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Zhang, Yan Li, Chun Lei Gu, and Yong Jian Ding. "The German Nuclear Phase-Out Plan and its Impact." Advanced Materials Research 347-353 (October 2011): 1621–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.347-353.1621.
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Germany announced on 30 May 2011 that it will shut down all of its 17 nuclear power stations by 2022 (8 of them immediately, the others step by step), which makes Germany become the first developed country in the world that totally give up the nuclear power and fulfill the change of energy structure after the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan. The paper analyses the political, economic, social and technical aspects of this decision and its consequences for Germany and its possible impact worldwide.
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Schwarz, Lucas. "Is It All about a Science-Informed Decision? A Quantitative Approach to Three Dimensions of Justice and Their Relation in the Nuclear Waste Repository Siting Process in Germany." Societies 12, no. 6 (November 30, 2022): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12060179.
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Nuclear waste management is a contested challenge that lasts for decades. Especially in Germany, the history of the usage of nuclear energy is conflictive and notions of justice are therefore omnipresent in the ongoing site selection process for a nuclear waste repository. Against the background of injustices caused by the deployment of nuclear energy, such as the obligation for current generations to deal with nuclear waste, questions of how to justly deal with nuclear waste and to find a just repository site arise. By conducting a survey among people that participate in the site selection process as well as people living in or representing an area that is still considered suitable, the assessment of different aspects of justice was evaluated. The role of a science-informed site decision without any political bias is considered highly important for a just site selection. Distributional aspects, such as notions of utilitarianism, retribution, or the exemption of environmentally burdened regions are generally not approved but more detailed questions have shown that such notions cannot be dismissed at this early stage of the site selection process. The difference for general agreement can also be observed for intergenerational recognition, as the recognition of future generations is regarded as necessary, but concrete implications (retrievability or enclosure) are assessed ambiguously. Although some factors of justice are assessed more importantly than others, the analysis has shown that the interrelations between the different dimensions of justice are manifold and the argument that one dimension can be substituted for another one is too reductive.
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Brunnengräber, Achim, Maria Rosaria Di Nucci, Lucas Schwarz, and Dörte Themann. "From a hard nuclear state towards a soft nuclear repository state – participation, co-designing, learning and reversibility in the site selection process for a nuclear waste repository." Safety of Nuclear Waste Disposal 1 (November 10, 2021): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/sand-1-215-2021.
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Abstract. Since 2013 the site search for a repository for highly radioactive waste has been taking place in Germany within the framework of a new governance architecture and under new political guidelines. Based on experiences with nuclear politics in the past, Jungk (1977) coined the term hard nuclear state, characterized by decisions made in a top-down manner. The Decide-Announce-Defend (DAD) strategy, which branded the nuclear state at that time, led to conflicts, mistrust of authorities and blockages. In particular, massive resistance developed against the planned final repository site at Gorleben. Nowadays, after more than 60 years deploying nuclear energy, the (energy) political balance of power has fundamentally changed. Parts of the anti-nuclear movement have been integrated into the political party system and have contributed significantly to the nuclear phase-out. In the course of this, the unfinished task of final disposal has been readdressed: with the Repository Site Selection Act (StandAG, 2017), which was passed in 2013 and amended in 2017, an ongoing process of public participation is stated. The site selection process is required to be learning, self-questioning, science-based, reversible, and participatory. The StandAG § 5 not only provides a basis for a fundamental dialogue between the regulator, the operator, and the public, but also for „co-design“ by common citizens. The StandAG considers various elements from different participation-friendly theories of democracy as well as specific governance concepts, which we refer to collectively as the soft nuclear repository state (cf. Brunnengräber, 2021). Its characteristics need to be worked out, as the StandAG only provides some indications, but no criteria, for what good and sufficient participation in the site selection process means and what its conditions for success should be. Based on preliminary considerations on democratic theory and governance aspects (part 1), we present what good participation could mean in the current procedure and what the framework conditions for good participation could be (part 2). Additionally, we present main findings from participatory observations from the ongoing site search process and identify conditions and indications of a successful future participation process based on the ongoing process (part 3). In the résumé, we turn to the question of which of the democracy-theoretical elements of the soft repository state are already recognizable in the present procedure, but also whether the current procedure provides additional indications towards the soft nuclear repository state (part 4).
