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Journal articles on the topic 'Nyasaland'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Palmer, Robin. "The Nyasaland Tea Industry in the Era of International Tea Restrictions, 1933-1950." Journal of African History 26, no. 2-3 (March 1985): 215–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370003694x.

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The Tea Industry in the Cholo and Mlanje districts of southern Nyasaland emerged during the 1930s under the shelter of the International Tea Regulation Scheme of 1933 which restricted exports by the world's leading producers. In contrast to its East African neighbours, Nyasaland's Tea Industry was well organized locally by the Nyasaland Tea Association and was effectively represented in Britain by its London Committee. Though having to accept restrictions on the planting of new tea, which occasioned some local controversy, the industry, in common with other tea-producing countries, benefited from the rising prices of the 1930s for which the Tea Regulations were largely responsible. By 1938 tea had become one of Nyasaland's few profitable industries. A seeming further advantage was the bulk buying scheme, at guaranteed prices, organized by the British Ministry of Food which lasted throughout the 1940s, but the industry's wartime performance was sluggish as a consequence of poor growing seasons combined with serious shortages of manpower and fertilizer. As a poor quality, low price producer facing chronic labour shortages, which prevented millions of pounds of tea from being picked, Nyasaland greeted with hostility Imperial decisions to withdraw eastern Africa from the International Tea Scheme in 1948, to end bulk buying in 1950, and generally to encourage the free expansion of production. Nyasaland's tea planters were told that henceforth they must face open competition.

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2

Stuart, John. "Scottish missionaries and the end of empire: the case of Nyasaland*." Historical Research 76, no. 193 (July 15, 2003): 411–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00183.

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Abstract In 1960 Church of Scotland missionaries in the British colony of Nyasaland ostensibly fulfilled their commitment to transition from ‘mission’ to ‘Church’. This process of transition was, however, marked by ambiguity, much of which related to Nyasaland's political status. Opinion within the missions and the Church of Scotland differed greatly as to whether (and for how long) colonial rule should continue. Controversy on the matter ranged beyond Nyasaland and Scotland, with missionary activities attracting the attention not only of colonial and imperial governments but of a range of unofficial but interested groups and religious organizations. This article examines one important aspect of the ambiguous missionary response to the ‘end of empire’ in British colonial Africa.

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3

Smit, Lizelle. "Medical work and Nyasaland missionaries." Stellenbosch Theological Journal 8, no. 3 (May 17, 2022): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2022.v8n3.a2.

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Pauline Pretorius, born Murray, worked as a Dutch Reformed Church [DRC] mission doctor in Nyasaland (now Malawi) from 1928â€“1976, but little has been written about her life and extraordinary career. A disproportionate number of books and articles have been published by or about male DRC missionaries in Nyasaland, while womenâ€™s stories have been overlooked. This article discusses the significant contributions made by Dr Pauline Murray to improve healthcare practices for women and children in Nyasaland and her efforts to train local midwives in Mlanda, Nyasaland, from 1928â€“1941. This article argues that recovering female missionariesâ€™ stories is important and suggests that Murrayâ€™s work in Nyasaland can be read as an example of a medical missionary who considered her work an â€œact of service to othersâ€. Many descendants of Andrew Murray Sr worked as (medical) DRC missionaries in Nyasaland and, although this article focuses on the life and work of Pauline Murray, mention is made of the notable contributions made to the field of medicine by members of the extended Murray family.

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4

Benson, C. W. "Notes from Nyasaland." Ibis 86, no. 4 (April 3, 2008): 445–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1944.tb02210.x.

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5

Benson, C. W., and F. M. Benson. "NOTES FROM SOUTHERN NYASALAND." Ibis 90, no. 3 (April 3, 2008): 388–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1948.tb01702.x.

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6

Thompson, T. Jack. "Religion and Mythology in the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland: Preparing for the End Times?" Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 1 (April 2017): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0169.

