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Journal articles on the topic 'Nucleare iraniano'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Gaietta, Michele. "La dorsale nucleare iraniana." STORIA URBANA, no. 131 (November 2011): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2011-131005.

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In questi ultimi dieci anni, il programma nucleare iraniano ha assunto una valenza cruciale per la definizione dei rapporti tra la Repubblica islamica dell'Iran e una parte rilevante della comunitŕ internazionale. Nonostante sia necessario valutare quanto le ambizioni nucleari di questo paese possano ulteriormente influenzare gli equilibri politico- strategici regionali, č altrettanto significativo analizzare come, storicamente, questo quadro regionale abbia inciso sulle decisioni assunte dall'Iran - monarchico e rivoluzionario - rispetto alle tempistiche di costruzione e al posizionamento territoriale dei propri siti nucleari. Puň essere quindi tracciata una "dorsale" Teheran-Esfahan-Bushehr che mette in relazione i principali siti nucleari iraniani attualmente in funzione, snodandosi sul corridoio strategico che dal Mar Caspio lambisce le acque del Golfo Persico. Questa "dorsale" include l'impianto di arricchimento di Natanz, principale oggetto della contesa con la comunitŕ internazionale, che dista pochi chilometri dal punto d'incontro delle direttrici che collegano Bagdad con Herat (e Kabul), Kuwait City con Ashgabat, il confine turco-armeno a nord-est con quello pakistano a sud-ovest. La centralitŕ politica assunta dal programma nucleare per l'Iran si traduce quindi in una "centralitŕ territoriale", a riprova del profondo radicamento tra questa questione e la concezione strategica dell'intero paese.

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2

Souza, Bruno Mendelski de. "A Deslegitimação do Programa Nuclear Iraniano no Discurso de Benjamin Netanyahu." Contexto Internacional 37, no. 2 (August 2015): 727–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-85292015000200013.

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Resumo O Programa Nuclear Iraniano, durante os últimos anos, vem gerando grande controvérsia na comunidade internacional, sendo o Estado de Israel um dos grandes opositores do referido programa. Dito isso, o artigo procura analisar como ocorre o processo de deslegitimação desta política nacional iraniana dentro dos discursos do primeiro-ministro israelense, Benjamin Netanyahu. Como arcabouço teórico, empregaremos os conceitos pós-modernistas de identidade, política externa e segurança, conforme preconizados por Campbell (1992) e Hansen (2006). Paralelamente, utilizaremos as metodologias oriundas da análise crítica do discurso de Thompson (2007) e Reyes (2006; 2008; 2011). Concluímos pontuando que a representação da identidade pacífica israelense em oposição a uma identidade iraniana ameaçadora constitui o eixo principal para a deslegitimação do Programa Nuclear Iraniano.

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3

Mokhtari, Fariborz. "No One Will Scratch My Back: Iranian Security Perceptions in Historical Context." Middle East Journal 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/59.2.12.

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Iranians support a policy of deterrence because their perception of Iran's security is colored by historical experiences. For Iranians, geopolitical realities together with national psychology define national security. This article attempts to explain the national psychology, and in doing so point to a path of US-Iranian policy convergence. The United States should avoid making the mistake Britain made in 1951, making an oil royalty issue a matter of national pride for Iranians. The current nuclear dispute could turn into an object of Iranian national pride, liberty, and independence. The question whether a nation without access to a nuclear fuel cycle could be anything other than a dependent consumer, has already been posed.

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4

Morales Martinez, Elias David, and Giovani Benito Mena del Prete. "O Programa Nuclear Iraniano e o Acordo E3/EU+3 | The Iranian Nuclear Program and the E3/EU+3 Agreement." Mural Internacional 6, no. 2 (July 23, 2016): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2015.16847.

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O artigo analisa o desenvolvimento do programa nuclear iraniano e a sua relação com o acordo entre o Irã e o grupo E3/EU+3 que está sendo negociado desde 2013. A partir de uma análise histórica, consideramos os diferentes momentos do programa nuclear iraniano desde a sua criação, que contou com o apoio estadunidense nos anos 1950, passando pela sua paralisação com a Revolução Islâmica de 1979. A partir dos anos 1990 evidenciamos três fases. A primeira com o presidente Kathami, responsável pela sua retomada. No século XXI o presidente Ahmadinejad imprime ao programa nuclear o discurso dissuasório utilizando-o como ferramenta política, a qual foi acertadamente aproveitada pelo atual presidente Rohani, quem iniciou as negociações com o grupo E3/EU+3 para o acordo histórico sobre o programa nuclear do Irã.ABSTRACTThe article analyzes the development of the Iranian nuclear program and its relation to the agreement between Iran and the E3/EU+3 group. From an historical analysis, we consider the different milestones of the Iranian nuclear program from the time when its inception, which was supported by the U.S. since the 1950s, until its closure from the Islamic Revolution in 1979. We noted three phases of this program starting from the 1990’s. The first phase occurred during the time of President Khatami, who was responsible for the resumption (of the program). At the beginning of the XXI century President Ahmadinejad marked the roadmap of the nuclear program with a dissuasive speech using it as a political tool, which was rightly seized by President Rohani, who initiated the negotiations with the E3/EU+3 group for the historic agreement for Iran’s nuclear program (2013-2015).Palavras-chave: Irã, Programa Nuclear Iraniano, Grupo E3/EU+3.Keywords: Iran; Iranian Nuclear Program, E3/EU+3 Group DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2015.16847Recebido em 23 de junho de 2015 / Aceito em 13 de novembro de 2015.Received June 23, 2015 / Accepted November 13, 2015

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5

Dehghani, Morteza, Rumen Iliev, Sonya Sachdeva, Scott Atran, Jeremy Ginges, and Douglas Medin. "Emerging sacred values: Iran’s nuclear program." Judgment and Decision Making 4, no. 7 (December 2009): 530–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1930297500001108.