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Ладоша, О. М. "The functioning of the nominative field vocabulary in German-language media against the background of nuclear power phase-out." НАУЧНЫЙ ЖУРНАЛ СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ ЛИНГВИСТИЧЕСКИЕ И МЕТОДИКО-ДИДАКТИЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ, no. 3(47) (October 24, 2020): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/vstu.2020.96.43.003.
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Постановка задачи. Семантико-когнитивный метод анализа языка как способ исследования концептов представляет интерес, поскольку позволяет выявить когнитивные признаки концепта на широком и репрезентативном материале. В настоящем исследовании заявленный метод представлен в части, касающейся анализа лексикографических данных и когнитивной интерпретации контекстов употребления лексем номинативного поля Atomkraft в немецком языке. Целью статьи является установление когнитивных признаков лексем номинативного поля Atomkraft , кодифицированных в словарях и выявляемых в ходе анализа корпуса текстов публикаций в СМИ и блогах в период с 1980 по 2014 гг., для последующего построения полевой модели концепта. Особый интерес представляет влияние произошедших в данный период техногенных катастроф в секторе ядерной энергетики (ЯЭ) на частотность употребления и семантику обозначенных лексических единиц. Результаты. На основании анализа словарных статей, а также привлечения репрезентативного корпуса текстов устанавливается, что доминантным когнитивным признаком концепта является «отказ от ядерной энергетики», наиболее широко представленный лексемой Atomenergie . Общая полевая структура концепта с учетом всех номинативных единиц выглядит следующим образом: ядро составляет признак «отказ от ядерной энергетики» (31%); ближнюю периферию - «политические аспекты» и «опасности ЯЭ» (31%); дальнюю периферию - «вопросы экологии» и «будущее ЯЭ» (17%); крайнюю периферию - «ЯЭ как одна из проблем современности» и «мирное использование ЯЭ» (9%). Выводы. Дискуссионным продолжает оставаться вопрос о наличии корреляции между частотностью употребления лексических единиц рассматриваемого поля и происходящими в мире техногенными катастрофами. В рамках представленного исследования не было выявлено достоверных свидетельств подобной взаимосвязи. В ходе работы установлено, что пик употребления лексических единиц номинативного поля приходится на 2008-2009 гг., когда в Германии проходила подготовка и проведение предвыборной кампании в парламент, что позволяет сделать предположение о большем влиянии политической обстановки на семантическое наполнение концепта. Данная проблема, однако, требует дальнейших исследований на расширенном корпусе текстов. Statement of the problem. The semantic-cognitive method of language analysis as a means of studying concepts is of interest, because it allows one to identify the cognitive attributes of the concept on a wide and representative material. In the present study, the claimed method is presented in part regarding the analysis of lexicographic data and the cognitive interpretation of the contexts of the use of Atomkraft nominative field lexemes in German. The purpose of the article is to establish the cognitive features of the Atomkraft nominative field lexemes, codified in dictionaries and revealed during the analysis of the text corpus of publications in the media and blogs from 1980 to 2014, for the subsequent construction of a field model of the concept. Of particular interest is the effect of technological disasters in the nuclear energy sector that occurred during this period on the frequency of use and semantics of designated lexical units. Results. Based on the analysis of vocabulary entries, as well as the involvement of a representative text corpus, it is established that the dominant cognitive feature of the concept is “rejection of nuclear energy”, the most widely represented by the token Atomenergie . The general field structure of the concept, taking into account all nominative units, is as follows: the core is a sign of “abandonment of nuclear energy” (31%); the near periphery - “political aspects” and “dangers of nuclear power” (31%); the far periphery - “environmental issues” and “the future of nuclear power” (17%); the outer periphery - “nuclear power as one of the problems of our time” and “peaceful use of nuclear energy” (9%). Conclusion. The question of whether there is a correlation between the frequency of use of the lexical units of the field in question and the technological disasters occurring in the world continues to remain debatable. In the framework of the presented study, no reliable evidence of such a relationship was revealed. In the course of the work, it was found that the peak of the use of lexical units of the nominative field occurred in 2008-2009, when preparations for and pre-election campaigns were held in Germany, which suggests the greater influence of the political situation on the semantic content of the concept. This problem, however, requires further research on an expanded corpus of texts.
