aware of various schemes available in India, for supporting them for various economic, pension and educational scholarship schemes. The rights and laws of persons with disabilities must, therefore, be understood and studied from a variety of perspectives, including human rights and various other laws in India, which will fill the gap or close the gap between persons with disabilities and persons with disabilities in their personal attainment in the true sense of the term. Throughout this research report, the writer puts a great deal of focus on the different legislative frameworks and regulations existing throughout our country and allows a comprehensive analysis on how such laws have led to the advancement of the legal status of people with disabilities in India.

IntroductionIn recent years, research has been done on determinants of return to work (RTW) in cancer survivors and their long-term work outcomes. Nevertheless, little is known about the survivors’ evaluation of these outcomes in terms of job satisfaction and voluntariness. Hence, B-CARE aims at filling the research gap by providing a longitudinal cohort study investigating medical and occupational rehabilitation including an evaluation by breast cancer survivors.Methods and analysisA mixed-methods approach, combining a quantitative survey with qualitative semi-structured interviews, is used to study breast cancer survivors 5–6 years after diagnosis. These data will be linked to data from prior waves of patients during hospitalisation and 10 and 40 weeks after hospital discharge as well as routine data from the German Statutory Pension Insurance Scheme and German Cancer Society if available. The actual survey focuses on determinants of medical rehabilitation use, RTW, subsequent employment patterns post care as well as the voluntariness of and satisfaction with job changes.Ethics and disseminationA positive vote from the ethics committee of the Medical Faculty of the University of Bonn has been obtained. Data protection regulations will be adhered to for all handled data. Personal identifiers of participants will be pseudonymised. Dissemination strategies include a workshop to discuss results among stakeholders such as representatives of the German Statutory Pension Insurance Scheme, social workers and self-help groups.Trial registration numberGerman Clinical Trials Register (DRKS00016982); Pre-results.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine whether cross-country differences in pensionable age explain such differences in economic activity of people at near-retirement age. Design/methodology/approach The empirical study uses regression models for macro-panel encompassing 21 European countries in the period 2008–2014. Findings Empirical results indicate that pensionable age is a determinant of cross-country differences in employment rate in the near-retirement age group, and less a factor differentiating average effective retirement age. It turns out that other factors matter, including salaries and wages as percentage of GDP (treated as a proxy for the occupational composition of populations across the countries studied), self-employment, participation in education and training, or self-perceived health. Social implications The problem of economic activity at the near-retirement age is complex and cannot be limited to legal regulations concerning pensionable age. The policy aiming at stimulating the economic activity of the near-elderly should include actions on many sides including labour market, pension system, education, training, or health care. Originality/value The results complement studies based on the single-country approach and demonstrate that pensionable age does not account for cross-country differences in terms of average effective age of retirement when controlling for other factors. Moreover, factors differentiating effective retirement age and employments rates across countries studied are not similar.

Introduction: With the aging of the population, the demand for Homes for the Aged (HFAs) grows. Objective: To analyze resources and population of HFAs and to check the fulfillment of the criteria from the national regulations. Methods: Descriptive quantitative study including 11 philanthropic HFAs in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Data was collected through a questionnaire applied to the responsible for the facility. Results: The study comprised 318 workers and 522 elders. HFAs presented: some accommodations without private bathrooms (100%); external area and administrative office (72.7%); cafeteria and support room (54.5%); ecumenical room (36.4%); rooms with more than four beds (45.5%). The prevailing reasons for admission were brought by family member (69.2%); social vulnerability (36.4%). Death was the main reason for leaving the facility. The average age of elders was 76.8 years, 58.4% were women. The dependence grade was I for 31.1%; II for 33.9%; and III for 35%. Leisure and cultural activities occurred in 72.7% of HFAs. In 27.3% there were records of visits. Only 9.1% had cooperation from families. Available human resources were nurses (72.7%); physicians and nursing assistants (63.3%); physical therapists (45.5%); psychologists (36.4%); caregivers (27.3%); occupational therapists (9.1%). In 63.3% of facilities, workers carried out mixed activities. The costs were covered by retirement pensions, partnerships, and donations. The main obstacles were financial resources or dependence on donations and rigorous health surveillance or compliance with standards. Conclusion: The HFAs partially fulfill the national criteria, impairing the quality of care provided to elders.

