Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nucleare iraniano'
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1
GAIETTA, MICHELE. "Il programma nucleare iraniano: analisi, motivazioni, prospettive." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1871.
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La tesi si ripropone di dare un contributo allo studio della “questione nucleare iraniana”. Partendo da una meticolosa ricostruzione storica del programma nucleare dell’Iran, si affronta il caso in rapporto alle teorie elaborate dai differenti approcci delle Relazioni internazionali per analizzare la proliferazione di armi nucleari. Oltre a testare e comparare le capacità esplicative di queste teorie, vengono sottolineati alcuni fattori utili a comprendere le motivazioni alla base delle decisioni prese dall’Iran in ambito nucleare. In particolare, la tesi approfondisce il ruolo di variabili attinenti il quadro politico interno all’Iran, che sono state spesso sottovalutate in studi precedenti, a favore di condizionamenti strategici esterni al paese. Variabili che permettono di spiegare la continuità e persistenza degli investimenti iraniani in campo nucleare, pur in un contesto politico-strategico mutevole. Nonostante questo, l’approccio dell’intero lavoro rimane comunque incentrato sulla molteplicità delle dimensioni politiche, strategiche e simboliche che devono essere tenute in considerazione per tentare di comprendere le potenziali ambizioni dell’Iran, nonché l'attuale situazione di stallo e indeterminatezza sulle finalità del programma nucleare di questo paese. Nelle conclusioni vengono infine prospettate ipotesi tecnico-negoziali su cui sviluppare future iniziative diplomatiche e di ricerca.This thesis aims at giving a contribution to the study of the “Iranian nuclear question”. Starting from a detailed historical reconstruction of the nuclear program of Iran, we address this case in connection with several theoretical approaches to International Relations that try to explain the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This analysis allows us to compare and test the explanatory capabilities of these theories and to focus on some leading factors underlying Iranian nuclear decisions. In particular, we highlight the role of domestic variables, which were underestimated in previous studies on this issue, mainly focused on external strategic constraints. These variables are helpful in explaining the continuity and the persistence of the Teheran’s investment in the nuclear field, notwithstanding the many changes affecting the regional political and strategic framework. Besides this aspect, the approach to the entire thesis continues to be focused on the plurality of dimensions that should be considered in trying to understand the potential ambitions of Iran as well as the current stalemate and uncertainty related to the purposes of the nuclear program of this country. The thesis eventually elaborates some perspectives regarding technical and bargaining hypothesis on which to develop future diplomatic initiatives and researches.
2
GAIETTA, MICHELE. "Il programma nucleare iraniano: analisi, motivazioni, prospettive." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1871.
Full textAbstract:
La tesi si ripropone di dare un contributo allo studio della “questione nucleare iraniana”. Partendo da una meticolosa ricostruzione storica del programma nucleare dell’Iran, si affronta il caso in rapporto alle teorie elaborate dai differenti approcci delle Relazioni internazionali per analizzare la proliferazione di armi nucleari. Oltre a testare e comparare le capacità esplicative di queste teorie, vengono sottolineati alcuni fattori utili a comprendere le motivazioni alla base delle decisioni prese dall’Iran in ambito nucleare. In particolare, la tesi approfondisce il ruolo di variabili attinenti il quadro politico interno all’Iran, che sono state spesso sottovalutate in studi precedenti, a favore di condizionamenti strategici esterni al paese. Variabili che permettono di spiegare la continuità e persistenza degli investimenti iraniani in campo nucleare, pur in un contesto politico-strategico mutevole. Nonostante questo, l’approccio dell’intero lavoro rimane comunque incentrato sulla molteplicità delle dimensioni politiche, strategiche e simboliche che devono essere tenute in considerazione per tentare di comprendere le potenziali ambizioni dell’Iran, nonché l'attuale situazione di stallo e indeterminatezza sulle finalità del programma nucleare di questo paese. Nelle conclusioni vengono infine prospettate ipotesi tecnico-negoziali su cui sviluppare future iniziative diplomatiche e di ricerca.This thesis aims at giving a contribution to the study of the “Iranian nuclear question”. Starting from a detailed historical reconstruction of the nuclear program of Iran, we address this case in connection with several theoretical approaches to International Relations that try to explain the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This analysis allows us to compare and test the explanatory capabilities of these theories and to focus on some leading factors underlying Iranian nuclear decisions. In particular, we highlight the role of domestic variables, which were underestimated in previous studies on this issue, mainly focused on external strategic constraints. These variables are helpful in explaining the continuity and the persistence of the Teheran’s investment in the nuclear field, notwithstanding the many changes affecting the regional political and strategic framework. Besides this aspect, the approach to the entire thesis continues to be focused on the plurality of dimensions that should be considered in trying to understand the potential ambitions of Iran as well as the current stalemate and uncertainty related to the purposes of the nuclear program of this country. The thesis eventually elaborates some perspectives regarding technical and bargaining hypothesis on which to develop future diplomatic initiatives and researches.
3
PASSINO, CARLO. "La nascita del programma nucleare iraniano. Washington e Teheran tra alleanza e reciproci sospetti 1956-1979." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/266129.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate and understand the role of the Shah of Iran, and his close relationships with the United States, in the development of the Iranian nuclear program before the Revolution of 1979. The period covered goes from the assignment of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi as Shah of Iran in 1946 to the 1979 when finally Iran and United States found an agreement about mutual nuclear cooperation.
The first part of this study examines the situation when Mohammed Reza Pahlavi became Shah of Iran and then during the ’50 when the role of the Shah was consolidated and the United States gradually gave greater support to the Iranian regime. The first step to develop nuclear energy is traced back to 1957, in connection with the increasing military and economic assistance to Iran from the Eisenhower’s Administration. In the same year, the two countries announced an agreement for cooperation and research in the peaceful uses of atomic energy. This first agreement came under the auspices of the Atoms for Peace program launched by Eisenhower. Two years after the agreement Mohammed Reza Pahlavi ordered the establishment of an institute at Teheran University, the Teheran Nuclear Research Center, and negotiated with the United States the supply of a five-megawatt reactor. Despite this important steps the Iran was not prepared to develop such an important technology and during the ’60 the United States provided nuclear fuel and equipment that Iran used to start its research up.
The second part of the dissertation examines the development of the program during the ’70 and the relation between Teheran and the Gerald Ford’s Administration. In March 1974, the Shah established the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, and announced plans to get 23,000 megawatts of electricity from nuclear power stations. By the mid-1970s Iran had signed contracts with several Western Countries, including France and Germany, for the construction of nuclear plants and supply of nuclear fuel. At the same time the Ford’s administration began to suspect about the real intentions of the Shah and worked out several solutions to try to control the developments of Iran’s nuclear program. The mutual suspicions led to various deadlocks in the negotiations between the two countries. In this situation the United States tried to adopt some solutions that would have allowed control of the program like for example the “multinational reprocessing plant” or the “buy back solution”.