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Abstract Sacred values are different from secular values in that they are often associated with violations of the cost-benefit logic of rational choice models. Previous work on sacred values has been largely limited to religious or territorial conflicts deeply embedded in historical contexts. In this work we find that the Iranian nuclear program, a relatively recent development, is treated as sacred by some Iranians, leading to a greater disapproval of deals which involve monetary incentives to end the program. Our results suggest that depending on the prevalence of such values, incentive-focused negotiations may backfire.

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6

Dehghani, Morteza, Scott Atran, Rumen Iliev, Sonya Sachdeva, Douglas Medin, and Jeremy Ginges. "Sacred values and conflict over Iran’s nuclear program." Judgment and Decision Making 5, no. 7 (December 2010): 540–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1930297500001704.

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AbstractConflict over Iran’s nuclear program, which involves a US-led policy to impose sanctions on Iran, is perceived by each side as a preeminent challenge to its own national security and global peace. Yet, there is little scientific study or understanding of how material incentives and disincentives, such as economic sanctions, psychologically affect the targeted population and potentially influence behaviour. Here we explore the Iranian nuclear program within a paradigm concerned with sacred values. We integrate experiments within a survey of 1997 Iranians. We find that a relatively small but politically significant portion of the Iranian population believes that acquiring nuclear energy has become a sacred value, in the sense that proposed economic incentives and disincentives result in a “backfire effect” in which offers of material rewards or punishment lead to increased anger and greater disapproval. This pattern was specific to nuclear energy and did not hold for acquiring nuclear weapons. The present study is the first demonstration of the backfire effect for material disincentives as well as incentives, and on an issue whose apparent sacred nature is recent rather than longstanding.

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7

Partovi, Pedram. "Televisual Experiences of Iran's Isolation: Turkish Melodrama and Homegrown Comedy in the Sanctions Era." Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 1 (April 2018): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.4.

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AbstractThis essay examines the television viewing habits of Iranians since 2010, when the first of a series of crippling international sanctions were imposed on Iran after diplomatic efforts to curb the country's nuclear program stalled. Like many others in the region, viewers in Iran have been swept up by the recent wave of Turkish serials, which a new generation of offshore private networks dubbed into Persian and beamed to households with illegal satellite television dishes. These glossy melodramas provided access to consumerist utopias increasingly beyond the reach of Iranians living under the shadow of sanctions. Despite the enormous popularity of Turkish television imports with Iranian audiences, the Islamic Republic's networks managed to broadcast some successful “counter-programming” during this era of economic and political isolation. The comedy Paytakht/Capital (2011–15), more specifically, eschewed the glamour and glitz of many Turkish serials for ordinary characters living rather ordinary lives in small town Iran. In doing so, the series highlighted not only the problems that the sanctions regime created or exacerbated in Iranian society but also the virtues of remaining on the margins of a neoliberal global economic order. The essay concludes by asking how Iranian audiences might enjoy both Capital and Turkish melodramas simultaneously.

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8

Leães, Ricardo Fagundes. "O Sucesso das Negociações do Programa Nuclear Iraniano." Conjuntura Austral 6, no. 31 (September 15, 2015): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2178-8839.56918.

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Após décadas de tensão, sanções, desconfiança e instabilidade, Irã e Estados Unidos lograram, enfim, firmar um amplo acordo com o fito de desanuviar suas relações e pôr um termo às suspeitas internacionais sobre o caráter pacífico do programa nuclear iraniano. As negociações, que tiveram início oficialmente em novembro de 2013, foram concluídas dentro do prazo anteriormente estipulado pelos participantes, 31 de março de 2015. A condução do acordo se deu por representantes iranianos e por uma junta de diplomatas e políticos da União Europeia e do P5 + 1 (os cinco membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança da ONU somados à Alemanha). Embora seus termos ainda não tenham sido legalmente fixados, já se pode esperar um levantamento progressivo das sanções impostas ao Irã desde a década de 1980, intensificadas a partir de 2009. Da mesma forma, o programa nuclear do país adquire maior respaldo internacional, pois fica sujeito a inspeções regulares e irrestritas de especialistas.

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9

Bahl, Bhanavi. "Iranian nuclear energy :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 6 (June 1, 2022): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i6.108.