This article discusses the practical aspects of recognizing an occurrence as a work-re­lated injury. The Act of 30 October 2002 on Social Insurance against Work-related Injuries and Occupational Diseases (consolidated text of 2018, item 1376) contains only a general definition of a ‘work-related injury.’ Moreover, it does not specify the meaning of the terms which are used in it, particularly of terms such as a ‘sud­den occurrence’ or an ‘external cause.’ Many problems stem from a lack of criteria which should be used while deciding whether a ‘considerable contribution to the injury’ due to being under the influence of alcohol or drugs as defined in Article 21 of the Act has occurred. Therefore, during a preliminary investigation, a dis­ability pension authority must determine whether the occurrence in question is a work-related injury. To that end it investigates whether the insured person has contributed to this occurrence to a considerable degree because if he has, such a conduct excludes the right to a work injury benefit. Accordingly, employees of the Social Insurance Company examine the accident scene and collect information in the workplace, from the prosecutor’s office, the police, or the healthcare centre, or by interviewing witnesses. Having documented the factual circumstances and explained all the existing doubts they are then able to define the terms and draw correct conclusions which result in a decision to award a benefit or to refuse it. Owing to the fact that the regulations concerning issues of recognizing an oc­currence as a work-related injury and rights to a benefit are general clauses, it is necessary to be familiar with the current case-law. Without following the trends in the case-law of the Supreme Court one is not able to interpret facts and occur­rences properly and hence the assessment of whether the insured is entitled to a work injury benefit is not possible.

Abstract The new solvency regime Solvency II represents a solid and harmonized prudential framework applicable by insurance companies in the European area. Solvency II was implemented in the European Union by adopting Directives 2009/138/EC respectively 2014/51/EU, replacing existing directives regulating solvency former regime, known as Solvency I. Thus, the new European legislation in insurance, applicable from 1 January 2016, was aimed at unifying the main European insurance market and ensuring consumer protection. The responsible authority at EU level with the implementation of the new solvency regime is EIOPA - European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority, which dealt in previous periods of testing the European market insurance through organizing quantitative impact studies (last exercise - QIS5, organized in 2011). The main standards derived from Solvency II and also the new IFRS accounting provisions, intended to increase the transparency of risk management and investment, in order to pricing insurance products and profitability of the different classes of insurance rates. Solvency II brings both challenges and opportunities for companies, changing the concept of building protection programs for insured and generating additional concerns about capital requirements in the determination of own funds (basic, auxiliary and surplus) that can be used to meet this requirement. Also estimate realistic and prudent risk assumed by insurance contracts concluded transposed to the insurance companies by recording every technical reserves represent a very important element in order to establish an optimal balance of financial resources. Given the significant overlap between IFRS and Solvency II, insurers will have to improve disclosure requirements of additional information and adjust planning and forecasting. All these measures will increase the efficiency of financial management, a series of operational measures and by providing documented and tested processes. Also, increasing volatility related to financial results will cause insurance companies to deliver predictable results, a process that will produce changes in the financial management optics.