The third part examines the development of the program during the Carter’s administration. President Jimmy Carter, agreed to accommodate the Shah’s requests, but still only to the extent that U.S. proliferation concerns were met. Under Carter, finally, the Shah was willing to make all the concessions that proved he was not trying to build a bomb such as forgoing plans for plutonium processing plants and the President permitted U.S. companies to sell reactors to Iran in 1978. In 1979 the revolution was imminent and the nuclear program had to be abandoned.
4
Ciaccio, Federica Sebastiana <1989>. "L’Arabia Saudita e la lotta per la leadership del Medio Oriente nell’eterno conflitto con l’Iran sotto lo sguardo statunitense: dall’Accordo sul nucleare iraniano alla politica riformista del principe ereditario Mohammed bin Salman." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12082.
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Numerosi eventi in Medio Oriente hanno riportato al centro dell’attenzione globale l’eterna lotta tra Arabia Saudita e Iran e del ruolo che gli Stati Uniti hanno e continuano ad avere in questa regione.
Per capire le ragioni della lotta per la leadership nel Medio Oriente, contesa tra le due più grandi e influenti regioni del Golfo, Arabia Saudita e Iran, ho dedicato i primi due capitoli all’analisi storica dei numerosi motivi di conflitto tra le due.
Nel primo capitolo ho ripercorso le relazioni diplomatiche intercorse tra Arabia Saudita e Iran nel periodo storico che va dagli anni 20’ agli anni 2000 e le politiche statunitensi adottate.
Nel secondo capitolo ho cercato di chiarire i motivi di scontro tra i due paesi per la leadership religiosa (scontro tra sunniti, in maggioranza in Arabia Saudita, e sciiti, in prevalenza in Iran) e per quella economica (petrolio).
Il terzo capitolo è dedicato al raggiungimento del Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (noto come Accordo sul nucleare iraniano) e alle reazioni dell’Arabia Saudita che si è sentita lasciata in asso nella lotta contro l’Iran dal suo storico alleato gli Stati Uniti, e minacciata da una possibile rinascita economica dell’Iran una volta rimosse le sanzioni internazionali che la colpiscono.
Ho dedicato infine il quarto capitolo ad un’analisi della politica interna ed estera dell’Arabia Saudita. Riguardo la politica domestica saudita ho analizzato la crisi economica e la risposta innovatrice di cui si fa portavoce il principe ereditario Mohammed bin Salman. Riguardo invece la politica estera ho concentrato la mia attenzione all’alleanza che l’Arabia Saudita sta e intende stringere sempre più visibilmente con Israele sotto la ritrovata amicizia con gli Stati Uniti di Donald Trump.
Il tutto ponendosi sempre la domanda se l’Arabia Saudita, tra cadute e risalite, riuscirà a mantenere il ruolo di leader del Medio Oriente e del mondo islamico.
5
Uzmez, Sena. "Iranian Nuclear Crisis And Its Impact On Us-iranian Relations Between 1953-2008." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612879/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
IRANIAN NUCLEAR CRISIS
AND
ITS IMPACT ON US-IRANIAN RELATIONS BETWEEN 1953-2008
Üzmez, Sena M.S., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ö
zlem Tü
r December 2010, 101 pages This thesis analyzes the U.S.-Iran relations in accordance with Iranian Nuclear Crisis from a historical perspective. Analyzing the U.S.-Iran relations since 1953 until 2008, it is possible to see that as the two countries&rsquo
perceptions towards each other change, their policies towards the nuclear issue change, too. While nuclear developments were not a threat for the two states that were close allies during the Shah Era, the perceptions totally changed after the Islamic Revolution. However, even if US and Iran started to perceive each other as a threat, nuclear issue lost its importance because of Khomeini&rsquo
s approach in this period. With the September 11, 2001 attacks, the American approach has changed not only regarding the Middle East, but also regarding the nuclear issue in Iran. The Nuclear Crisis that started in 2002 by the announcement of secret nuclear centrals escalated to its peak with the election of Ahmedinejad as the president. Different historical facts that were experienced at different periods shaped perceptions of two nations towards each other. As these perceptions change towards each other, their perceptions regarding the nuclear issue and their policies have changed, too. In this study, how these two nations&rsquo
perceptions towards each other were shaped and their approaches regarding the nuclear issue influenced by the historical events will be examined and analyzed.
6
Ilhan, Ozkan. "The Iranian Nuclear Isssue:assessment Of Turkey'." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613103/index.pdf.
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This thesis assesses the role of Turkey in the diplomatic process towards resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue within the context of its improving bilateral relations with Iran and analyzes the motives behind increasing Turkish involvement in this issue. Firstly, this thesis will present a historical overview of Iran
7
Kejdušová, Michaela. "US Security Policy towards the Iranian Nuclear Program." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162772.
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The Iran's nuclear program makes really deep wrinkles to the United States as one of the main supporters of peace and stability in the world. Despite the fact that Iran has not showed any tests of its nuclear weapons, the USA still tends to destroy Iranian nuclear facilities to protect its national interests. The aim of the thesis is not only to analyze US foreign policy towards Iran but also to deal with the issue of the US non-intervention of Iranian territory to halt the Iranian nuclear program.
8
Scully, Kevin. "The Iranian nuclear standoff those who can help, won't." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FScully.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, James A. Russell. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available in print.
9
Homayounvash, Mohammad. "History and Evolutionary Trajectory of the Iranian Nuclear Program." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/624.
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What actors and processes at what levels of analysis and through what mechanisms have pushed Iran’s nuclear program (INP) towards being designated as a proliferation threat (securitization)? What actors and processes at what levels of analysis and through what mechanisms have pushed Iran’s nuclear program away from being designated as an existential threat (de-securitization)? What has been the overall balance of power and interaction dynamics of these opposing forces over the last half-century and what is their most likely future trajectory?
Iran’s nuclear story can be told as the unfolding of constant interaction between state and non-state forces of “nuclear securitization” and “nuclear de-securitization.” Tracking the crisscrossing interaction between these different securitizing and de-securitizing actors in a historical context constitutes the central task of this project.
A careful tracing of “security events” on different analytical levels reveals the broad contours of the evolutionary trajectory of INP and its possible future path(s). Out of this theoretically conscious historical narrative, one can make informed observations about the overall thrust of INP along the securitization -- de-securitization continuum.
The main contributions of this work are three fold: First, it brings a fresh theoretical perspective on Iran’s proliferation behavior by utilizing the “securitization” theory tracing the initial indications of the threat designation of INP all the way back to the mid 1970s. Second, it gives a solid and thematically grounded historical texture to INP by providing an intimate engagement with the persons, processes, and events of Tehran’s nuclear pursuit over half a century. Third, it demonstrates how INP has interacted with and even at times transformed the NPT as the keystone of the non-proliferation regime, and how it has affected and injected urgency to the international discourse on nuclear proliferation specifically in the Middle East.