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Arbatov, A. "The Nuclear Agreement with Iran: Exception or Precedent?" World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-5-15.
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The article deals with the Agreement concluded in July of 2015 by the group of states “5+1” (the United States, Russia, Britain, France, China and Germany, and special envoy of the European Union) with Iran on its nuclear energy program (called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action – JCPOA). It is argued, that despite some controversial points the Agreement as a whole is tangibly limiting, reducing and restructuring Iranian nuclear-technical assets, its development program, stockpile and quality of nuclear materials, and is prohibiting potentially military activities. Of special value is the broad and deep regime of transparency, safeguards and control by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which goes much further than the existing safeguards associated with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It is underlined that objectively (regardless of Iranian intentions) manufacturing of nuclear weapon or some secret military activity of significant scale is practically out of question in Iran during the term of various provisions of the Agreement (10–25 years). As proved by the article, a crucial factor in reaching the JCPOA were the U.S. and European Union economic and financial sanctions, adopted against Iran in 2012. They led to the profound economic crisis, which brought the change of government at presidential elections of 2013, and eventually facilitated Iranian concessions (foremost, on the scale of uranium enrichment, deep underground enrichment complex, plutonium-producing reactor, and the scale of transparency). On the other hand, in contrast to American and Russian official statements, the unprecedented tensions between Russia and the West around the Ukrainian crisis since the early 2014 seriously weakened the unity and diplomatic dominance of the “5+1” group of states. Hence, it turned impossible to achieve still more far-reaching agreements on some principle issues (in particular, on the necessity for Iran to receive the approval of the “5+1” and IAEA for the parameters of its nuclear energy program justifiable by peaceful needs – as suggested by the Interim Agreement of November 2013). This has created a precedent for other states to claim the right for developing nuclear energy programs with dual purpose or suspicious elements without obligatory and plausible peaceful justification. It is also underlined, that the future impact of the Agreement on the global system and regimes of nuclear non-proliferation is unclear. The positive side is the JCPOA role in preventing the new war in the Gulf. The dubious aspect is that universalization of the limitations and transparency norms of the Agreement for the purpose of the Non-Proliferation Treaty enhancement is rejected by a number of states, foremost by Russia. It keeps to a tough position that the Agreement is exceptionally Iranian case, which is not applicable to other states, and in fact this point is legally fixed in JCPOA and IAEA documents. This Russian position is in line with its general stance against more restrictive interpretation of the NPT norms and against more intrusive IAEA safeguards. No doubt, in the foreseeable future, these issues will be a matter of serious controversies among states regarding the enhancement of the NPT and overall non-proliferation system and regimes.
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Kiener, E. "Political aspects of nuclear energy." Nuclear Engineering and Design 114, no. 2 (June 1989): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0029-5493(89)90187-8.
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Rüdig, Wolfgang. "Phasing out nuclear energy in Germany." German Politics 9, no. 3 (December 2000): 43–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000008404607.
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Zimakov, A. "EU Nuclear Energy: Economics vs. Ecology." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-16-19.
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The article analyses economic roots of the recent reassessment of the role of nuclear energy in the EU with the global economic crisis as a background. Despite the huge political impact caused by Fukushima disaster the majority of EU member states don’t commit to nuclear power phase-out or to a major curb of nuclear development. This can be explained by the high economic viability of NPPs’ operation as well as by huge monetary expenses and environmental consequences associated with the phase out. Most openly this can be seen in the case of Germany.
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JOPPKE, CHRISTIAN. "Models of Statehood in the German Nuclear Energy Debate." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 2 (July 1992): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025002005.