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As Iran rapidly gains toward the establishment of its nuclear arsenal, discomfort and apprehension are escalating in the world. A proof of Iran’s cutting-edge technology is its latest milestone on the nuclear front. Iran has begun testing its uranium-enriching centrifuges, which has allowed Iran to extract, separate and then enrich uranium at a faster pace. Despite renewed attempts to reinstate the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the Iran Nuclear Deal, Iran continues to make headway in the field. This paper aims to objectively report and illustrate the recent advancements in Iran’s nuclear energy. All the while, assessing the political and economic dimension of the nuclear dispute which has brought forth powers from around the world. On one end nations push for Iran’s nuclearisation for their core economic interests, while others, in attempts to further ostracise the pariah, impose economic sanctions. This push and pull of power have materialised into a ‘tug-of-war’, making Iran’s nuclearisation an issue that transcends not only its immediate region but also in the international arena as well. The paper begins by touching upon the historical background of Iran’s nuclear programme that was first pursued in the 1950s, however, it was marked with negligible progress. It was only in the 70s that Iran made progress on this front, along with its ambitious efforts toward the revolution in 1979. This section concludes by discussing the advancements in the 90s and 2000s, with the aim of setting the pace as a prelude to the section that analyses Iran’s nuclear programme today and its implications. The proceeding sections analyse the groundwork that set the pace for the Iran Nuclear Deal. Lastly, the paper discusses Iran’s nuclear technological advancements and the politicaleconomic factors that influence ‘Iran’s Nuclear Crisis.

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10

Tabatabai, Ariane M., and Annie Tracy Samuel. "What the Iran-Iraq War Tells Us about the Future of the Iran Nuclear Deal." International Security 42, no. 1 (July 2017): 152–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00286.

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The 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War stands as the pivotal event for Iran's national security strategy, especially as it pertains to the country's controversial nuclear program. The “imposed war,” as it is known to Iranians, caused Iran to view itself as isolated and on the defensive, striving for self-reliance and survival in what it continues to perceive as an unjust international order. The war has shaped both Iran's strategic outlook generally and its nuclear policies specifically. It was a decisive factor in determining the nature and scope of Iran's nuclear activities, as well as in Iran's approach to the international negotiations surrounding those activities, which in 2015 produced the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Both during those talks and after the implementation of the deal began, Iranian decisionmakers regularly invoked the history and lessons of the war to construe their decisionmaking process and define their bottom lines. Yet the war and its implications for Iran's strategic culture and nuclear thinking remain understudied and misunderstood. If the implementation of the deal and a longer-term resolution of the conflict over Iran's nuclear program are to succeed, the history of the Iran-Iraq War and the vital lessons that Iran has drawn from it must be appreciated.

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11

Bowen, Wyn Q., and Joanna Kidd. "The Iranian Nuclear Challenge." International Affairs 80, no. 2 (March 2004): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00382.x.

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12

Guldimann, Tim. "The Iranian Nuclear Impasse." Survival 49, no. 3 (October 2007): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330701564778.

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13

Butler, Declan. "Iranian nuclear scientists attacked." Nature 468, no. 7324 (November 30, 2010): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/468607a.

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14

Therme, Clément, Kjølv Egeland, and Hebatalla Taha. "Seizing Nuclear Tehran: Obstacles to Understanding Iranian Nuclear Activities." Middle East Journal 76, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/76.2.11.

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In this article, we interrogate some of the central assumptions in the literature on Iran's nuclear behavior, including the role of the United States as a benevolent hegemon, the revisionist character of the Iranian government, the utility and efficacy of sanctions, and the widespread assumption that Iran is bent on obtaining and even using the bomb. We maintain that contemporary debates on the Iranian nuclear issue display similarities to Kremlinology during the Cold War, being deeply politicized and subject to bias and self-censorship. We conclude by highlighting ways for scholars to recast the discussion.

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15

Kibaroglu, Mustafa. "Good for the Shah, Banned for the Mullahs: The West and Iran's Quest for Nuclear Power." Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 207–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.2.11.

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Iran's nuclear program has become a highly controversial issue in international politics since the August 2002 unveiling of the secretly built uranium enrichment facility in Natanz and the heavy-water production plant in Arak. American officials and experts assert that Iran has secret plans to use its nuclear capabilities to develop nuclear weapons. Iranian officials, however, deny such allegations and claim that they will use their capabilities exclusively for peaceful purposes. Notwithstanding the official rhetoric, some Iranian scholars, intellectuals, and even bureaucrats argue that Iran should seriously consider developing nuclear weapons given that they have the necessary skills and capabilities as well as the reasons to do so. The clerical leaders have supposedly not yet decided about weaponizing Iran's nuclear capability. However, the ever-increasing size of Iran's existing nuclear infrastructure, and the achievements of Iranian scientists, who claim to have developed indigenous capabilities, may very well elevate Iran to the status of a nuclear power, even a de facto nuclear-weapons state.

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16

Castelvecchi, Davide. "Iranian researchers welcome nuclear deal." Nature 523, no. 7561 (July 2015): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature.2015.17984.

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17

Ningthoujam, Alvite Singh. "Iranian Nuclear Program: A Chronology." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 3, no. 1 (March 2016): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916637500.

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18

Martellini, Maurizio, and Riccardo Redaelli. "Addressing the Iranian nuclear option." International Spectator 39, no. 4 (October 2004): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720408457096.

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19

Barzegar, Kayhan. "Nuclear Terrorism: An Iranian Perspective." Middle East Policy 21, no. 1 (March 2014): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12055.

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20

Howard, Roger. "Meeting the Iranian nuclear challenge." RUSI Journal 149, no. 5 (October 2004): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840408523126.