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Andersen, Corey L. "The Iranian Nuclear Dilemma: How Does the U.S. Respond?" Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/36163.
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Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran has visibly increased its work towards developing a nuclear program. This is alarming to many because Iranâ s ambitions for its nuclear program are unclear and whether it is on a quest for nuclear weapons is unknown. The Iranian government is largely anti-West, anti-Israel, and now, with the downfall of Iraq, is in a position to spread its influence throughout the Middle East. This thesis examines the evolution of the Iranian nuclear program, the relationship between the United States and Iran and how this relationship will likely have a significant influence on the ability of Iran to develop a nuclear program. The goal is to assess the current status of the situation and examine the possible policies the United States could implement towards Iran and its nuclear program.Master of Arts
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Hamilton, Bryan T. "An Analysis of U.S. Policies Targeting the Iranian Nuclear Program." Scholar Commons, 2010. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3668.
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Iran’s nuclear program continues to present a major challenge to U.S. policy. At the core of this challenge is one fundamental question: Is Iran attempting to build a nuclear weapon? Objective analysis reveals that Iran’s dependence on oil and natural gas provides sufficient economic merit for Iran to pursue a peaceful nuclear program; without nuclear power to meet rising domestic energy needs, Iran’s economy will suffer. Though the economic justification is valid, the security of Iran and the survival of its regime are overarching; acts of foreign interference in Iran’s affairs have fueled the regime’s quest for a nuclear weapon. For this reason, U.S. administrations since the 1979 revolution have striven to derail Iran’s nuclear program through policies of containment, isolation, and denial of nuclear technology. Considering the current standoff between Iran and the U.S., we must ask another key question: How effective have U.S. policies been? The answer is simple; Iran has made significant progress in its nuclear program. Sanctions, political pressure, and threats proved no obstacle to Iran; worse still, ignoring IAEA and other’s reports that found no convincing evidence that Iran is building nuclear weapons damaged U.S. efforts significantly. Iran’s progress makes it clear that U.S. policies have failed, and its strategies must be discarded in favor of a new approach. This research implicates that a non-confrontational engagement policy, which acknowledges Iran’s needs to build a peaceful nuclear program will provide President Obama and the U.S. the highest probability of preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
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Freeman, Emily. "Nuclear Paradox: A Comparison of Leadership in US-Iranian Relations." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1027.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Khorassani, Nader James. "The Dragon's Fuel: Developing Chinese-Iranian Cooperation." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1342.
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Thesis advisor: Robert RossIn recent years, economic and political cooperation between China and Iran has deepened to levels never before reached. This thesis discusses the potentially far reaching implications the development in relations between China and Iran poses for controlling nuclear proliferation, international energy security, and the role the US plays in Middle Eastern and East Asian power politics. Monitoring the Chinese-Iranian relationship is thus important to the US, as its own influence across the globe could potentially be reduced as a result of cooperation between these two nations. With China newly confident following the global financial crisis of 2008, it appears that despite US pressure to stop, China is continuing to deepen its cooperation with Iran in pursuit of its own national interests
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science Honors Program
Discipline: Political Science
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Hagström, Johanna. "The EU’s involvement in the Iranian nuclear crisis : A normative experiment." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314141.
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callahan, lauren k. "Chain Reactions: Mapping the Iranian Nuclear Program from 2002 to 2009." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/871.
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From the revelation of the extent of the Iranian nuclear program in 2002 through the end of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s first term in 2009, the interplay between international and domestic actions came to define the progression of the nuclear program. This thesis delves into these into these interactions, examining the failures and successes of Iran’s relationships with various international entities to determine how external factors affected the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program. This thesis draws upon a scientific knowledge of nuclear technology, a theoretical view of international relations, and a historical and cultural understanding of the Arab World to analyze the political and scientific ramifications of Iran’s nuclear program and directly link international actions and domestic reactions to explain the program’s progression. This clear connection elucidates the key failings of negotiations during this era: an inability of one side to understand the other.
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Battistello, Maria Maddalena <1996>. "Negotiating on nuclear power: the Iranian JCPOA from a comparative perspective." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21462.
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Questo elaborato si propone di indagare le condizioni e i fattori che hanno reso possibile il raggiungimento dell’accordo sul nucleare nel 2015 tra Iran, i 5 membri permanenti del Consiglio di Sicurezza Onu più la Germania e l’UE, dopo anni di negoziazioni inconclusive. Il tema del nucleare è un campo delicato in quanto la ricerca orientata verso un’energia nucleare civile può sfociare facilmente in applicazioni militari dell’atomo. Inoltre, le attività segrete e la poca chiarezza da parte di Teheran hanno allarmato l’Occidente per molti anni. Trattando del nucleare, è necessario prima comprendere cosa spinge uno stato a perseguire le armi nucleari per poi delineare i punti più ostici della negoziazione che diviene ancora più difficile quando condotta relativamente ad un tema così significativo. Successivamente, è essenziale disegnare un quadro generale sull’Iran per capire come si è sviluppato il programma nucleare iraniano e il contesto governativo proprio di Teheran, così come il tipo di politica estera. Fulcro di questa tesi è il Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Le varie fasi di negoziazione, i diversi attori, i motivi di disaccordo e i fattori che hanno sbloccato la situazione saranno analizzati per delucidare meglio i tratti dell’accordo. Un ultimo capitolo, infine, proporrà un confronto con altre situazioni di negoziazione sul nucleare, risolte con successo o meno, al fine di mettere in risalto gli aspetti per cui l’accordo con l’Iran si è concretizzato.
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Pieper, Moritz Alexander. "Perspectives on the Iranian nuclear programme : analysing Chinese, Russian, and Turkish foreign policies." Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/51075/.
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The Iranian nuclear crisis is a proxy arena for competing visions about the functioning of international relations. Yet, no comprehensive analyses have been conducted so far that use the Iranian nuclear case as an illustration to conceptualise the interaction between ‘hegemonic structures’ and those actors resisting them. This doctoral dissertation is a first step to fill this gap in the literature. It analyses the foreign policies of China, Russia and Turkey towards the Iranian nuclear programme and thereby answers the research question to what extent their policies are indicative of a security culture that resists hegemony. Based on 55 semi-structured elite interviews with experts and decision-makers closely involved with the Iranian nuclear file, this research draws on neo-Gramscian scholarship to analyse resistance to hegemony across its ideational, material and institutional framework conditions. The case studies examined show how ‘compliance’ on the part of China, Russia and Turkey with approaches to the Iranian nuclear conflict has been selective, and how US policy preferences in the Iran dossier have been resisted on other occasions. To understand such variation in ‘norm compliance’, this dissertation introduces a two-level model to understand foreign policy discrepancies between a discursive and a behavioural level. Chinese, Russian, and Turkish reluctance to use sanctions as tools in international diplomacy on a discursive level did not prevent the eventual adoption of international sanctions against Iran and Chinese, Russian, and Turkish compliance therewith on a behavioural level. While multilateral Iran sanctions are seen as complying with the rules of the UN system, additional unilateral sanctions are contested on normative grounds and perceived as illegitimate and as an extraterritorialisation of domestic legislation. Besides an ideational resistance to unilateral sanctions, the economic impact of these ‘secondary sanctions’ on third country entities constitutes an additional material reason for Chinese, Russian, and Turkish criticism. Their eventual compliance with sanctions lists, however, indicates a level of receptiveness to the economic leverage of US-dominated international financial mechanisms. In this context, the Iran nuclear case serves as an illustration to shed light on the contemporaneous interaction of the forces of consent and coercion in international politics. This research thus makes a critical contribution to key questions of International Relations at the interstice of security governance, proliferation policies, and debates surrounding the co-existence between hegemonic structures and ‘norm-shapers in the making’.