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This article analyzes the role of the state in the development of, and controversy over, civilian nuclear energy in West Germany. The static and uniform categories of state strength and state weakness are found insufficient to account for the capacity or incapacity of the state to formulate and implement nuclear policy. Instead, the analysis uncovers the existence of conflicting and contradictory models of statehood in postwar German politics. They shaped the particular contours of nuclear development and conflict.
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Cable, Sherry, and Christian Joppke. "Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy: A Comparison of Germany and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075090.
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Jahn, Detlef. "Nuclear power, energy policy and new politics in Sweden and Germany." Environmental Politics 1, no. 3 (September 1992): 383–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019208414032.
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VAN DALEN, ERIC, and HERBERT MÜTHER. "RELATIVISTIC EFFECTS IN NUCLEAR MATTER AND NUCLEI." International Journal of Modern Physics E 19, no. 11 (November 2010): 2077–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218301310016533.
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The status of relativistic nuclear many-body calculations of nuclear systems to be built up in terms of protons and neutrons is reviewed. In detail, relativistic effects on several aspects of nuclear matter such as the effective mass, saturation mechanism, and the symmetry energy are considered. This review will especially focus on isospin asymmetric issues, since these aspects are of high interest in astrophysical and nuclear structure studies. Furthermore, from the experimental side these aspects are experiencing an additional boost from a new generation of radioactive beam facilities, e.g., the future GSI facility FAIR in Germany or SPIRAL2 at GANIL/France. Finally, the prospects of studying finite nuclei in microscopic calculations which are based on realistic NN interactions by including relativistic effects in calculations of low momentum interactions are discussed.
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Mann, Thomas. "THE PHASE-OUT OF NUCLEAR POWER IN GERMANY." Administrative law and process, no. 1 (28) (2020): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2227-796x.2020.1.03.
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Over the past 20 years, political attitudes in Germany towards the nuclear industry have been characterised less by consistency than by some major policy shifts, and the same can be said for the legislation that emerged from these attitudes. Although a number of these about-turns were predictable, others were less so because of their dependence on external factors. What now looks likely to be the final1 decision to phase out the civil use of nuclear power in Germany by 31 December 20222 raises a whole host of legal questions. In particular, the procedure followed to implement this phase-out provides ample material for debates on questions of constitutionality. Further matters of jurisprudential interest include the agreements concluded with the nuclear industry before the final phase-out decision was taken and the chronologically close political about-face themselves. Finally, a degree of legal uncertainty still surrounds not only the as-yet still unresolved issue of final repositories but also the resurgent debate over the source of funding for the dismantling of nuclear power plants. After providing an overview of the initial situation and the problems arising in connection with Germany’s phasing out of the civil use of nuclear energy, this paper will place these issues in their proper legal context before evaluating them and highlighting the connection between these points of nuclear law and the current upheaval in German energy policy.
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Khorolskaya, M. "New Vectors of German Energy Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 10 (2022): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-10-56-64.
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The article is devoted to energy policy of Germany. In the coalition treaty, the new German “red-green-yellow” coalition confirmed the commitment to achieve climate neutrality by 2045. In line with this goal Germany has developed a strategy to move away from coal as a primary source of energy. And, in the meantime, Berlin will close the last three Nuclear Power Plants by the end of the year 2022. The Russian special military operation in Ukraine has influenced the German energy policy significantly. Since February 2022, the German government has put a premium on substitution of Russian energy. The aim of this article is to analyze the coherence of the two policies: energy transition and rejection of Russian energy resources. The author explores phasing out nuclear power and coal, import of oil and gas, development of hydrogen production and renewables in Germany. The analysis revealed that two tracks do not complement each other. Both tracks should trace to the same goal – carbon-free energy, – but they have different temporal frameworks. While political elites claim to phase out Russian fuels within two years, the energy transition should take around 30 years. The natural gas was supposed to be the transitional energy, but more than half of it comes from Russia. Substitution of Russian coal and Russian oil requires more investment, and it could reduce the ability to subsidize renewables. Potential cooperation between Germany and Russia in hydrogen production was frozen. Only the policy aimed at improving energy efficiency and developing new building standards is likely to fit both tracks.
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Belov, Vladislav. "German-Russian Cooperation – Challenges of 2020 and Prospects for 2021. Part 1. Political aspects." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120217080.