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21

Cheban, O. Y., and A. S. Kraskova. "PROBLEMS OF EU-CHINA RELATIONS IN SOLVING THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM'S ISSUE." International and Political Studies, no. 34 (October 21, 2021): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.229944.

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It is proven in the paper that the chosen topic is relevant due to the impact of China and the EU on the negotiations about the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. In the article, it is done a comparative analysis of the policy of the EU and China regarding the regulation of the Iranian nuclear program’s problem. It is also mentioned in the paper that since the time of the US presidential administration of Donald Trump, the EU and China have been seen as valuable actors in resolving the Iranian nuclear program’s issue. For this reason, the main purpose of the work is a review of the influence that China’s and EU’s policies regarding the development of the nuclear program of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) exert on European security. The history of China-Iran relations in the nuclear sphere and the important role of China in the development of the Iranian nuclear program is mentioned in the paper. It is also noted that the fact that the EU countries are partners or allies of the United States, which is the main rival of the IRI, has complicated the dialogue between the European Union and Iran. It is shown in the paper that during Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the Iranian nuclear program was not controlled by the international community, and because of that China supported sanctions of the UN Security Council against Iran. As it is mentioned in the article, until the end of the 2000s, the EU, as well as the People’s Republic of China (PRC), did not support the US policy toward Iran. The Iranian-Chinese relations in the nuclear field were studied. It is mentioned that despite the fact that China is interested in exporting Iranian energy resources, Beijing will never accept Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons. It is assumed that the fact that China does not support the nuclear weapons status of Iran gives it the opportunity to cooperate with the EU in case Iran decides to acquire nuclear weapons. It is noticed that China had a major impact on the negotiations related to signing the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), i. e. the nuclear agreement with Iran. The further actions of the EU and the PRC after the dissolution of the JCPOA are mentioned in the paper. The scenarios of further development of the situation around the Iranian nuclear program were reviewed. As a result of the research, it is concluded that China and the EU have played a significant role in achieving the JCPOA and conducting diplomatic negotiations with Iran. The strengthening of Beijing’s role as a key partner of Teheran and the decrease of the EU’s impact on Iran’s foreign policy were mentioned in the paper.

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22

SIUDAK, Robert. "SECURITIZATION OF NUCLEAR TECHNOLOGIES – THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM." National Security Studies 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/135298.

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Teoria sekurytyzacji stanowi jedną z najszerzej dyskutowanych propozycji teoretycznych w pozimnowojennych badaniach nad bezpieczeństwem międzynarodowym. Bazując na konstruktywistycznych oraz postmodernistycznych założeniach dotyczących areny stosunków społecznych, pozwala ona na nowe jakościowo ujęcie dynamiki bezpieczeństwa. Niniejszy artykuł, wykorzystując aparat pojęciowy tej teorii, analizuje proces sekurytyzacji technologii nuklearnych irańskiego programu atomowego. Badaniu poddany jest w pierwszej kolejności dyskurs medialny wokół kwestii technologii nuklearnych Iranu. Zwrócona zostaje przy tym uwaga na wątki orientalistyczne oraz uprzywilejowany dostęp określonych grup polityków do głównych kanałów komunikowania masowego. Następnie przedstawiona jest dynamika samego procesu sekurytyzacji. Jako aktor sekurytyzujący występuje premier Izraela Benjamin Netanyahu, zaś podstawę analizy stanowią akty mowy wygłaszane przez niego na forum Zgromadzenia Ogólnego ONZ oraz podczas oficjalnych uroczystości państwowych. W zakończeniu podjęto próbę oceny skuteczności analizowanego procesu sekurytyzacji, zwracając uwagę na odmienne rezultaty na forum krajowym (Izrael) i międzynarodowym.

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23

DOLATABADİ, Ali Bagheri. "Ontological Security and Iran’s Missile Program." All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy and Peace 11, no. 2 (July 30, 2022): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20991/allazimuth.1150303.

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This article attempts to answer the question of why Iran is reluctant to discuss its missile program. Unlike other studies that focus on the importance of Iran’s missile program in providing deterrence for the country and establishing a balance of military power in the region, or that view the missile program as one of dozens of post-revolutionary contentious issues between Iran and the United States, this article looks into Iran’s ontological security. The paper primarily argues that the missile program has become a source of pride for Iranians, inextricably linked to their identity. As a result, the Iranian authorities face two challenges when it comes to sitting at the negotiation table with their Western counterparts: deep mistrust of the West, and the ensuing sense of shame over any deal on the missile issue. Thus, Iranian officials opted to preserve the identity components of the program, return to normal and daily routines of life, insist on the missile program’s continuation despite sanctions and threats, and emphasize the dignity and honor of having a missile program. The article empirically demonstrates how states can overcome feelings of shame and mistrust. It also theoretically proves that when physical security conflicts with ontological security, governments prefer the former over the latter, based on the history of Iran’s nuclear negotiations. They appeal to create new narratives to justify changing their previous policies.

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Dasgupta, Deeplekha Sengupta. "The Iranian Nuclear Impasse: The Protracted Imbroglio." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 22, no. 2 (July 10, 2018): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598418782075.