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Uzun, Ozum Sezin. "Turkish-iranian Relations In The 2000s: Rapprochement Or Beyond?" Phd thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614206/index.pdf.
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For most of their histories, Turkey and Iran have had a friendly but competitive relationship in ideological and geopolitical venues. When this competition reached its peak in the 1990s, conventional wisdom foresaw prospects for cooperation between Turkey and Iran would gradually decrease. Instead, bilateral relations began to be enhanced in the early 2000s, which is commonly labeled as rapprochement. This rapprochement spread to the political, economic and security arenas, and has accelerated during AKP (Justice and Development Party) rule in Turkey, especially after the Iraqi War of 2003. However, the rapprochement process in bilateral relations lost its momentum in 2010. This thesis examines the reasons and extent of the rapprochement process in Turkish-Iranian relations in the first decade of 2000s, attempting to answer the following research questions: &bdquoHow can the rapprochement process in bilateral relations be defined?
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BAGHDADI, TANGUY CUNHA. "INTERNATIONAL TREATMENT ABOUT THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM DISPUTE AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF REPRESENTATIONS IN IAEA." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16589@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA pesquisa tem por foco a análise da atuação da Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica (AIEA) no que se refere ao programa nuclear iraniano. Para tal, utilizamos a teorização de Edward Said em O orientalismo (1978), como modo de argumentarmos a existência de representações de alteridade sobre o Irã, que constroem este Estado como uma ameaça à estabilidade e à paz internacionais. Selecionamos para este trabalho os discursos de Estados Unidos, Israel e Arábia Saudita, por considerarmos estes os Estados mais interessados em manter o Irã afastado da tecnologia nuclear. Estes Estados constroem discursivamente representações de alteridade e risco sobre o Irã, como forma de argumentar que os demais Estados e a AIEA devem se mobilizar para evitar que o Estado xiita adquira a tecnologia nuclear. Nossa pesquisa tem como foco a análise do tratamento do contencioso iraniano na AIEA, de modo a identificarmos se os discursos de alteridade relativos ao Irã alteram o comportamento da agência. Para tal, testaremos se o secretariado da AIEA cumpre as normas estabelecidas no regime internacional de não-proliferação nuclear, mantendo-se na esfera técnica, ou se os discursos de alteridade construídos pelos Estados selecionados modificam seu comportamento, tornando suas decisões mais rígidas com relação ao Irã.
This dissertation analyses the role played by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in the Iranian nuclear program. As theoretical grounds, we shall employ Edward Said`s framework presented in Orientalism (1978) so as to debate the existence of alterity representations regarding Iran which depict this state as a menace to international peace and stability. For this research, we have selected speeches by the United States, Israel and Saudi Arabia, for we consider these the states most interested in keeping Iran away from nuclear technology. Through discourse, these states build representations of alterity and threat concerning Iran, as a means to argue that all other states along with the IAEA must mobilize so as to prevent the Shiite state from acquiring nuclear technology. This research shall assess how Iran`s litigious was dealt with by the IAEA with a view to identifying if the alterity discourses regarding Iran have altered the agency`s behavior. Thus, we shall investigate if the IAEA secretariat abides by the norms established by the nuclear non-proliferation international regime, limiting itself to the technical sphere, or if the alterity discourses built by the selected states modify its behavior, rendering its decisions towards Iran more stringent.
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Marshall, Kaitlin E. "Keeping Iran from the Bomb: The Obama Administration and the Puzzle of the Iranian Nuclear Program." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/387.
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In November 2013, the Islamic Republic of Iran reached an interim agreement with six world powers, including the United States. After the agreement was implemented in January 2014, Iran froze uranium enrichment in exchange for limited sanctions relief from the United States. This was the first diplomatic exchange between the United States and Iran in over thirty years. Keeping Iran from the Bomb analyzes how each country’s respective domestic politics and stereotypes of the other have, until recently, impeded diplomacy between the two nations. This study examines American-Iranian relations during the hostage crisis, the Bush administration, and the Obama administration to do the following: analyze what has prevented diplomacy in the past, explain the circumstances that made the interim agreement possible, and show what factors threaten this diplomatic progress. The primary argument of this thesis is that the leaders of both the United States and Iran are encouraged, and often rewarded, by various entities to demonize the other nation. If the leaders of the United States and Iran can convince their domestic constituents that continued cooperation with the other country will be beneficial, diplomacy can move forward.
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Zotova, Julia. "Les relations politiques et économiques russo-iraniennes depuis l'effondrement de l'URSS (1991-2014)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL016.
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La Russie entretient avec l’Iran des relations séculaires. Depuis l'effondrement de l'URSS (1991) on observe le rapprochement politique et le développement des échanges économiques entre ces deux États idéologiquement et politiquement très différents. L’alliance russo-iranienne est basée sur la communauté de perception des nombreuses questions régionales et internationales. Elle est révélatrice des nouvelles dynamiques géopolitiques dans le monde «d’après-guerre froide» et indéniablement liée à la question de la place de la Russie, mais aussi des pays émergents, sur ce « nouvel échiquier ». Cette collaboration ébranle en quelque sorte l’avenir énergétique du monde. À travers cette étude qui porte sur la période 1991-2014, on a essayé de comprendre et d’éclaircir un certain nombre de questions : Pourquoi la coopération russo-iranienne prend-elle aujourd’hui une ampleur jamais observée auparavant? Quelle sont les raisons qui ont poussé ces deux pays à se rapprocher ? S’agit-il vraiment d’un partenariat stratégique, comme le prétendaient à différents moments, les dirigeants des deux pays, ou faut-il plutôt parler d’un « mariage de convenance » et d’une entente tactique ? Quel rôle jouent les facteurs extérieurs dans les relations russo-iraniennes actuelles? Assistons-nous à la formation d’un axe Moscou-Téhéran basé exclusivement sur la logique antiaméricaine? Quelles sont les causes politiques et économiques réellement partagées par la Russie et l’Iran, et où se trouvent les limites de leur partenariat ? Quelle position adopte la Russie face aux ambitions atomiques de Téhéran, en tant que seul pays collaborant avec l’Iran dans le domaine du nucléaire ?Russia has a very long relation with Iran. Since the collapse of the USSR (1991) there has been a political rapprochement and the development of economic exchanges between these two states, ideologically and politically very different. The Russian-Iranian alliance is based on the community of perception of many regional and international issues. It is indicative of the new geopolitical dynamics in the post-Cold War world and undeniably linked to the question of the place of Russia, but also of the emerging countries, on this “new chessboard”. This collaboration is in a way affecting the energy future of the world. Through this study, which covers the period 1991-2014, we have tried to understand and clarify a number of questions: Why is Russian-Iranian cooperation now on a scale never seen before? What has caused the two countries get closer? Is it really a strategic partnership, as the leaders of the two countries have claimed at different times, or should we talk about a "marriage of convenience" and a tactical agreement? What roles do external factors play in the current Russian-Iranian relations? Are we witnessing the formation of a Moscow-Tehran axis based exclusively on anti-American logic? What are the political and economic causes actually shared between Russia and Iran, and where are the limits of their partnership? What position does Russia take in the face of Tehran's atomic ambitions as the only country collaborating with Iran in the nuclear field?