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The events of 2020 had a significant impact on all aspects of political and economic cooperation between Germany and Russia. The year began with a constructive political dialogue on a number of different international issues. However, in the second half of the year, when the FRG was the chairman of the Council of the European Union, it found itself in a deep crisis. The main reason is the so-called «The Navalny factor». At the same time, Berlin proposed to build relations with Russia in the field of security from a position of strength. The coronavirus pandemic has prompted Berlin and Moscow to restrict capital and labor mobility. In the spring, there was a sharp drop in world oil prices. This negatively affected the mutual trade flows. The volume of foreign trade has dropped significantly. Against this background, the investment activity of German companies in the Russian regions has been continued. A new area of cooperation has emerged – hydrogen energy. In September 2020, the Year of Germany began in Russia, and in December – the cross Year of Economy and Sustainable Development. In the first part, the author analyzes the political results of 2020 and the beginning of 2021 and assesses the medium-term prospects of German-Russian cooperation in the field of politics. The second part deals with the economic aspects of cooperation
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Schott, Stephan, and Miranda Alice Schreurs. "Climate and Energy Politics in Canada and Germany: Dealing with Fossil Fuel Legacies." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 14, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v14i2.2766.
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Canada and Germany are both pursuing major energy transitions and far-reaching climate programs but differ in terms of policies towards some energy sources and their preferred policy instruments. Both countries have committed to large scale emission reductions despite the challenge of regional divestment from fossil fuels: hard coal in North Rhine Westphalia and the Saarland; lignite in the Rhineland, on the German-Polish border in the Lusatsia (Lausitz) region, and in central Germany; coal in Alberta, Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia; and oil in Western Canada. We contrast the current Pan Canadian framework (PCF) on Clean Growth and Climate Change to the German Climate Law and the European Green Deal setting targets to become climate neutral by 2050. Germany has plans for a dual phase out of nuclear energy by 2022 and coal by 2038. In contrast, Canada differs by province in terms of policies on fossil fuels and nuclear energy. Both are leaders in renewable energies, but differ in the type of renewable energy which dominates. We further examine the international action components of the PCF and its implications for collaboration with Germany and the EU. We discuss potential partnerships and strategic alliances between Canada and Germany in the context of their mutual interest to enable an energy transition and to lead to the implementation of the Paris agreement for climate change action. We identify political challenges within each federation, and especially the approach to impacted coal regions in Germany and Poland as well as the Canadian oil sands. Barriers to progress for meeting identified targets and timelines are considered. We conclude with insights on the possibility and likelihood of linking policies and regulatory measures across the Atlantic, and the political threats of advancing towards decarbonization and an energy transition away from fossil fuels in each jurisdiction.
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Boyko, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich. "Political Aspects of Nuclear Energy Market Development in the Countries of South Asia. NSG Factor in Promoting Nuclear Energy in the Region." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2016.1.11.
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IVANOVSKAYA, Zh V. "PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIAN NUCLEAR ENERGY IN THE GLOBAL ENERGY MARKET." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 8 (2021): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.08.01.022.
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The prospects of the Russian nuclear power industry depend on many factors, including economic, technological, political, social, and other aspects of the development of the global energy market. To increase the competitiveness of the Russian nuclear power industry, it is necessary to strengthen the existing advantages of Rosatom State Corporation, as well as state support for programs aimed at the development of nuclear technologies, both in the energy sector and in other sectors of the economy, including healthcare. The issues of developing international cooperation are particularly relevant when realizing the export potential of Russian nuclear energy.
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Meier, Oliver. "Debating the withdrawal of US nuclear weapons from Europe: What Germany expects from Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 1 (2021): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.105.