AbstractThe Solvency II Directive introduces the idea of a formal Actuarial Function to have responsibility over delivering the requirements of Article 48 of the Directive. Article 48 describes the responsibilities as being concerned with technical provisions, an opinion on reinsurance adequacy, an opinion on underwriting policy and contributing to the risk management system. Considerable documentation has been produced by the Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA), the Institute and Faculty of Actuaries (IFoA) and the European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority on the subject, much of it very recent to the publication of this paper. The purpose of this paper is to provide the reader with some practical insights and suggestions around addressing the requirements of Article 48 of the Solvency II Directive in general insurance firms, taking into consideration the publications of the aforementioned regulatory authorities. It is not our intention to give advice, nor to be seen to give advice, but rather to make suggestions and observations that we hope the reader will find useful. The Regulations lay down the tasks of the Actuarial Function, so insurers should consider the need for formal terms of reference, backed up by proportionate governance procedures. The Regulations also require the production of an Actuarial Function Report to document the tasks undertaken by the Actuarial Function and its results. Such a report can be an aggregate report, made up of individual component reports completed at suitable points in the Actuarial Function’s work cycle, so long as it reports on all the required tasks. The technical provisions section should cover at least all the areas laid down in the Delegated Acts. The opinions required covering reinsurance adequacy and underwriting policy are not formal “sign offs”, but contributions to the effective running of the insurer by applying the skills and knowledge of actuaries to areas for which they are not normally responsible. Again, the Delegated Acts mandate the minimum contribution the Actuarial Function should make. The responsibility for delivering the work of the Actuarial Function does not have to be given to a member of the IFoA; however, the PRA is going to require (at least) one person to be designated the “Chief Actuary”, defined as the person responsible for delivering the requirements of Article 48 of the Directive. In response, the IFoA has stated its intention to require its members holding the role of Chief Actuary, as defined by the PRA, to hold a practicing certificate. Any Actuarial Function will need to consider issues of governance, independence and conflicts of interests. The PRA intends to require the Actuarial Function to be independent of an insurer’s revenue-generating functions. In addition, normal good governance requires a degree of separation between those who perform Actuarial Function work and those who review and supervise it. There are numerous stakeholders in the Actuarial Function’s work. Some of these will rely on the output of the Actuarial Function, others will provide inputs to its work. Setting out stakeholder responsibilities clearly and in advance will be of vital importance. Good communication and coordination between these groups will be important to the efficient running of the insurer. Bringing together issues of governance, independence and meeting the Directive and regulators’ requirements will require a suitable organisational structure which will also need to consider practical issues, such as the availability of suitable staff. Many such arrangements may be possible, but all will require trading off advantages and disadvantages. The Actuarial Function is primarily about good practice and getting the most out of the actuarial skills available. For many insurers, meeting the requirements should not be unduly burdensome.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to describe the employment conditions of social care personal assistants (PAs) in England. In England, disabled adults have been able to directly employ people to meet their care or support needs for a number of years, little is known about the employment conditions of people who are directly employed. Design/methodology/approach PAs were recruited mainly through third sector and user led organisations. A total of 105 social care PAs took part in a semi-structured telephone interview, which on average was an hour long. Interviews were fully transcribed. Quantitative data were analysed using SPSS (v.24) and qualitative data by NVIVO software. Findings The paper focuses on employment conditions: contracts, pay, pensions, national insurance, overtime, holiday and sick pay, etc. Access to training and support are also described. Though PAs enjoyed considerable job satisfaction, many did not enjoy good employment conditions. Though employer abuse was uncommon, many PAs could arguably be described as exploited. Occupational isolation and lack of support to resolve disputes was striking. Research limitations/implications Though this may be currently the largest qualitative study of PAs in the UK, it is nonetheless relatively small and no claims for generalisability are made, though the geographical spread of the sample was wide and recruited from multiple sites. Practical implications PAs are an effective way of establishing relationship-based care, and confer direct control to disabled employers. Many PAs experienced high job satisfaction. However, lack of regulation and oversight creates considerable potential for exploitation or abuse. This may make the role less attractive to potential PAs in the medium term. Social implications Social care PAs may be a very effective means of achieving genuinely person-centred care or support for many people. However, PAs do not always appear to enjoy satisfactory conditions of employment and their role is largely unregulated. Growth and long-term sustainability of this emergent role may be jeopardised by these employment conditions. Originality/value Little is known about PA working conditions. This study suggests that much more needs to be done to improve these.