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Beaulieu-Brossard, Philippe. "'Bomb', 'sanction', or engage'? : the theory/political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis from the American perspective (1998-2014)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6085.
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This thesis argues that the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice has reached a dead-end in IR. Most scholars taking part in this debate based their claims on meta-theoretical assumptions, which explains the inability to settle the debate. This logic not only discouraged empirical enquiries, but also undermined reflexivity. Instead, this thesis calls for the translation of these meta-theoretical assumptions into a methodology and into methods to produce empirical knowledge by which to explore the relationships between Theory and political practice on specific issues. To this end, the thesis investigates relationships between American IR academic discourse and senior officials discourse and their effects on US foreign policy towards Iran between 1998 and 2014. The thesis provides a typology to map and to assess the gaps in the debate over the relationship between Theory and political practice in IR. This typology is composed of four ideal-types: Theory to political practice, Theory vs. political practice, Theory as political practice and practice to political practice. The thesis also translates meta-theoretical assumptions drawn from Wittgenstein and Foucault into a methodology to generate empirical knowledge on specific relationships between Theory and political practice. This methodology enables to trace an evolving system of thoughts expressed in the Theory and political practice of the Iranian nuclear crisis and to expose what this system does to US society and foreign policy. Three elements compose this system: the certainty of democratic teleology, the certainty of uncertainty and the certainty of smart power. The thesis claims that IR knowledge production on Iran mostly acted as symbolic knowledge morphing uncertainties about Iran into certainties for US governmental power. Only then could senior officials produce a judgement against Iran and implement disciplinary measures in the form of sanctions, covert actions, and military threats.
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Schiffer, Elin. "Transatlantic convergence, divergence and drift : A discourse analysis of the Iranian nuclear weapons program and its effects on transatlantic relations." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7234.
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This study offers a glimpse into how the transatlantic relationship between the European Union (the EU) and the United States of America (the U.S.) has developed during the last three presidential administrations, including the Trump administration. To do this, the study has developed a frame- work on transatlantic convergence, divergence, and drift, which it uses to analyses similarities and differences within the different parties’ discourses on the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The study concludes that while there has been some divergence with all three U.S administrations, how- ever there has been far more convergence with the Bush and Obama administration than with the Trump administration. Moreover, this study argues that Trump administration represents in some ways a ’transatlantic drift’, since the parties have opposing views on the Iran deal (JCPOA) and cherish widely different fundamental security values.
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Coffey, Darina. "Let's get into the legalities : examining and analysing the international legal position of Iran in the context of the Iranian nuclear crisis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7932/.
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This thesis focusses on the assessing the legality of the responses of the IAEA, the UN Security Council and certain member states to the Iranian nuclear crisis from 2006 to 2015. The purpose of this thesis is to highlight the fact that the Iranian situation was primarily a legal dispute, encompassing various complex legal questions which were largely side-stepped in the handling of the crisis. This thesis examines the mandates of the IAEA and Council to make the case that in numerous instances both engaged in ultra vires actions in their handling of the Iranian issue. This thesis examines the referral of the case by the IAEA to the Council and the resulting enforcement measures, their compatibility with the strictures of the Charter and the Council’s powers. Unilateral sanctions imposed by the US and EU are analysed as countermeasures and their legality as such is assessed, as are the legal issues associated with forcible counter-proliferation measures of surgical strike and cyber-attack. Reflecting on the 2016 outcome, this thesis concludes that Iranian nuclear crisis was prolonged and exacerbated by the failure to treat the situation as a legal, rather than purely political issue.
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Serim, Ayse Esra. "The Iranian factor in the context of Turkish-US relations." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020AIXM0055.
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La présente thèse a pour objectif de travailler sur l’influence de l’Iran dans les relations turco-américaines. A la suite d’événements régionaux et internationaux dans les années 1990, l’Iran a commencé à jouer un rôle majeur dans les relations d’alliance des États-Unis et de la Turquie. Depuis lors, les politiques et interventions militaires américaines dans la région font du régime iranien un défi. Par conséquent, notre recherche questionne ces tendances et les orientations et stratégies politiques déployées par les deux alliés à l’égard de l’Iran. Elle offre également une analyse comparative approfondie des différentes manières avec lesquelles les deux États appréhendent l’Iran et son régime. La thèse s’arrête, de manière plus précise, sur deux grands sujets de préoccupation des États-Unis et de la Turquie à l’égard de l’Iran : la question du nucléaire d’une part ; la puissance et l’influence stratégiques de l’Iran et de son régime dans la région, d’autre part. Dans un premier temps, elle analyse la manière avec laquelle les États-Unis et la Turquie en tant qu’alliés stratégiques ont, non seulement, traité la question du nucléaire iranien, mais surtout l’ont appréhendée différemment en termes de légitimé et de crédibilité politique. Dans un second temps, elle montre comment ces deux États ont, en revanche, trouvé des perspectives d’actions communes pour faire face aux capacités croissantes d’influence de l’Iran dans la région. Ceci se vérifie notamment dans le contexte des « Printemps arabes » qui a conduit à l’exacerbation des tensions entre la Turquie et l’Iran, ainsi qu’après le changement historique de positionnement des États-Unis à l’égard de l’IranThe objective of this dissertation is to study the Iranian factor in the context of the US-Turkish relationship. Since the beginnings of the 1990s, coupled with regional and international developments, Iran began to play an important role at the center of US-Turkish relations. Since then, both US policies and military interventions within the Middle East paved the way for Iran to arise as a challengeable actor within the region. The study aims to address how American and Turkish policymakers have responded to issues in the region with regard to Iran. A central focus of the dissertation is Iran’s nuclear question and Iran’s increasing power, which were simultaneously of particular concern to Washington, Ankara, and Tehran. Therefore, this dissertation demonstrates how these three actors handled the nuclear issue within the framework of their concerns/interests and political legitimacy and credibility. The fact that the Iranian regime has sought to increase its sphere of influence throughout the region has led the two allies to adopt common strategies from time to time. In fact, the Iranian factor has triggered important debates and developments between Washington and Ankara, in direct proportion to the positions of Turkey and Iran on different sides, particularly with the onset of the Arab Spring and Washington’s changing approach to Iran
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KhosraviNik, Majid. "Self and other representation in discourse : a critical discourse analysis of the conflict over Iran 's nuclear programme in the British and Iranian newspapers." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.556665.