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The recent debate in Germany about nuclear sharing confirmed the broad support among decision-makers for continued involvement in the political dimension of NATO’s sharing arrangements, i. e., participation in the Alliance’s nuclear consultative bodies. At the same time, German decision-makers hold divergent views on continued participation in the operational and technical aspects of nuclear sharing. Russia’s arsenal of approximately 2,000 tactical nuclear weapons is of great concern to Germany and many in Berlin are worried that Russia is systematically expanding its nuclear arsenal. German decision-makers and the government support NATO’s dual-track policy of deterring and engaging Russia. German policy-makers’ arguments on the added military value of forward-deployed US nuclear weapons remain vague and there are few specific ideas about what type of arms control would be best suited to reduce the role and number of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe. There are four frameworks in which tactical nuclear weapons could be discussed with Russia, namely the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), other multilateral fora, the Russian — US bilateral dialogue on strategic stability, and the NATO — Russia Council. If Russia is serious about reducing the role and number of nuclear weapons in Europe, it should accept the reciprocity paradigm and drop some worn-out demands and positions that have little relevance for political debates around arms control in Berlin and elsewhere.
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Belov, Vladislav. "The Coronavirus Crisis versus Social and Market Economy of Germany." Contemporary Europe 104, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420215870.
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The coronavirus crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant negative impact on all aspects of the German social market economy. For the first time in history, the crisis was caused by factors of a non-economic nature. They manifested themselves in all economies of the world, including Europe. Since March 2020, the federal and state executive authorities of Germany, along with the introduction of restrictive measures for the population and business, have adopted several large-scale economic and political programmes aimed at preventing bankruptcies of economic entities, preserving jobs and social stability in the country. Along with short-term instruments designed to stop the decline in GDP and give impetus to its growth, the German state pursued an active and coordinated with Brussels structural policy aimed at ensuring an energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, including the overcoming the deficits and problems revealed by the pandemic in the country's economy. To this end, Berlin abandoned the budget surplus policy and switched to large-scale external borrowing to finance programmes to bring economy out of the crisis. The author analyzes the results of the impact of the coronavirus crisis on the economic space of Germany, including aspects of its stress resistance and competitiveness, explores the effectiveness of state policy to counter crisis and assesses the prospects for the development of Russia's leading foreign economic partner in the west of the Eurasian continent.
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Flachsbarth, Franziska, Marion Wingenbach, and Matthias Koch. "Addressing the Effect of Social Acceptance on the Distribution of Wind Energy Plants and the Transmission Grid in Germany." Energies 14, no. 16 (August 7, 2021): 4824. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14164824.
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Social acceptance is increasingly becoming a limiting factor in implementing the energy transition in Germany. From today’s perspective, the expansion of wind energy and future transmission grids is only somewhat a technical or economic challenge rather than a social one. Since political decisions on the energy system transformation are often derived from findings of energy system modeling, it seems necessary to increasingly integrate the effects of socio-ecological aspects, such as acceptance issues in energy models. In this paper, an approach is introduced to address effects of social acceptance in energy system models by comparing the influence of different distribution scenarios of wind energy in Germany on the expansion need for future transmission lines. The results show that a socio-ecologic distribution of onshore wind installations according to a balanced burden of the German society does not reduce the grid expansion need significantly compared to an economic siting. An actual reduction of planned transmission grids could just be achieved by a more decentral scenario, including decentral market design. The sensitivity of regionalization is an opportunity to consider local acceptance issues within energy system models and should move more into focus inside the procedure of the current grid development process in Germany.
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Belov, Vladislav. "German-Russian Cooperation – Challenges of 2020 and Prospects for 2021. Part 2. Economic Aspects." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220212233.
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In the first part of the article, the political results of 2020 and early 2021 were considered and an assessment of the medium-term prospects of German-Russian political cooperation was given. The second part is devoted to the peculiarities of economic cooperation during this period. The economy has come under the influence of restrictions on labor and capital mobility caused by the pandemic, disruptions in global supply chains, as well as negative dynamics of global commodity prices. Together, they led to a significant decrease in mutual trade. Negative processes took place against the background of a deep crisis of political confidence, the introduction of new sanctions by the EU and the US and the extension of existing sanctions. Efforts have increased to create a negative image of Russia in Germany. However, the business community of both countries managed to counter negative trends with steps aimed at stabilizing bilateral cooperation and giving it progressive development. Companies of both countries, despite negative events, did not stop their investment activity. A new area of cooperation has emerged – hydrogen energy, which should become one of the foundations for the energy transition of the EU countries to a climate-neutral economy. Interdepartmental state cooperation in the economic sphere continued. In September 2020, the results of the three-year German-Russian scientific and educational partnership were summed up. At the same time, the Year of Germany began in Russia, and in December, the common German-Russian Year of Economy and Sustainable Development. The article analyzes the features of economic cooperation, highlights the main factors that determine its content and gives a forecast of its mid-term development. Particular attention is paid to the Nord Stream 2 project.