The article analyzes the current processes on the global labor market in Russia and the Republic of Bashkortostan. Changing demographic proportions, the pension reform, migration processes, intensive development of production technologies, automation, the use of artificial intelligence all these factors are undoubtedly transforming the labor market environment. The content of occupation is changing, structural changes in the economy lead to the dropping-out of a number of specialties and the emergence of new ones, which did not exist before. To match the supply of labor resources to the modern requirements of the economy, new competencies of workers as well as continuous training or retraining are required. Educational institutions have to adapt to the new requirements of the labor market environment to meet the needs of the labor market for qualified specialists with relevant knowledge and skills. Major changes in the labor market amid the spread of the new coronavirus infection have affected most countries of the world economy, including Russia. A long period of restrictions in most industries is reflected in the economic indicators of enterprises, development opportunities, and the number of required workers. The situation with the pandemic clearly demonstrates how unstable the modern labor market is; how events that occur in one country in the world are capable of undermining the whole balance, even in fairly stable and durable economic systems. The article analyzes the situation on the labor market of the Republic of Bashkortostan. The main problems of the region in this direction are highlighted. The analysis of the situation in the registered labor market showed that in 8 months of 2020 the number of officially registered unemployed increased 5 times, the level of registered unemployment increased 5.5 times, tension in the labor market increased 3 times. In the context of a worsening economic situation caused by an unfavorable epidemiological situation, the situation with the employment of citizens has become more complicated. The analysis showed that for several years the employment rate remained stable at 70%, and by September 2020 it was 17.4%. Currently, the labor market in Russia experiences the consequences of the economic crisis caused by the unfavorable epidemiological situation. The crisis is changing the forms of employment, which is becoming remote, non-standard, online professions appear. The structure of labor demand is changing. Labor resources will be rebuilt or replenish the modern labor market. In these conditions, the role of the state is growing significantly and there is no doubt in the need of the development of the anti-crisis plan for the labor market’s regulation.

In the 1940s, the totalitarian occupying regimes of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union implemented the strictest control and ideological guidance of intellectual and spiritual life of all time in Estonia. Essentially, the mechanisms and results of control are known. Cultural life was subjected to strict pre-censorship and post-publication censorship, and in the Soviet era also to thematic dictation. The intellectual and spiritual resistance of Estonians in those years, in other words their refusal to accept the ruling ideology, has been studied very little. The most widespread way of putting up intellectual and spiritual resistance was to remain silent, in other words to avoid creating works that were agreeable to the authorities. Selective silence, that is the selection of one’s points of emphasis, and splitting, in other words writing for oneself works that one keeps in one’s drawer while at the same time writing for publication in print, are also placed in this category. Recording actual history in diaries through the eyes of contemporaries of events, reading intellectually and spiritually enjoyable literature, and other such actions were ways of putting up intellectual and spiritual resistance. The main objective of this study is to ascertain in historical context the attempts to put up intellectual and spiritual resistance in the comedies from the 1940s by Hugo Raudsepp (1883–1952), one of the most outstanding Estonian playwrights of the 20th century. Ideologically speaking, dramatic literature was clearly one of the most vulnerable branches of literature. It was created for public presentation in theatres, after all, for which reason authors had to be particularly careful in their wording. On the other hand, plays provided both authors and directors with opportunities to conceal messages between the lines. For this reason, theatre became exceedingly popular in Estonia by the final decades of the Soviet era. The ridicule and mocking of the Soviet regime were especially enjoyed. The subjugation of Estonian intellectual and spiritual life to the ideological requirements of the occupying regime was launched at the time of pre-war Stalinism (1940–1941). Its aim was to rear Soviet-minded people who would help to justify, fortify and enhance the Soviet regime. The systematic control of the activities of creative persons and the working out of dictates and regulations were nevertheless not yet completed during the first year of Soviet rule. Many outstanding cultural figures remained silent or earned a living by translating texts. At that time, Hugo Raudsepp wrote the non-political novel Viimne eurooplane [The Last European], which is noteworthy to this day, while his plays from the period of independent Estonian statehood were not staged in theatres. Starting with the German occupation (1941–1944), the point of departure for Hugo Raudsepp was writing