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The row over Iran's nuclear programme is one of the most publicized international political controversies. By January 2006, the stand-off between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the West extraordinarily intensified after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the new president of Iran, makes some controversial and confrontational remarks against Israel and the West while the country re-opens its nuclear enrichment facilities. The present study attempts to account for this specific cross section of the stand-off and explain how either side of the row: Iran and the West positively construct and legitimate the position of Self while negatively construct and de-legitimate the position of the Other. The body of data analysed in the research is taken from a sample of British and Iranian newspapers. On the British side, The Times and the Guardian are selected to represent the country's conservative and liberal perspectives' while on the Iranian side, Keyhaan and Shargh are selected as representing the country's radical conservative and reformist perspectives respectively. The study adopts a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach in its overall structure while specifically focusing on the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) in terms of its discourse/text analytical methods. The DHA's analytical categories of Referential, Predicational and Argumentative strategies are investigated in detail in the entire British and Iranian selected texts to capture the main discursive trends in Self and Other construction and (de)legitimization. In the meantime, the implication of other linguistic analytical categories for example, the function of presupposition and recontextualization in discourses of Iranian and British newspapers are investigated. The overall findings emerging from the extensive textual analyses of the study indicate that there are two discursive/ideological approaches in legitimating the position of Self in the Iranian newspapers: a macro-legitimatory approach which encapsulates the issue of Iranian nuclear programme within a broad (global) ideological confrontation between Iran and the West and a micro-legitirnatory approach which isolates the issue and accentuates the (local) legitimatization of Iran's nuclear activities within the international frameworks such as the NPT. The overall findings emerging from the extensive textual analyses of the British newspapers indicate that the legitimation of the Self is largely pursued via construction and de-legitimation of the Other as an imminent threat. The construction of such threat relies, synchronically, on the news discourses emerging from Iran e.g. the hostile remarks of its president and diachronically, on a body of assumed shared knowledge which are treated as background information. The conservative approaches (advocated by the British, The Times and the Iranian, Keyhaan) generally rely on negative Other presentation and de-legitimation of the adversary rather than legitimization of the position of the Self. As a general trend, macro-political approaches, advocated by both (radical) conservative papers on both sides are the dominant tendencies in the row while more pluralistic and inclusive approaches of the (more) liberal papers function on the periphery. The study concludes that despite ardently drawing on the role of international organizations such as the UN and the IAEA, the row is essentially a political and ideological confrontation.
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Zhuk, Alesia. "Does international human rights law impose constraints on digital manipulation or other cyberwarfare ruses? Analysis of the stuxnet worm attack on iranian nuclear facilities." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2017. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/170163.
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Tesis (magíster en derecho económico, inversiones, comercio y arbitraje internacional) Universidad de Chile, Universidad de HeidelbergIn 2010 a malicious computer worm attacked Iranian nuclear facilities in Natanz. It was the first computer worm that caused physical damage, and because of this, Iran had to suspend its nuclear program approximately for two years. The case caused great concern among the international community and raised the issue of protecting the population. This paper will address the issues of cyber war and its relationship with International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law.
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Baumgartnerová, Alice. "Proměny v íránsko-americko-izraelských vztazích v souvislosti s íránským jaderným programem." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193425.
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The aim of this master thesis is to analyse the evolution of US-Israeli and US-Iranian relations and to compare the influence of Iranian nuclear program negotiations on the nature of bilateral relations. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first chapter includes theoretical background; the second chapter focuses on US-Israeli relations while the third chapter on US-Iranian relations, from their inception to the present. The final chapter deals with the Iranian nuclear program and negotiations initiated after the Iranian presidential election in 2013, including the impact of these negotiations on the current Iran-US-Israeli relations.
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Khalifa, Ayoub. "Analyse du discours onusien : le dialogue autour du nucléaire iranien (2005-2015)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0017.
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Notre recherche, ancrée dans les Sciences du Langage, s’inscrit dans une démarche interdisciplinaire basée essentiellement sur l’Analyse de Discours. Elle articule Traitement Automatique des Langues, Lexicométrie, Sociologie, Sémantique Argumentative et Rhétorique aristotélicienne. Il s'agit d'étudier le discours onusien sur la crise nucléaire iranienne pendant les dix années entre 2005 et 2015. Une étude basée sur l’Analyse de Discours, est menée sur un corpus clos et prédéfini afin de discerner les différents procédés linguistiques et discursifs qui commandent le discours. Il s’agit également d’appréhender les enjeux et les origines juridiques et politiques de cette crise diplomatique. Notre défi majeur est ainsi de saisir le discours sous ses multiples dimensions, linguistiques, discursives, politiques et juridiques. Au moyen de quels procédés discursifs l’Organisation des Nations-Unies construit, représente-elle son identité et vise à « maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales » ? Quel rôle jouent les systèmes de valeurs de l’Organisation dans l’argumentation, la construction de son identité, ainsi que dans la légitimation des politiques adoptées ? Comment le discours opère par sa normativité au profit de l’argumentation dans le discours, et vient en renfort des mesures adoptées par les différents organes des Nations-Unies ? Telles sont les interrogations auxquelles nous répondons dans ce travail. L’appréhension des incidences linguistiques et discussives se réalise à la lumière des données politiques et juridiques qui constituent un cadre interprétatif à l’analyse. L’objectif est d’identifier la construction d’une identité onusienne à travers des notions de valeurs, par des mécanismes discursifsOur research, rooted in the Language Sciences, is part of an interdisciplinary approach based essentially on Critical Discourse Analysis. The study articulates Naturel Language Processing, Lexicometry, Argumentative Semantics and Aristotelian Rhetoric. It is a question of studying the United Nations discourse on the Iranian nuclear crisis during the ten years between 2005 and 2015. The study is conducted on a closed and predefined corpus, in order to discern the various linguistic and discursive processes that command the discourse. It is also a question of apprehending the stakes as well as the legal and political origins of this diplomatic crisis. Our major challenge is to understand the discourse in its multiple dimensions, linguistic, discursive, political and legal. By what discourse processes does the UN build, represent its identity and aims at « maintaining international peace and security »? What role does the Organization's value system play in argumentation, in the construction of its identity, as well as in the legitimacy of the policies adopted? How the discourse operates, through its normativity in favor of the argumentation, with a view to further reinforcement of the measures adopted by the various organisms of the United Nations? These are the questions we respond in this thesis. The apprehension of linguistic and discursive impacts is realized in the light of the political and legal data that constitute an interpretive framework for the analysis. The objective is to identify the construction of the United Nations identity through notions of values, by discursive mechanisms
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Ghannad, Hervé. "Rupture et continuité dans la politique étrangère de la République Islamique d'Iran." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LYO20030.