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Bosch, H.-S., V. Erckmann, L. Laurent, O. Motojima, G. H. Neilson, E. Oktay, D. K. Owens, F. Rau, K. I. Thomassen, and F. Wagner. "Summary of the Workshop on Technological Aspects of Steady-State Devices IPP Garching, Germany, 20 - 23 February 1995." Plasma Physics and Controlled Fusion 38, no. 3 (March 1, 1996): 415–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0741-3335/38/3/015.
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Hessling, Matthias. "Coal Supply Competition in Germany to the Year 2000." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 13, no. 4 (August 1995): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459879501300403.
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Coal is the only significant domestic energy source in Germany. Surface mining of browncoal and its utilization for power generation is economic, while the domestic hard coal industry is maintained for reasons of security of supply despite high costs of the underground operations. Over past decades, however, the size of the industry has been declining sharply. Long-term energy-political agreements guarantee sales of subsidised hard coal to the electricity and steel sectors up to 2005, but on a smaller scale than today. Brown coal use in eastern Germany is also set to decline further from its present level for structural and environmental reasons, while the use of brown coal in western Germany will remain constant. Hard coal imports, on the other hand, are likely to rise. The background of these developments is described in detail, as is the German coal policy. Coal supply is forecast up to the year 2000. The current energy supply structure in Germany as well as its future development are determined by a number of conditions, three of which will be discussed here as relevant to the topic of this paper. A more specific analysis of the hard coal industry, its development and political setting will be presented, followed by a forecast of the coal supply in 2000. The three basic conditions are as follows: Germany is, apart from coal, a country poor in energy resources. German energy policy is based on a balance of three major goals: security of energy supply, environmentally acceptable energy supply and energy supply at low cost. Unification of the two parts of Germany is being followed by a structural change of energy supply and this will continue.
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Spykman, Gerold. "Dry storage of spent nuclear fuel and high active waste in Germany—Current situation and technical aspects on inventories integrity for a prolonged storage time." Nuclear Engineering and Technology 50, no. 2 (March 2018): 313–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.net.2018.01.009.
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Riegel, Christoph. "Critical Infrastructure in Sectoral Planning: The Example of the Development and Expansion of the Extra High Voltage Network in Germany." Journal of Extreme Events 04, no. 04 (December 2017): 1850001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s234573761850001x.
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The power network is among the most of critical infrastructures. In Germany, multiple circumstances, triggered by social and political processes of decarbonization and nuclear phaseout, require extensive grid expansion activities. The paper analyzes coincidences of security and reliability aspects with transmission infrastructure planning. It explores essential properties that determine the criticality of power grids, examines to what extent security is subject of grid expansion procedures and finally focuses on selected security-related spatial planning issues such as the concentration of infrastructures or the pros and cons of overhead lines vs. underground cables.
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Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. "Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.
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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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Courmont, Barthélémy. "Europe's Responses to Fukushima: Nuclear Renaissance Revisited?" International Studies Review 13, no. 1 (October 15, 2012): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01301004.
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The accident at the Fukushima nuclear plant on March 2011 has had a major effect on the public perception of nuclear energy worldwide. In Europe, its psychological impact has been particularly strong, as it happened exactly twenty-five years after the Chernobyl nuclear accident of 1986. On a continent where the highest number of nuclear plants is concentrated, it has led several countries, including Germany, to call for a phase-out, while other nuclear powers, such as France and the United Kingdom, have kept their nuclear policies unchanged, and reaffirmed their projects to build new plants. These profound divisions among European countries raise the question of whether the “nuclear renaissance” will be revisited. This article examines the media reactions to the Fukushima accident in several European countries, and the political decisions that followed, in order to evaluate the European responses to Fukushima. It focuses on the different perceptions and their direct effects on the political decisions taken in European countries.