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Superficially there are many parallels between the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland – both were anti-colonial rebellions against British rule. One interesting difference, however, occurs in the way academics have treated John Chilembwe, leader of the Nyasaland Rising, and Patrick Pearse, one of the leaders of the Irish Rising and the man who was proclaimed head of state of the Provisional government of Ireland. For while much research on Pearse has dealt with his religious ideas, comparatively little on Chilembwe has looked in detail at his religious motivation – even though he was the leader of an independent church. This paper begins by looking at some of the major strands in the religious thinking of Pearse, before going on to concentrate on the people and ideas which influenced Chilembwe both in Nyasaland and the United States. It argues that while many of these ideas were initially influenced by radical evangelical thought in the area of racial injustice, Chilembwe's thinking in the months immediately preceding his rebellion became increasingly obsessed by the possibility that the End Time prophecies of the Book of Daniel might apply to the current political position in Nyasaland. The conclusion is that much more academic attention needs to be given to the millennial aspects of Chilembwe's thinking as a contributory motivation for rebellion.

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7

Benson, C. W. "Additional Notes on Nyasaland Birds." Ibis 84, no. 2 (April 3, 2008): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1942.tb03434.x.

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8

Benson, C. W. "Additional Notes on Nyasaland Birds." Ibis 84, no. 3 (April 3, 2008): 299–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1942.tb05709.x.

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9

Benson, C. W. "Ringed European Storks in Nyasaland." Ibis 86, no. 4 (April 3, 2008): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1944.tb02222.x.

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10

HAZLEWOOD, ARTHUR, and P. D. HENDERSON. "NYASALAND: THE ECONOMICS OF FEDERATION." Bulletin of the Oxford University Institute of Economics & Statistics 22, no. 1 (May 1, 2009): 1–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.1960.mp22001001.x.

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11

MARJOMAA, RISTO. "THE MARTIAL SPIRIT: YAO SOLDIERS IN BRITISH SERVICE IN NYASALAND (MALAWI), 1895–1939." Journal of African History 44, no. 3 (November 2003): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008430.

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During the colonial period, the Yao formed the main source of recruits for the King's African Rifles Nyasaland (Malawi) battalions. Originally, the main reason for the large number of Yao volunteers was probably the simple fact that the recruitment office was near Yao areas. However, due to prevailing racial ideals the British colonial military interpreted this as a sign of a ‘martial spirit’. This led to active encouragement to enlist the Yao, which in turn made military service ever more attractive among this group. They became the ‘martial race’ of Nyasaland, a concept which continued to affect British recruitment policies until the Second World War.

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12

Hanney, Peter. "The Muridae of Malawi (Africa: Nyasaland)." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 146, no. 4 (May 7, 2010): 577–633. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7998.1965.tb05224.x.

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13

Benson, C. W. "XXVI.-Miscellaneous Notes on Nyasaland Birds." Ibis 79, no. 3 (April 3, 2008): 551–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1937.tb02189.x.

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14

FABER, MICHAEL. "THE FEDERATION OF RHODESIA AND NYASALAND." Bulletin of the Oxford University Institute of Economics & Statistics 21, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.1959.mp21004010.x.

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15

Quinn, Victoria. "The Nyasaland survey papers: 1938–1943." Food Policy 18, no. 6 (December 1993): 530–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0306-9192(93)90013-2.

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16

Kalinga, Owen. "Independence Negotiations in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054741001.

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AbstractThis article examines the processes of negotiations for autonomy from British rule in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s. It shows that developments in the Zambezia region, in particular African resistance to the Central African Federation, influenced the nature and pace of the negotiations. African nationalists conducted horizontal negotiations among themselves in addition to intense negotiations with colonial authorities divided between the Federation and London. In the end, the negotiations succeeded in transferring power to the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) led by Kamuzu Banda and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) under Kenneth Kaunda.

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17

Bryant, G. E. "TWO NEW INJURIOUS PHYTOPHAGA FROM NYASALAND (COLEOPT.)." Proceedings of the Royal Entomological Society of London. Series B, Taxonomy 7, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3113.1938.tb01252.x.

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18

Thomas, Oldfield. "On some new Mammals from Northern Nyasaland." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 72, no. 1 (July 7, 2010): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7998.1902.tb08210.x.

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19

Peterson, Derek R. "A History of Resistance in Colonial Nyasaland." Journal of Southern African Studies 43, no. 2 (February 22, 2017): 438–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2017.1292678.

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20

Benson, C. W., and F. M. Benson. "Some Breeding and other Records from Nyasaland." Ibis 89, no. 2 (April 3, 2008): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1947.tb04152.x.