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Depuis la révolution iranienne de 1979, la diplomatie du régime en place semble marquer une rupture avec un anti-occidentalisme affiché –l’affrontement sous forme de guerre asymétrique avec les USA-, un antisionisme déclaré-les déclarations du Président Ahmadinejad- et le réveil de la vieille rivalité arabo-musulmane –Guerre Iran/Irak et perturbations par des fidèles iraniens du pèlerinage de la Mecque. Des moyens conventionnels et non conventionnel sont employés, du terrorisme avec de nombreux attentats, au pan chiisme avec l’utilisation à des fins politiques de communautés chiites dans les pays du Golfe, en passant par le chantage de la fermeture du détroit d’Ormuz où transitent près de 40 % du pétrole de la planète. Pourtant, cette attitude, si ambiguë et si violente par certains égards, semble n’est que le reflet de la continuité diplomatique, au regard de l’histoire de cette antique civilisation. La peur de l’éclatement interne, comme d’ailleurs celle des pays limitrophes, ont poussé ce pays depuis des millénaires à adopter une diplomatie de l’équilibre, dans une sorte de diplomatie des 4 points cardinaux. De plus, la Perse puis l’Iran a toujours possédé un désir hégémonique régional au niveau du Golfe persique, désir qui s’est traduit par de nombreuses guerres avec ses voisins, notamment avec l’ex Mésopotamie- L’Irak. Cela s’est traduit par la recherche d’une armée puissante, le nucléaire n’étant qu’un moyen pour affirmer sa grandeur ou diplomatie de la synthèse. Les négociations actuelles placent la République islamique d’Iran au centre du grand jeu asiatique où s’affrontent deux supers puissance en devenir, l’Inde et la Chine. Offrir la possibilité à l’Iran d’être reconnu comme un acteur civil du nucléaire la positionne comme une référence vis-à-vis des pays arabes : l’Iran devient , de facto , hégémonique Les ruptures ne sont en fait que des continuités liées aux valeurs perses, fondées sur l’indépendance, le désir de briller et de dominer. L’histoire, la religion, et l’Iranité sont la source de ces valeurs identitaires, terreau et fondement de la diplomatie de la République islamique d’IranSince the Iranian revolution of 1979, the diplomacy of the regime seems to mark a break with an anti-Westernism -l'affrontement displayed in the form of asymmetric war with the USA-a-Zionism declared presidential statements and waking Ahmadinejad- the old Arab-Muslim rivalry -Guerre Iran / Iraq and disturbances by Iranian faithful pilgrimage to Mecca. Conventional and non-conventional means are employed, with many terrorist attacks in Shia pan with the use for political purposes Shiite communities in the Gulf, through blackmail closing the Strait of Hormuz where handling approximately 40% of the oil on the planet. Yet this attitude, so ambiguous and so violent in some ways seem is but a reflection of the diplomatic continuity, in terms of the history of this ancient civilization. Fear of the internal breakdown, as also that of neighboring countries has driven this country for thousands of years to adopt a diplomacy of balance, in a kind of diplomacy 4 cardinal points. Furthermore, Persia and Iran has always had a regional hegemonic desire in the Persian Gulf, a desire that has led many wars with its neighbors, including the former Mésopotamie- Iraq. This was reflected by the search of a powerful army, nuclear being a means to assert its size or diplomacy synthesis. The current negotiations put the Islamic Republic of Iran at the center of the great Asian game where two great power clash in the making, India and China. Provide an opportunity for Iran to be recognized as a civil nuclear player in the position as vis-à-vis the reference of Arab countries: Iran becomes de facto hegemonic Ruptures are in fact only continuities related to Persian values, based on independence, the desire to shine and dominate. The history, religion, and Iranianness are the source of these identity values, soil and foundation of the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
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Khoshnoudiparast, Firouzeh. "Iranian Nuclear Diplomacy and Nuclear non-proliferation Negotiations (2002-2015)." Phd thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/248288.
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Iranian nuclear diplomacy is a fascinating, but frustrating subject. Interpreting it requires new, sophisticated tools of analysis. My PhD study goes far beyond textbooks which examine Iranian nuclear diplomacy by way of diplomatic history. It provides a comprehensive, enduring and useful framework for understanding for Iranian nuclear decision making and diplomatic patterns of behaviour. For the past two decades, Iran has exercised a distinctive combination of rigidity and flexibility in its nuclear policy. This dual nature is summarised as 'staying firm in principle but flexible in tactics'. My study applies a blend of diplomatic theories and the linkage approach to make sense of the changing dynamics of Iranian nuclear diplomacy from 2002 to 2015. It examines the effect of fundamental changes on the patterns of its external behaviour at varying individual levels and their effect on the policy choices of decision-makers. By emphasising the interactions between micro policy-making and the three dimensions of the macrostructure -symbolic, institutional and power/regime- the research examines the link between different variables affecting Iranian nuclear diplomacy and decision-makers' choices including alternatives. Such an approach provides an interdisciplinary framework for analysis and should facilitate a better understanding of the country's nuclear diplomacy, its principal characteristics, and its future directions, as well as the policy-making process itself.
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Soares, Ana Catarina Pereira Fontes Couto. "Os Estados Unidos da América e o Acordo Nuclear Iraniano." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/93769.
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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o envolvimento dos EUA na conceção, negociação e apoio ao Plano de Ação Conjunta Global (JCPOA, na sigla inglesa), mais conhecido por Acordo Nuclear Iraniano, destacando os EUA das demais Partes Contratantes e propondo uma análise evolutiva que examina esse envolvimento até ao seu ponto culminante, com a decisão do Presidente Donald Trump de retirar os EUA do Acordo, em Maio de 2018. Desenvolvendo uma abordagem histórica, este trabalho baseia-se em pesquisa eminentemente qualitativa, complementada por pesquisa quantitativa (por exemplo, de cariz económico ou de defesa) e análise documental do texto do Plano de Ação Conjunta Global, de legislação, de relatórios e de discursos de decisores políticos das Administrações Obama e Trump. A análise crítica das fontes e da bibliografia aponta para uma evolução gradual da posição dos EUA na conceção, negociação e apoio ao Acordo Nuclear Iraniano, a qual sofre uma forte alteração com a eleição do Presidente TrumpThis dissertation aims to analyse the United States’ involvement in the design, negotiation and support to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), better known as the Iranian Nuclear Deal, emphasizing the US from the other Contracting Parties and proposing an evolutionary analysis that examines this involvement until its culmination with President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw the US from the agreement, in May 2018. By developing a historical approach, it is eminently based on qualitative research, complemented by quantitative research (for example, data concerning economy or defence) and documental analysis of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, legislation, reports and speeches of policy officials of Obama and Trump’s Administrations. The critical analysis of those sources and bibliography suggest that there is a gradual evolution of the design, negotiation and support to the Iranian Nuclear Deal, which suffers a major change with the election of President Trump.