between the lines in his comedies in order to get both readers and theatregoers to think and to give them strength of soul. In 1943, he wrote the comedy Vaheliku vapustused [Interspatial Jolts], which has later been styled as a masterpiece. He concealed numerous signs between the lines of this play referring to the fate of a small people, in other words Estonia, between its great neighbouring powers the Soviet Union and Germany. Performances of this play were soon banned. Performances in theatres of all other plays by Hugo Raudsepp were similarly banned, with one exception. During post-war Stalinism in 1944–51, the sovietisation of Estonian cultural life resumed. Hugo Raudsepp did not initially write on topical Soviet themes, rather he sought subject matter from earlier times. His first play from that period entitled Rotid [Rats] (1946) was about the German occupation during the Second World War and it ridiculed the occupying Germans. Raudsepp also skilfully wove messages supporting Estonian cultural identity into the play. The play was staged in the Estonia Theatre but was soon banned. Raudsepp’s second play from that period, Tagatipu Tiisenoosen (1946), earned first prize at the state comedy competition in that same year. The action in the play was set in the period of Estonian National Awakening at the end of the 19th century. It ridiculed Baltic Germans and the behaviour of parvenu Estonians. Similarly to his previous play, he demonstrated nationalist mentality in this comedy by way of nationalist songs. It is noteworthy that by the summer of 1947, Tagatipu Tiisenoosen had also reached expatriate Estonians and it was staged with an altered title as the only Stalinist- era play from Soviet Estonia in Canada (1952), Australia (1954) and Sweden (1956). The thematic precepts imposed on Estonian writers and the mechanism for ensuring that those precepts were followed became even stricter starting in 1947. Raudsepp wrote his next 7 plays on required Soviet subject matter: post-war land reform (Tillereinu peremehed [The Owners of Tillereinu], 1947), monetary reform (Noorsulane Ilmar [Ilmar the Young Farmhand], 1948), kolkhozes (Küpsuseksam [Matriculation Exam] and Lasteaed [Kindergarten], 1949, Mineviku köidikuis [In the Fetters of the Past] (1950) and his so-called Viimane näidend [Last Play], 1950 or 1951), and the beginning of the Soviet regime in Estonia in 1940 (Pööripäevad Kikerpillis [Solstices in Kikerpill], 1949). Hugo Raudsepp skilfully wove words of wisdom for Estonians on surviving under foreign rule through the mouths of his characters, or discreetly laughed about Soviet reality in a way that the censors did not grasp. Post-war cultural policy culminated with the 8th Plenum of the Estonian Communist (Bolshevist) Party (EC(B)P) Central Committee on 21–26 March 1950, where among other things, the EC(B)P Central Committee Bureau was accused of allowing the exaltation of the superiority of Western European science and culture. Cultural figures were branded bourgeois nationalists and they faced serious ordeals. The fate of the great figure of Estonian dramatic literature was very harsh. Hugo Raudsepp was depicted as a ‘fascist henchman’ in 1950. He was expelled from the Estonian Writers’ Union and was deprived of his personal pension. He was arrested on 11 May 1951. Opposition to the Soviet regime was stressed in the charges presented to him. His play Vaheliku vapustused, which the German occupying regime had banned, and his only play that was allowed at that time, Lipud tormis [Flags in the Storm], were named as the primary evidence supporting the charges. Hugo Raudsepp was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment in the autumn of 1951. He hoped to the last possible moment that he would be allowed to serve his sentence in Estonia. Unfortunately, on 18 February 1952 he was sent by train from Tallinn to Narva and on 19 February on to Leningrad. From there his journey took him to Vjatka, Kirov and finally Irkutsk oblast. This great man’s health was poor, and he soon died on 15 September 1952. Very few new literary works appeared in the 1940s. The historical nadir is altogether seen in post-war book production in the era of Stalinism. Estonian theatre was similarly in a most difficult situation due to censorship, shortage of repertoire, scarcity of funding, and layoffs and sackings of theatre personnel. Nowadays the survival of theatre at the time, regardless of difficult times, is appreciated, and actors are recognised for preserving Estonian identity and uniting the people. Hugo Raudsepp’s role as a playwright in supporting intellectual and spiritual resistance to foreign authorities has to be recognised on the basis of his occupation-era comedies. Hugo Raudsepp was one of the most productive authors of his day, writing a total of 11 plays in 1943–51. According to the assessment of scholars of literature, he never once rose with these works to the leading-edge level of his previous works. It was impossible to create masterpieces that would become classics in that time of strict ideological precepts and the monitoring of their observance. Taking into consideration the extremely restricted creative conditions, his works were still masterpieces of their time. As Hugo Raudsepp’s oeuvre demonstrates, spirit still managed to cleverly trump power regardless of censorship and official precepts. The denunciation of Stalin’s personality cult in 1956 once again opened the door to the theatre for Hugo Raudsepp’s best comedies from Estonia’s era of independent statehood. The witticism and laughter of Hugo Raudsepp’s comedies gave people renewed strength of soul.