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The Iranian nuclear deadlock has been one of the most contentious issues confronting the international community till date. The following article seeks to trace the tussle between the evolution of the Iranian nuclear aspirations and the politics of non-proliferation. It is divided into four main sections. The first section attempts to give a brief description of the problematic of the discriminatory politics of nuclear non-proliferation regime that Iran has been put through by the West. Iran’s nuclear aspirations can be traced back to the 1950s. Its strategic relations with the USA and leading European nations brought Iran significant scientific and technological assistance to set up a nuclear infrastructure. The second segment of the article delves into Iran’s nuclear activities during the Shah regime and the Western response. The post-Shah years brought about notable changes in the Western approach to Iran’s nuclear pursuit, the denial of nuclear technology to Iran being the predominant stand of the West especially the USA. The third section addresses the changes in Iran’s stand on the nuclear issue and the consequent changes in its relations with the West especially the USA. The last section of the article, that is, the concluding part attempts a dispassionate take on the rationale behind its nuclear aspirations, the veracity of its arguments and the future of the Iranian nuclear impasse.

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25

Ghane, Mohammad Hossein, and Fatemeh Mahdavirad. "Journalistic Stance in Newswriting on Iranian Nuclear Issue." International Journal of English Linguistics 6, no. 6 (November 24, 2016): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v6n6p118.

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<p>Regarding the role of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in discovering the way ideology is crystalized through the prevalence of various discourses, the present study is an attempt to examine how the journalistic personal and institutional ideologies and political positions are realized through certain textual and intertextual features. Using Perrin’s (2012) progression model, journalistic stancing with regard to the Iranian nuclear issue at three levels of micro, meso, and macro was investigated. The study of claims of unpeacefulness in the Western media texts under investigation reveals a systematic ideological bias towards portraying a negative presentation of Iranian nuclear policy. The Iranian journalists, however, tend to highlight the peaceful nature of the Iranian nuclear program and the West’s double standards as well as Iran’s efforts in order to come to a mutual agreement. Implications of the insights provided by the study for confirming the premises of CDA and applications of the findings for teaching are explained in brief.</p>

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26

Berger, Andrea. "The Iranian Nuclear Crisis: A Memoir." RUSI Journal 157, no. 5 (October 2012): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2012.733127.

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27

Borghard, Erica D., and Mira Rapp-Hooper. "Hizbullah and the Iranian Nuclear Programme." Survival 55, no. 4 (September 2013): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2013.823022.

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28

Dutta, Sujit. "India and the Iranian Nuclear Standoff." Strategic Analysis 29, no. 3 (July 2005): 491–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2005.12049820.

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29

Güney, Nurşin Ateşoğlu. "Turkish Nuclear Security after Iranian Nuclearization." Contemporary Security Policy 33, no. 3 (December 2012): 512–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2012.727682.

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30

Knepper, Jennifer. "Nuclear Weapons and Iranian Strategic Culture." Comparative Strategy 27, no. 5 (October 21, 2008): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495930802430080.

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31

Kornilov, A. A., and N. S. Lobanova. "2013 Political Discussions in Foreign Affairs Committee of British Parliament on Iranian Nuclear Issue." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 5 (May 28, 2021): 384–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-5-384-398.

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The debate on Iran’s nuclear program in the Foreign Affairs Committee of the British Parliament, held in February 2013, in anticipation of the resumption of negotiations between Iran and the “six” of international mediators, is considered. Particular attention is paid to the position of experts invited to the meeting: representatives of academia, public organizations, military analysts. The high expert and analytical level of the meeting, which made it possible to develop effective political initiatives is noted. The most pressing issues raised during the parliamentary debates are considered. It was proved that both the deputies and the invited experts considered the further development of Tehran’s nuclear program dangerous. The authors dwell in detail on theways to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem, recommended by experts at a committee meeting: from increasing sanctions pressure to finding ways of a diplomatic settlement. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the Iranian nuclear problem continues to be a toxic factor in the Middle East region. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the attempt is made to reveal the position of the British Parliament members and leading experts on Iranian foreign policy. It is concluded that the political position expressed by the deputies and experts in the parliament testified to the readiness of the parties to negotiate and develop a consensus on the Iranian nuclear program.

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Chung, Jaewook. "The Commitment Problem and Negotiations over the Iranian Nuclear Issue." Korean Association of Area Studies 40, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 131–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.40.2.5.

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This study addresses the Iranian nuclear issue from a commitment problem perspective. With the unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA accord by the Trump administration in 2018, the commitment problem, which refers to a dilemma that the state is unable to make credible commitments due to international anarchy construed as the lack of superior authority to enforce commitments, has come to the fore in the new nuclear negotiations between the U.S. and Iran held since April 2021. Using a simple game theoretical model, this study shows that without ameliorating the commitment problem, no agreement would be reached, thus focusing on what initiatives can be and have been offered in the negotiations to address this problem. In particular, although a form of treaty that requires the two-thirds approval from the U.S. Senate must be the most legally-binding and, consequently, most costly form of agreement in that another U.S. withdrawal would inflict serious damage on its reputation, this kind of agreement is unlikely at present because of the Republican opposition in Congress. In response, the Iranians have offered several initiatives, including a ‘creative’ one called an “inherent guarantee,” which allows Iran to fully reverse its course so that it can acquire highly enriched uranium (HEU) again when the U.S. reneges on a new agreement. Whether this kind of initiative can be realized remains to be seen, proposed initiatives in the U.S.-Iran negotiations to address the commitment problem deserve attention because they might affect the North Korean nuclear issue, once a deal is struck between Washington and Tehran.