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21

BFNSON., C. W. "THE TEITA FALCON FALCO FASCHNUCHA IN NYASALAND." Ibis 102, no. 1 (April 3, 2008): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1960.tb05103.x.

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22

MacKenzie, John M. "Nyasaland: the British colonial record to 1939." Round Table 111, no. 6 (November 2, 2022): 739–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2022.2149155.

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23

Lee, Christopher J. "Jus SoliandJus Sanguinisin the Colonies: The Interwar Politics of Race, Culture, and Multiracial Legal Status in British Africa." Law and History Review 29, no. 2 (May 2011): 497–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801100006x.

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In April 1929, an unremarkable man—a local entrepreneur and defendant in a minor lawsuit—entered the High Court of Nyasaland (contemporary Malawi) and made a remarkable gesture. The son of an Indian immigrant and an African woman, Suleman Abdul Karim declared himself a “non-native” and that he should consequently be tried as such. The lawsuit brought against him concerned the ownership of a Ford truck for which he had failed to complete payment. Approximately ten months earlier on June 28, 1928, Ernest Carr of Blantyre, Nyasaland—a local auctioneer and businessman who frequently ran advertisements inThe Nyasaland Timesduring the 1920s—had sold the Ford to Karim with a written agreement that it would be paid for with £30 as a down payment, £20 on July 31, 1928, with the remaining £50 to be paid in monthly installments of £10 starting August 31, 1928. All told, this business transaction was intended to be resolved expeditiously, with its completion by the new year of 1929. However, the minor expectation that this contract had promised was not fulfilled. Two payments were made, an initial one on the day of sale for £30 and a second several months later on November 16, this time for £8. Karim defaulted on the remaining amount. Furthermore, he failed to make an insurance premium payment of £10 to the African Guarantee and Indemnity Co. Ltd., for which Carr was a local agent. Despite these defaults, Karim had not returned the Ford. Consequently, after several more months elapsed, a claim against Karim came before the High Court on April 11, 1929.

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24

Vaughan, Megan. "FAMINE ANALYSIS AND FAMILY RELATIONS: 1949 IN NYASALAND." Past and Present 108, no. 1 (1985): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/108.1.177.

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25

Shelley, Captain G. E. "XLI.-On a Collection of Birds from Nyasaland." Ibis 43, no. 4 (April 3, 2008): 586–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1901.tb00485.x.

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26

ROBERTS, C. CLIFTON. "XVII.- On the Nesting of some Nyasaland Ducks." Ibis 66, no. 2 (April 3, 2008): 356–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1924.tb05331.x.

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27

Belcher, Charles F. "XXXIX.-Birds on the Luchenya Plateau, Mlanje, Nyasaland." Ibis 67, no. 4 (April 3, 2008): 797–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1925.tb02133.x.

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28

Benson, C. W. "Observations from the Kota-kota District of Nyasaland." Ibis 89, no. 4 (April 3, 2008): 553–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1947.tb03889.x.

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29

Thomas, Oldfield. "1. On the Mammals of Nyasaland: fourth Notice." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 64, no. 4 (August 21, 2009): 788–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1896.tb03079.x.

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30

Graham A, Matthews. "A Future for Ultra-Low Volume Application of Biological and Selected Chemical Pesticides." Journal of Biotechnology & Bioinformatics Research 6, no. 1 (February 29, 2024): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.47363/jbbr/2024(6)169.

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A project to improve the yields of cotton in Rhodesia and Nyasaland involved a study on a key pest, the Red Bollworm (Diparopsis castanea), which included laboratory studies to determine the impact of certain insecticides, a change in spray equipment to minimise exposure of the operator to the spray and timing of sprays to control the first instar larvae.

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31

Fairweather-Tall, Andrew. "The Late Colonial State in Malawi: Some Ideas on the Transition from Inter-War Timidity to Post-War Confidence, 1930-1950." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530002458x.

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On 24 June 1930, the Governor of Nyasaland opened the first session of the Advisory Committee on Education; the Committee had been constituted in accordance with the recently enacted Education Ordinance to replace the Board of Education. He observed that the Ordinance was ‘a radical change in our education policy’ because ‘it does not attempt to control education: schools of any description however inefficient may be opened’.

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32

Murphy, Philip. "A Police State? The Nyasaland Emergency and Colonial Intelligence." Journal of Southern African Studies 36, no. 4 (December 2010): 765–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2010.527634.