Individuals’ need for extended working lives depends on the design of pension systems, including occupational pensions. This article examines variation in occupational pension generosity and coverage in Norway’s private sector. The analysis consists of microsimulations of future pension outcomes for cohorts born in 1953, 1963, 1973 and 1983. The first set of calculations estimate average pension levels for individuals with different pension packages who retire at 67; the second, how much longer workers in different cohorts will have to work in order to obtain a replacement rate of 70%. The overall finding is that while all workers in Norway must extend working life in the future, those with the most generous occupational pensions can retire about four years earlier than those with the least generous packages. This shows that the design and regulation of occupational pensions are crucial to the debate on extended working lives.

The supplementary occupational and individual pension systems in Central and Eastern European countries (CEE) are poorly regulated while their architecture is very complex. Law on supplementary pensions focuses on ensuring financial security of financial institutions, their liquidity and solvency, as well as on stimulating the development of additional pension protection understood as higher coverage and assets under management. The efficiency guarantees and cost limits have not been implemented and the profitability of such products for individual savers is rarely assessed. The analyses conducted on the regulation of voluntary old-age pension systems in Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and The Czech Republic indicated the main inadequacies of the supplementary old-age provision offered. They relate to the lack of preliminary and regular product assessment, inadequacy of plan design, efficiency and costliness. The recommended changes relate to risk sharing, forms of pension benefits, limits on costs, information policy and transparency.

Abstract This article looks at the amendments to occupational pension schemes that are brought in by the Pension Protection Fund (Pensionable Service) and the Occupational Pension Schemes (Investment and Disclosure) (Amendment and Modification) Regulations 2018. It is respectfully submitted that the named regulations are legally compelling because they amend the regulatory landscape in a manner to enforce greater consideration of Environmental Social Governance risks by UK pension funds. In particular, this article engages with how the amendments are going to increase the pension fund trustees’ appetite to consider environmental risks (including climate-related risks) when exercising their general duty of investment.

Abstract What governs labour force participation in later life and why is it so different across countries? Health and labour force participation in older ages are not strongly linked, but we observe a large variation across countries in old-age labour force participation. This points to the important role of country-specific regulations governing pension receipt and old-age labour force participation. In addition to the statutory eligibility age for a pension, such country-specific regulations include: earnings tests that limit the amount of earnings when pension benefits are received; the amount of benefit deductions for early retirement; the availability of part-time pensions before normal retirement; special regulations that permit early retirement for certain population groups; and either subsidies or extra costs for employers if they keep older employees in their labour force. This paper asks two questions: Can we link a relatively low labour force participation at ages 60–64 to country-specific regulations that make early retirement attractive? and Can we link a relatively high labour force participation at ages 65–74 to country-specific regulations that make late retirement attractive? To answer these questions, we compared the experiences in a set of developed countries around the world in order to understand better the impact of country-specific rules and laws on work and retirement behaviour at older ages and, by consequence, on the financial sustainability of pension systems.

Abstract The German National Cohort (GNC) is a joint interdisciplinary endeavour of the Helmholtz and the Leibniz Association, universities, and other research institutes. It focuses on the causes of major chronic diseases, i.e. cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes, neurodegenerative/psychiatric diseases, musculoskeletal diseases, respiratory and infectious diseases, and their sub-clinical stages or related functional health impairments. Less frequent disorders may be investigated by pooling studies. Random samples of regional populations were drawn by 18 study centres, including a total of 200,000 women/men aged 20-69 years. Starting in 2014, the baseline assessments included an extensive interview and self-completion questionnaires, a wide range of medical examinations and the collection of blood, urine, stool and nasal swabs stored in a central biorepository. A random subgroup of ≥ 40,000 participants participated in an intensified examination (’’Level 2’’) programme. Also, about 30,000 participants, who were in addition invited to Level 2, participated in a magnetic resonance imaging examination programme. In 2018 we began to invite all participants for a re-assessment that will be completed in 2023. Information about chronic disease endpoints is obtained through a combination of active follow-up (mailed questionnaires every 2-3 years) and record linkages with cancer registries, healthcare databases, the statutory pension fund and other social insurance data. The examination and questionnaire modules are partly harmonised with those of other large European cohorts to facilitate collaboration. Data access requires a formal application by researchers and will be granted according to the use-and-access regulation of the GNC. The GNC is planned for an overall duration of at least 25-30 years. It will provide a major epidemiological resource, and will help to identify new and tailored strategies for early detection, prediction, and primary prevention of major diseases.