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Hanjing, Yue. "The Impact of the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine on the Iranian Nuclear Issue." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 5 (May 18, 2022): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i05.005.

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Before the outbreak of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the Vienna talks on the Iranian nuclear issue had been going on and off for nearly a year, but there were still differences on some key issues. After the outbreak of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, although the United States intends to reach an agreement to allow a large amount of Iranian energy to enter the international market to stabilize international energy prices, this may open a gap for sanctions against Russia. Because Russia asked the United States to ensure the normal conduct of its trade with Iran. More importantly, after the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the US policy of trying to isolate Russia has put it in a dilemma in the Iranian nuclear negotiations: if Russia is allowed to participate in the negotiations, it is contrary to the purpose of isolating Russia; if Russia is not allowed to participate in the negotiations, Iran disagrees. To some extent, this has hindered the resumption of Iran’s nuclear negotiations. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine has made Iran further realize the decisive role of nuclear deterrence in maintaining national security, so it will be more firm in the maintenance of its own relevant nuclear rights. The long-term trend of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the subsequent long-term trend of fierce confrontation between the United States and Europe and Russia have made Iran feel the improvement of its strategic environment and are even more reluctant to compromise on the nuclear issue. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has had a negative impact on the process of resolving the Iranian nuclear issue.

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Inbar, Efraim. "Iran and Israel: The Inevitable War?" SIRIUS – Zeitschrift für Strategische Analysen 4, no. 4 (November 1, 2020): 524–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sirius-2020-4007.

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Abstract This article reviews the ascendance of Iran in Middle East politics, the Iranian nuclear program, and the strategic implications of Iranian aspirations, which all increase the likelihood of direct armed conflict between Israel and Iran. It concludes that Iran’s nuclear and hegemonic ambitions remain uncurbed. Whatever efforts at “regime change” were made were unsuccessful, and Iran remains undeterred. Therefore, the likelihood of direct armed conflict between Israel and Iran is great.

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Hanjing, Yue. "The Present Situation and Trend of Negotiations on the Iranian Nuclear Issue." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 11 (November 25, 2022): 526–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i11.002.

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After Iran and the United States and Europe disagreed on the “final text” put forward by the European Union in early August, the Iranian nuclear talks once again reached an impasse and have continued to this day. The main contentious points that deadlocked the negotiations are: “guarantee problem” “problem of lifting of sanctions” “safeguard problem” and so on. At present, the Iranian nuclear issue is in a state where there are no formal negotiations but secret indirect communication, although there is a lot of progress, there are still major obstacles and although no agreement has been reached, there is no crisis. As far as the trend of Iranian nuclear negotiations is concerned, it is an inevitable trend to restart negotiations, and when to restart negotiations is affected by accidental factors. The form of resumption of negotiations is more likely to be the form of indirect talks between the United States and Iran mediated by the European Union. In fact, the goal of the negotiations will no longer be to return to the 2015 agreement but to reach a new one. Even if the talks are resumed, it will still be difficult to reach an agreement. The long-term failure to reach an agreement in the Iranian nuclear negotiations will increase the risk of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, affect peace and stability in the region, and at the same time promote the formation of international opposing camps, which is not conducive to international peace.

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Ibnu Qoyyim, Al Hafizh. "Iran’s Multilateral Diplomacy on The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Related to The Development of Nuclear Energy 2009-2015." Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413/jisea.vol3.iss1.2022.39-58.

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Since the Islamic revolution of Iran in 1979, the United States and its allies don’t like Iran's nuclear program and aim to manufacture nuclear weapons and assumed that Iran’s nuclear has violated the NPT treaty. Over time Iran sanctions in the form of a resolution by the UN Security Council due to the allegations provided by the United States and its allies. To maintain and acquire nuclear development rights, the Iranian government conducts diplomacy with the IAEA as an international atomic agency. This research explains influential factors in multilateral diplomacy success by Iran on IAEA related to nuclear energy development during 2009-2015 using the concept of multilateral diplomacy by Ronald A. Walker. The method used is qualitative method with descriptive analysis and data collection techniques are the study of literature. Iran is considered successful multilateral diplomacy through the formation of a collective agreement in the form of a comprehensive Joint Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 in Vienna. The Iranian government has been actively disseminating information related to nuclear development, as well as adhering to the multilateral treaty that has been ratified as the NPT safeguards agreement and additional protocol. the Iranian government actively negotiated since 2009 to send a delegation to the various meetings

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Kalbasi, Reyhan Ashtary. "Prospects for Russian-Iranian relations in the nuclear Field." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 195–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-2-195-202.

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Russia is one of the influential participants in the technical and political process of Iranian nuclear programme. Russian-Iranian relations in the nuclear field have been developing fora long time. The article discusses the factors that determine Russia’s approaches to cooperationwith Iran on the nuclear issue. Moscow’s policy takes into account the nature of bilateral Russian-Iranian relations, as well as the development of global processes. The position of Russia onthe further implementation of the Iranian nuclear programme is being considered in accordancewith the agreements reached within the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and takinginto account the change in the position of the United States.Russia and Iran have to take into account foreign factors. This is the sanctions policy of Westerncountries for Russia and moreover it has been constantly intensifying since 2014. The events inCrimea, which led to its entry into Russia, were the main reason for the revision of the relationsbetween the West and Russia. In turn, Iran has uneasy relationships with adjacent states. It wasnot so easy to build relationships with Western countries. The American’s revision of its policyon Iran’s atomic programme violated the current balance of Tehran’s relations with the West,which could lead to a further development of relations between Iran and Russia. Russian-Iraniancooperation is based on the mutual interests of the two countries including their internal politicaldevelopment and political processes in the modern world.