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Tyler-Hashemi, Nicholas R. "Predicting state decision-making a case study of the Iranian nuclear controversy /." 2007. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/tyler-hashemi%5Fnicholas%5Fr%5F200705%5Fma.
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Landsberg, Carel Martin. "An analysis of Iranian negotiating style as evidenced from the 1979 US hostage crisis and the Iran-EU nuclear negotiations from 2003 to 2006." Diss., 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27048.
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The intention of this research is to analyse the process and methodology of the Iranian negotiating style. The research is mainly premised on Putnam’s two-level game metaphor (1988) and the “ultimate decision making unit” of Hermann et al. (1987), the purpose being to identify key leadership units, individuals, and formal and informal networks in Iran. The study further takes cognisance of key elements of the Iranian national character, which naturally impacts directly on what Iran considers to be a suitable negotiating style. It provides an overview of how the 1979 revolution changed Iranian diplomacy and how it forced international political theorists to take note of the cultural-religious dimension, ignored until then as elements of international politics and theory. Two case studies, deal respectively with the US hostage crisis (1979-1981), and the Iran-E3/EU nuclear negotiations, between 2003 and 2006. The analysis shows how Iran assumed the character of a revolutionary country and how its new religiously driven diplomacy is evolving. The study finally identifies and illustrates the active deployment of Shî’a negotiation doctrine as the basis of Iranian diplomacy and the use of techniques such as taqiyyah, tanfih and khod’eh. A model for negotiations with Iran is developed using key elements of the research. AFRIKAANS : Die studie fokus op Iranese onderhandelingstyl en - metodiek. Twee teorieë, naamlik Putnam (1988) se “twee-ledige interaktiewe onderhandelingsproses” en Hermann et al. (1987) se leierskapsmodel, is gebruik om Iran se gefragmenteerde leierselite asook die staat se formele en informele netwerke wat ‘n sleutelrol vervul in onderhandeling te identifiseer. Bykomend hiertoe is ‘n analise gemaak van faktore soos kultuur en godsdiens wat onderliggend is aan Iran se “nasionale karakter” en dus ’n direkte invloed uitoefen op Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Die studie wys ook hoe die 1979 rewolusie ‘n verandering gebring het deur godsdiens en kultuur tot gelykwaardige dimensies van die internationale politiek te verhoog nadat dit voorheen heeltemal geïgnoreer is. Dit bly egter vreemd vir die Weste. Die studie slaag daarin om deur middel van twee navorsingsondersoeke rakende Iran se oorname van die VSA ambassade in Tehran tussen 1979 en 1981) en die Iran-E3/EU kernonderhandelings tussen 2003 en 2006 die fokus te plaas op die identifisering en ontwikkeling van ‘n Iranese onderhandelingstyl. Tegnieke soos taqiyyah, tanfih en khod’eh wat die basis van Iran se diplomatieke onderhandellingstyl vorm, word vervolgens bespreek terwyl ‘n model vir onderhandelinge met Iran ook ontwikkel is uit die gegewens wat verkry is uit die navorsing.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
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Orossová, Eva. "Přesekuritizování jaderného Íránu? Politika projevů Benjamina Netanjahua." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-346959.
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The thesis "Nuclear Iran Oversecuritized? The Politics of Benjamin Netanyahu's Speeches" is concerned with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speeches held in front of the UN, American Congress, Jewish lobby in the US AIPAC and foreign audience by several special occasions. It is based on the assumption that language is not only a neutral communication tool, but also a political tool serving the aim of achieving political goals. The aim of the thesis is to identify the linguistic tools of categorization, legitimization and securitization which Netanyahu used in order to persuade the international audience about the imminence and existential character of the threat posed by Iranian nuclear programme, and finally to achieve its elimination or at least tough punishment for Iranian non-compliance. Moreover, the thesis provides the reader with the overall context, namely the effect of Netanyahu's speeches, the nature of Iranian nuclear programme and its consequences for the situation in the Middle East.
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Iskandar, Mufti, and 木夫狄. "A Study on the Cooperation between the United States and the European Union toward the Iranian Nuclear Program in the George W. Bush Government (From a Realist Perspective)." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/30355980861599551115.
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碩士南華大學
歐洲研究所
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The US continues the evolution of its foreign policy in 2001 exactly when George W. Bush took office in White House. Bush has declared that Tehran was a part of the “Axis of Evil.” In 2001 co-operate with EU (United Kingdom, French, Germany), UN, and the IAEA as an effort to against Iran’s intention to acquire nuclear weapons. However, the involvement of the US to deal with this ‘rogue state’ lacked the credibility to coerce the Iranian clerics to stop the nuclear program. By examining this case, this thesis found that differences do exist between the US and the EU over the matter of political change in the region, but they are not as stark as are generally perceived or portrayed. Whatever differences there might have been in this regard, were essentially of a tactical nature. Portraying them as strategic is misconstruing the reality. To ensure the stability in the Middle East region, the transatlantic alliance should strongly implement multilateral strategy approaches to establish direct diplomatic relations with Iran, hence, the US must abandon the Hobbesian behaviours for pure harmonization in this alliance whether now and then. However, this case will be a challenge for transatlantic alliance in the future and affecting many aspects in international relation.
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Poč, Marek. "Politika mezinárodních sankcí a jejich vliv na ekonomiku jednotlivých zemí - případ Ruska a Íránu." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-384603.
Full textAbstract:
Sanctions are one of the ways in which individual states or the international community can enforce their rights and interests. They can vary from banning travel to boycott and embargo affecting the entire country's economy. The sanctions have recently been practiced primarily by the European Union and the United Nations, and by the United States in case of particular countries. The topic of this work is international sanctions against Russia and Iran. Both countries have been in conflict with the international community in recent years, and both countries were punished. In the case of Iran, there were concerns about the use of the Iranian nuclear program for military purposes, the main objective was to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Russia has been the subject of sanctions as a result of violations of international agreements and international law on the basis of the occupation of the Ukrainian Crimea and the development of the military conflict in the East of Ukraine. The thesis describes the reasons, course and impact of sanctions imposed on Iran and Russia, the Iranian and Russian economies and their representatives. At the same time, it seeks to assess the impact of sanctions both in the economic sphere and in terms of changes in the political direction of both countries.