Abstract Background The purpose of this study was to assess the economic burden of cardiovascular diseases (CVDs) in France by analysing the structure and the growth of expenditure attributed to these diseases between 2012 and 2017. Methods For each year, 11 CVDs were identified from SNDS data using algorithms based on long-term disease registry and hospitalization diagnoses, applied to the population of national health insurance general scheme beneficiaries. The individuals’ expenditure (26 different items) reimbursed for hospitalisations, ambulatory care and cash payments were included. A top-down method was used to attribute expenditure to each considered groups of diseases based on the average expenditure by disease calculated for individuals with only one disease. To analyse trends, we applied the same methodology from 2012 to 2017. Results In 2017, of the €140.1 billion reimbursed, €14.0 billion (10.0%) were attributed to the care of 4.0 million people with a CVD (7.0% of the population). Short-stay hospitalisations accounted for 33% of this total expenditure. This proportion was higher for acute CVD (coronary syndrome: 64%, stroke: 56%, heart failure: 65%, pulmonary embolism: 69%) but also for valvular heart disease (50.0%). Medications represented almost 13% of the expenditure attributed to all CVDs, and up to 25% for chronic coronary heart disease. Disability pension essentially concerned sequelae of stroke (12% of the expenditure attributed to this disease). Between 2012 and 2017, the total expenditure attributed to CVDs increased by 3.3% per year, mainly due to the annual mean increase of the number of patients over the period (+3.1%). Conclusions These results demonstrate the high economic burden of CVDs in France with a detailed analysis of expenditures and their main drivers. The developed tool will help decision makers to monitor the burden of these diseases but also to provide stake holders with a better understanding of trends and regulating actions. Key messages Economic burden of CVD in France is high: 10% of healthcare expenditure. Implementation of public health policy to prevent CVD and control risk factors must be a priority.

Abstract: Scholars from the German Cultural Space in the Service of the Estonian Republic’s University of Tartu A university where the language of instruction was Estonian began to operate in Tartu in 1919. It continued the best academic traditions of the university that had been established in Tartu in 1632. The time period was not easy for putting the university into operation. The Republic of Estonia had been declared independent in February of 1918 and the young country immediately had to defend its independence, first in the struggle between the countries fighting in the First World War, and thereafter to fight against Soviet Russia. Although war did not spare scholars or young students, the Estonian nation nevertheless considered it necessary to start providing higher education and developing scholarly knowledge as quickly as possible. The University of Tartu became the centre for this endeavour. Among the many other problems that the university faced, professors had to be found who would meet the university’s standards. Until that time, it had not been possible for Estonians to acquire higher education in their mother tongue, for which reason there was also a shortage of scholars whose academic qualifications would measure up to the professor’s occupation, and who at the same time would be capable of providing academic instruction in Estonian. Especially in its first decade, in order to provide instruction in Estonian, the University of Tartu had to recruit scholars from abroad to teaching positions in order to be an academically respectable university. The university invited scholars from Finland and Sweden to assist in the first instance, hoping that they would settle in easily in Estonia’s cultural and linguistic space. Yet the small Nordic countries were incapable of filling all of the vacant professor positions in Tartu, for which reason professors had to be sought from other European universities as well. This article considers professors invited or elected to work at the University of Tartu who came to Estonia from countries in the German cultural space – from Germany, Switzerland and elsewhere in Central Europe. It was not easy to find professors because there were no benefits that could be offered to attract foreigners to a small university in a newly created country. War was still being waged against Soviet Russia, and the political and economic condition of the Estonian state was uncertain at the time when the first foreign professors arrived in Tartu. The University of Tartu could attract staff only by offering interesting work with possibilities for development and career advancement. When a candidate interested in working at the University of Tartu had been found, a long correspondence between him and the university’s curator began in order to determine his working and living conditions. Moving with one’s family to another country was financially costly and consumed a great deal of time, and it was not risk-free, for which reason a scholar coming from abroad had to be certain that