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Fair, C. Christine, Karl Kaltenthaler, and William J. Miller. "Iranians and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 36, no. 2 (2013): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsa.2013.0003.

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Shifrinson, Joshua R. Itzkowitz, and Miranda Priebe. "A Crude Threat: The Limits of an Iranian Missile Campaign against Saudi Arabian Oil." International Security 36, no. 1 (July 2011): 167–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00048.

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The United States and its Persian Gulf allies have been increasingly concerned with the growing size and complexity of Iran's ballistic missile programs. At a time when the United States and its allies remain locked in a standoff with Iran over the latter's nuclear program, states around the Persian Gulf fear that Iran would retaliate for an attack on its nuclear program by launching missiles at regional oil installations and other strategic targets. An examination of the threat posed by Iran's missiles to Saudi Arabian oil installations, based on an assessment of Iran's missile capabilities, a detailed analysis of Saudi Arabian oil infrastructure, and a simulated missile campaign against the network using known Iranian weapons, finds no evidence of a significant Iranian missile threat to Saudi infrastructure. These findings cast doubt on one aspect of the Iranian threat to Persian Gulf oil while offering an analytic framework for understanding developments in the Iranian missile arsenal and the vulnerability of oil infrastructure to conventional attack.

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Mahmood, Sohail. "Current political dynamics in Asia: Issues, developments and threats." Medjunarodni problemi 59, no. 1 (2007): 101–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0701101m.

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The author examines the current political dynamics in Asia and the potential threat situations jeopardizing the regional security. The article looks at proliferation of nuclear weapons and the North Korean and the Iranian nuclear cases. It studies the international pressures, diplomacy moves and the Iranian reaction and the EU and American perceptions. The Taiwan issue and territorial dispute of the South China Sea and the problem of Kashmir between Pakistan and India are discussed. The regional radical terrorism networks under the Islamic guise are also examined.

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Sinovets, P., and V. Gergiieva. "EVOLUTION OF US POLICY TOWARD IRAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM IN XXI CENTURY: FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRESIDENT TRUMP." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 144 (2020): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.144.1.23-33.

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Since 2002 until now, the Iranian nuclear program remains one of the hottest international problems despite the efforts of three US presidential administrations, which ruled during this time to solve the Iranian issue. This article analyses and compares the policy toward Iran of three US presidents George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump, discusses the positive and negative consequences of their attempts to solve the Iranian nuclear issue, and outlines the future prospects of US-Iran communication over the nuclear deal. President Trump's policy on Iran was somewhat similar to that of President Bush, both presidents rejected the policy of any concessions to Iran and focused on the policy of pressure. The US withdrawal from the JCPOA influenced not only the relations between the US and Iran, but also the relations of European countries, as since its release in 2018, Europe has tried to save the JCPOA and deter Iran from resuming its nuclear program. In general, Trump's policies not only canceled the nuclear deal, which was the result of long negotiations by the Obama administration, but also complicated further negotiations with Iran. Despite the victory of Democrat Joe Biden, who is a follower of Obama's policies, signing a new agreement with Iran may be even more difficult than it was in 2013-2015, because Iran's missile program has become even more developed, as well as distrust of international treaties as well. The article analyzes the possible consequences of Trump's policies and options for returning to dialogue and agreement. The next crucial stage in Iran-US relations is the upcoming elections in Iran in 2021, the results of which will affect the readiness of any concessions to ease sanctions and establish a dialogue. Key words: Iranian nuclear program, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), economic sanctions.

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Işıksal, Hüseyin, and Ghadir Golkarian. "Ortadoğu’nun Sonlandırılamayan Sorunu: Hatemi’den Ruhani’ye İran’ın Nükleer Enerji Siyaseti / The Unresolved Problem of the Middle East: Iran’s Nuclear Energy Policy from Khatami to Rouhani." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 8, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v8i2.2002.

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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article examines Iran’s nuclear energy policy, which is one of the most important issues in the Middle East. In addition to the work written on this subject, it aims to contribute to the literature in terms of the nuclear energy policies of the three Iranian leaders during the nuclear crisis period, namely Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Hassan Rouhani. In this respect, the article initially explains why Iran’s nuclear energy policy is important. Then, in order to emphasize the double standards that stand at the core of the subject, the background of the Iranian nuclear program and the reasons behind the Iranian energy policy after the 1979 Islamic Revolution are examined. As the destination point of these discussions, the periods under Khatami, Ahmadinejad, and Rouhani are examined in order to reveal the differences and similarities between the nuclear energy policies of the Iranian leaders.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Bu makale, Ortadoğu’daki en önemli sorunlardan biri olan İran’ın nükleer enerji siyasetini incelemektedir. Bu konuda yazılan çalışmalara ek olarak, nükleer kriz döneminin üç lideri, Muhammet Hatemi, Mahmut Ahmedinejat ve Hasan Ruhani’nin nükleer enerji siyasetinin analizi ile ilgili literatürün geliştirilmesi amaçlanmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda makale öncelikle İran’ın nükleer enerji siyasetinin neden önemli olduğunu ortaya koymuştur. Daha sonra konunun özünde olan çifte standart vurgusunu öne çıkarmak için İran nükleer programının temeli ve 1979 İslam Devrimi sonrası İran enerji siyaseti ve nükleer enerji kapasitesi geliştirme nedenleri irdelenmiştir. Bu tartışmaların varış noktası olarak son bölümde Hatemi, Ahmedinejat ve Ruhani dönemleri ayrı ayrı incelenmiş ve nükleer enerji siyasetleri arasındaki fark ve benzerlikler ortaya konulmuştur.</p>