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33

Alfonsi, Daniela Do Amaral, Íris Morais Araújo, Lílian Sales, Rachel Rua Baptista, and Rafaela De Andrade Deiab. "Entrevista com Peter Fry." Cadernos de Campo (São Paulo, 1991) 13, no. 13 (March 30, 2005): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9133.v13i13p133-146.

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Antropólogo formado em Cambridge, Pe-ter Fry fez sua primeira pesquisa de campo nosanos 1960 entre os Zezuru da Rodésia do Sul(atual Zimbábue), ligado à Universidade deLondres e a sua associada na África, a UniversityCollege of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Defendidoseu doutorado, Fry veio para o Brasil em 1970,onde ajudou a fundar a UNICAMP e se inte-grou à vida acadêmica local, pesquisando nopaís temas relacionados a relações raciais, ho-mossexualidade e religião.

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34

Woods, Tony. "The Myth of the Capitalist Class: Unofficial Sources and Political Economy in Colonial Malawi, 1895-1924." History in Africa 16 (1989): 363–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171792.

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One of the prevalent theories in Malawian historiography is that primitive accumulation created a unified capitalist class which worked in concert with the colonial state and sowed the seeds of poverty by viciously exploiting the indigenous community. This proposition relies almost exclusively on official sources, and scholars have rarely looked for unofficial material to corroborate it. Such a lacuna is regrettable because unofficial data indicate that Malawi's colonial capitalists were often a badly fragmented class antagonistic to the colonial administration. Moreover, the capitalists' divisions paralyzed them politically and thus allowed the state to enact legislation which was often antithetical to capitalists' ambitions and prerequisites. As a result, the capitalists often found themselves economically imperiled. Few documents demonstrate this trend better than the colony's most important expatriate newspaper, The Nyasaland Times.The Nyasaland Times first appeared in 1895. Published by R.S. Hynde at the Blantyre Mission press, it immediately declared that “we are devoted to the planting interests of the community—the interest, we venture to state, on which the commercial prosperity of B.C.A. [British Central Africa] depends.” That the planters needed a voice devoted to them can scarcely be denied. By 1895 both the administration and the missions had established papers which were often hostile to the planters. In particular, Sir Harry Johnston's British Central African Gazette reflected the Commissioner's almost feral antipathy towards the planters in its editorials.

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35

McCRACKEN, J. "State of Emergency: Crisis in Central Africa, Nyasaland 1959-1960." African Affairs 97, no. 386 (January 1, 1998): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007912.

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36

BARNES, K. J. "State of Emergency: Crisis in Central Africa, Nyasaland 1959-60." African Affairs 97, no. 389 (October 1, 1998): 574–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007976.

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37

Kalinga, Owen J. M. "The 1959 Nyasaland State of Emergency in Old Karonga District." Journal of Southern African Studies 36, no. 4 (December 2010): 743–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2010.527633.

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38

Chirwa, Wiseman Chijere. "Child and youth labour on the Nyasaland plantations, 1890–1953." Journal of Southern African Studies 19, no. 4 (December 1993): 662–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079308708378.

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39

Kamwendo, Gregory. "Is Malawi guilty of spoiling the Queen's language?" English Today 19, no. 2 (April 2003): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078403002062.

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The present study reports on the history and current circumstances of the English language in Malawi (formerly the British protectorate of Nyasaland), where the standard of English, in terms both of teaching and use, has been in decline since the time of Dr Hastings Banda, the first president (who insisted on high standards in English and education). The study also describes and analyses Malawi's currently rising appetite for English in an environment in which the language is more or less synonymous with education itself.

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40

Gwande, Victor M. "The Political Economy of American Businesses in British Central Africa, 1953–1963." Business History Review 97, no. 1 (2023): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680523000065.

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This article details how and why officials in the United States and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland developed policies and initiatives to promote US capital investments. It analyzes these policies in the context of decolonization, white minority rule, and the Cold War in Africa. It further shows how US business interests, especially in the mining industry, increased their investments and influenced policy. Drawing from Zimbabwean archives, it argues that these competing priorities produced inconsistent results that tended to support US imperialism and hinder nationalist movements in British Central Africa.

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41

Vaughan, M. "Mr Mdala Writes to the Governor: Negotiating Colonial Rule in Nyasaland." History Workshop Journal 60, no. 1 (September 1, 2005): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbi038.