his life in Tartu would proceed without a hitch. Yet at the same time, the tempting opportunity awaited them in Tartu to be a professor who could in many respects shape his department or chair of studies according to his own preferences. It was, after all, a university where many disciplines were only taking their first steps, and even in branches of knowledge that had already previously operated at the university, newcomers were often given a free hand in choosing the directions for their development. Even though the University of Tartu was not materially wealthy and the property of many of its institutes had been taken to Russia to spare them from warfare, that did not discourage foreigners, who quickly started filling in the missing links either with the help of their own personal libraries or by ordering scientific equipment and scholarly literature from abroad. Admittedly, the university did not necessarily have sufficient monetary resources for ordering equipment and literature, and professors who came from more prosperous conditions did not necessarily understand that. Foreign professors who came to Tartu were given numerous incentives, the most noteworthy of which was bonus pay. Until 1923, some of their salary was paid to them in British pounds. Thereafter payments in hard foreign currency were discontinued, but their salary was 15-30% higher than that of other professors. Moving to Estonia was supported with the sum of 60 British pounds, and if the professor had worked in Tartu for at least three years, they could also receive compensation for moving back home. Since books were important materials for scholars in their work, up to 1,600 kg of books were exempted from customs duties. Foreign professors became Estonian civil servants, which meant that the same laws and also subsidies (the right to pension support, medical care) applied to them and the members of their families as to Estonian civil servants. Professors who came from abroad were initially allowed to give their lectures in German, yet the more distant objective at the university where instruction was to be in Estonian was that all professors would also gradually start using Estonian in their lectures. The university started concluding agreements with foreign professors that the language of their lectures would become Estonian after five years, which could be extended for another three years if necessary. Most of the foreigners who taught in Tartu were relatively young men when they arrived there, who used the opportunity to lay the foundation for their future career, which would not necessarily have been possible to do in their homeland so quickly. Cooperation between foreign professors and the University of Tartu did not always proceed without problems. Misunderstandings arising from different linguistic and cultural spaces, as well as behaviour by some foreigners that ignored the regulations of the University of Tartu, could cause discord between the two parties. Nineteen professors who were invited or elected from the German cultural space worked at the University of Tartu in the 1920s, and a closer look is taken at them in the article. Thereat their scholarly activity is not examined, rather the aim of the article is to consider more general tendencies that accompanied scholars who came from old European countries to work in the young Republic of Estonia. Some disciplines had to use foreigners for years before scholars from Estonia developed to where they could take over. For instance, Germanspeaking professors worked for years in physiology (Alexander Lipschütz, Alfred Fleisch) and pharmacology (Siegfried Walter Loewe, Georg Barkan) in the medical faculty, where it takes years to master the profession, maintaining the development of their disciplines at a high level. Scholars from outside of Estonia also worked for years as professors of foreign languages at the Faculty of Philosophy, creating a strong professional foundation, from which Estonian professors later continued. Not one faculty except for the Faculty of Religion was able to manage without foreigners from the German cultural space. Many foreigners went back to their homeland after a while, continuing their successful scholarly career paths that they started in Tartu. Only three scholars worked in Tartu for the shortest period of time, which was two years and Heinrich Mutschmann, Professor of English Philology, taught the longest, 19 years. He decided to leave Estonia in 1939 when Baltic Germans were summoned back to Germany. Although problems with foreigners could crop up for the University of Tartu and they could be costly for the university, they made a great contribution to the development of Estonian scholarship, from which Estonian scholars continued. Foreign scholars brought new ideas and schools of thought to Tartu, as well as necessary connections in European academic and scientific circles. They were full of energy and at the age when they were at the height of their creative powers. As such, they set an example in teaching and research, as well as in organisational skills, for young Estonian scholars, who continued along the path that their teachers laid out for them after the foreigners left Tartu.