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Babar, Summar Iqbal, Muhammad Nadeem Mirza, and Irfan Hasnain Qaisrani. "JOINT COMPREHENSIVE PLAN OF ACTION (JCPOA): PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES FOR THE GLOBAL SECURITY." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9113.

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Purpose of the study: The Iranian Nuclear ambition is an issue that tends to disturb the strategic balance and therefore the peace in the world’s most important geopolitical and geostrategic region; the Middle East.This study intends to explore the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the agreement signed to reign the Iranian nuclear ambitions. Methodology: This is exploratory qualitative research. It utilises the embedded case study method in which the said phenomenon is explored at different levels of analysis. Main Findings: Though there existed different types of perceptions vis-à-vis JCPOA, commonly known as the Iranian nuclear deal, yet the withdrawal of the US from it under the Trump administration gave Iran a rationale to further pursue its nuclear ambitions. So, the US withdrawal from the deal has enhanced the threat perceptions for global and regional security. Applications of this study: The study targets the students, scholars, and policy practitioners of Middle Eastern studies. Novelty/Originality of this study: The novelty is the use ofan embedded case study method to explore the impact of the JCPOA and US withdrawal from it, at different levels of analysis.

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Mahmood Alnuaimy, Luqmany Omar. "Turkey's Attitude on Iran's nuclear program And its implications for Turkish-American relations 2002-2019." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 21 (September 28, 2020): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i21.231.

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The research aims to shed light on Turkey's attitude from the developments of the Iranian nuclear program since the Justice and Development Party came to power in Turkey in 2002 until 2019, and the reflection of that attitude on Turkish-American relations, a period that witnessed important developments regarding the Iranian nuclear program and the developments of the American attitude from it, especially when the nuclear agreement was signed in 2015 between Iran and the major countries during the era of president Barack Obama, then the United States soon moved under president Donald Trump to withdraw from this agreement in 2018 for many reasons that will be discussed in detail, and Turkey's attitude from those developments .

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Askary, Pouria. "The Future of the Iran Deal from the International Law Perspective." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 115 (2021): 320–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2021.128.

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The Iranian nuclear program was launched before the Islamic Revolution in the 1950s with the help of the United States, under the agreement known as the Cooperation Concerning Civil Uses of Atoms. In 1958, immediately after the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Iran gained its membership and signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) on its adoption date, July 1, 1968. Two years after, the NPT was approved by the Iranian Parliament and since then, Iran remains a party to this treaty. In Article IV, the NPT endorses the inalienable right of all the Parties to the Treaty to develop research, production, and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination.

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Vakil, Sanam. "The Persian Dilemma: Will Iran Go Nuclear?" Current History 104, no. 681 (April 1, 2005): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.681.183.

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Harris, Benjamin. "Coercive Diplomacy and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." International Negotiation 26, no. 2 (October 19, 2020): 218–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10008.

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Abstract Coercive diplomacy was utilized by a coalition of the United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia, China and Germany (collectively known as the P5+1) to negotiate an end to the Iranian nuclear crisis from 2002–2013. Eventually, this approach culminated in the Geneva interim agreement and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in November 2013 and October 2015, respectively. This article charts the course of the P5+1’s coercive diplomacy efforts against Iran and demonstrates that coercive diplomacy pressured Iran to a point where the cost of continued resistance was too high to continue enduring. It shows that a combination of factors succeeded after 11 years of a coercive diplomacy strategy. These findings will have implications for policymaking and academia, as it is a rare illustration of successful, coalitional coercive diplomacy.

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Farhadi, Parisa, and Arash Reisinezhad. "Media, security and the Iranian nuclear crisis." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00032_1.

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Iran’s controversial Nuclear Crisis (INC) has attracted many eyes and thoughts. While much ink has been spilled on its evolution and impact on international security and Middle Eastern politics, there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of the role of media in framing the INC. The present article gives a new frame on media power in issues related to international conflicts. It traces how CNN and Fox News, as the major US media broadcasting news channels, covered sequential phases of the INC. The article also tracks down the roles of these channels in securitizing the INC and framing it as a threat to international peace. Last but not least, it explains how these media channels construct and consolidate the discourse of Iranophobia.

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Murtazaeva, Gulnara. "Iranian nuclear program and US-Russian relations." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2010): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2010.1.15.

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Katz, Mark N. "Putin, Ahmadinejad and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." Middle East Policy 13, no. 4 (December 2006): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2006.00274.x.

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