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42

Jones, Tiffany F. "Markku Hokkanen, Medicine, Mobility and the Empire: Nyasaland Networks, 1859–1960." Social History of Medicine 32, no. 1 (October 22, 2018): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky087.

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43

Cummiskey, Julia R. "Markku Hokkanen. Medicine, Mobility and the Empire: Nyasaland Networks, 1859–1960." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 74, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jrz003.

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44

McCracken, John. "Labour in Nyasaland: an assessment of the 1960 railway workers’ strike." Journal of Southern African Studies 14, no. 2 (January 1988): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057078808708174.

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45

Proctor, J. H. "Scottish missionaries as legislators representing the Africans of Nyasaland, 1908–1958." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 9, no. 1 (June 1989): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1989.9525752.

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46

Thompson, David M. "A Triangular Conflict: The Nyasaland Protectorate and Two Missions, 1915–33." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 393–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.22.

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The idea that the churches became agents of empire through their missionary activity is very popular, but it is too simple. Established Churches, such as those of England and Scotland, could certainly be used by government, usually willingly; so could the Roman Catholic Church in the empires of other countries. But the position of the smaller churches, usually with no settler community behind them, was different. This study examines the effects of the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 on the British Churches of Christ mission in Nyasaland (modern Malawi). What is empire? The Colonial Office and the local administration might view a situation in different ways. Their decisions could thus divide native Christians from the UK, and even cause division in the UK church itself, as well as strengthening divisions on the mission field between different churches. Thus, even in the churches, imperial actions could foster the African desire for independence of empire.

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47

Palmer, Robin. "Working Conditions and Worker Responses on Nyasaland Tea Estates, 1930–1953." Journal of African History 27, no. 1 (March 1986): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029224.

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The tea industry of southern Nyasaland employed intermittently a heterogeneous labour force of some twenty to thirty thousand and paid workers minimum wages of 7s. in 1930, rising to between 17s. 6d. and 20s. in 1953. A complex wage structure offered different rates to hoers, pluckers, factory workers and clerks. Thousands of children, butvirtually no women, were employed. Wages and working conditions were acknowledged to be unattractive, even by the industry itself, and compared favourably only with those offered in Portuguese East Africa. The initial viability of the plantation sector in the Shire Highlands was made possible by the immigration of hundreds of thousands of Lomwe from Portuguese East Africa. Lomwe workers, who sought assimilation and upward mobility, have been depicted as virtual slaves of the planters, but there is evidence of effective local, day-to-day and passive resistance on their part which left planters feeling impotent, unable to turn labour out on Sundays or in the rains or enforce unpopular thangata (labour rent) agreements, and obliged to reduce the daily tasks demanded of the worker. Confronted with an increasingly severe shortage of labour, which caused millions of pounds of tea to remain unpicked, planters began to improve working conditions on their estates, but this failed to resolve their labour problem or to dampen post-war militancy. Irresponsible actions by the British Central Africa Company increased tensions in Cholo which culminated in the serious riots of 1953 in which eleven people were killed. Government responded to this growing rural radicalism by repurchasing half of the million acres of freehold estate land which had initially been ‘bought’ from chiefs prior to the colonial occupation.

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48

Banda, Paul Chiudza. "Decolonizing the BSAC in Nyasaland: Economic and Developmental Implications, 1944–1967." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 10, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2019.1675032.

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49

Vaughan, Megan. "Suicide in Late Colonial Africa: The Evidence of Inquests from Nyasaland." American Historical Review 115, no. 2 (April 2010): 385–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.115.2.385.

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50

Bolt, Jutta, and Leigh Gardner. "How Africans Shaped British Colonial Institutions: Evidence from Local Taxation." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 4 (October 2, 2020): 1189–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000455.

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The institutions that governed most of the rural population in British colonial Africa have been neglected in the literature on colonialism. We use new data on local governments, or “Native Authorities,” to present the first quantitative comparison of African institutions under indirect rule in four colonies in 1948: Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Nyasaland, and Kenya. Tax data show that Native Authorities’ capacity varied within and between colonies, due to both underlying economic inequalities and African elites’ relations with the colonial government. Our findings suggest that Africans had a bigger hand in shaping British colonial institutions than often acknowledged.

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