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Joppke, Christian. "Social Movements during Cycles of Issue Attention: The Decline of the Anti-Nuclear Energy Movements in West Germany and the USA." British Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (March 1991): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590834.
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Gawel, Erik, Paul Lehmann, Alexandra Purkus, Patrik Söderholm, and Sebastian Strunz. "Security of supply as a political bargaining issue: Why Germany opted against capacity markets." Energy Research & Social Science 86 (April 2022): 102321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.102321.
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Marić, Bojan. "Mutual relations between Germany and Russia from 2000 to 2017." Megatrend revija 17, no. 1 (2020): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/megrev2001063m.
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The focus of this paper is based on the analysis of bilateral relations between Federal Republic Germany and the Russian Federation in the period from 2000 to 2017. Until November 2005, the German Government was led by Social Democratic party leader Gerhard Schroeder. After the triumph, the Christian Democrats at extraordinary parliamentary elections that were held in September the same year the rudder of the government is in hands of Angela Merkel until the present. Vladimir Putin largely determines main directions of Russian politics and represents a dominant political figure since the beginning of his first mandate as the Russian Federation President. These three political leaders have mostly dictated bilateral relations dynamics between FR Germany, as an economic leader in Europe, and the Russian Federation as the biggest country in the world. Germany settles its needs for energy and vital resources mostly from Russia, while the great importance is paid to the import of the German technologies and capital by the Russian side in order to diversify its economy and ceased to be an economy based on the export of the national resources. Unlike most of the growing economies, Germany's relations with the Russian Federation overcomes the capacity of the economy and relates to political and security aspects. The peak of the German-Russian relations had been achieved in 2008 by the project Partnership in modernization. The European Union attempted in 2010 to establish a similar partnership with Russia following the same model. The Ukrainian conflict eruption in 2014 and introduction of sanction to Russian Federation by EU, as well as counter-measures undertaken in opposite direction, has frozen, at least until the moment of the Ukrainian conflict settlement, the possibility for further development of German-Russian relations and partnership agenda between EU and RF.
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Deb, Nikhil. "The Fukushima Disaster and the Framing of Nuclear Energy in India." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 4 (August 16, 2018): 473–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341489.
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AbstractMost research on Fukushima has been directed at technical and epidemiological aspects; yet the ways in which emerging nuclear powers such as India have responded to the meltdown is inadequate. This article investigates (1) the Fukushima meltdown as an epitome of risk associated with nuclear energy to understand what role this disaster has played in the Indian nuclear energy policy; and (2) whether the Indian nuclear authority has renewed its effort to shape the public mind in favor of nuclear safety in the wake of a deadly nuclear disaster in Fukushima. I use content analysis of statements made by nuclear personnel in response to the Fukushima meltdown from newspaper articles published in five major English-language newspapers in India. The findings suggest that the Fukushima meltdown has little impact on India’s nuclear energy policy. Instead, the Indian nuclear authority uses language to shape the public opinion surrounding nuclear energy.
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Jacobs, Marian. "The political ecology of the entropy principle: 19th century physics and the electrification of Germany." Energy Research & Social Science 98 (April 2023): 103008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2023.103008.
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Hager, Carol. "Germany's Green Energy Revolution: Challenging the Theory and Practice of Institutional Change." German Politics and Society 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330301.
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The energy revolution poses a fundamental challenge to the German corporatist institutional model. The push for renewables in Germany arose almost entirely outside the prevailing channels of institutional power. Eventually, federal legislation helped support the boom in local energy production that was already underway, and it encouraged the further development of new forms of community investment and citizen participation in energy supply. Recently, the federal government has tried to put the genie back in the bottle by shifting support to large energy producers. But, as this article shows, the energy transition has provided a base for local power that cannot easily be assailed. The debate over German energy policy is becoming a contest between centralized and decentralized models of political and economic power. Prevailing institutionalist theories have difficulty accounting for these developments. I analyze the local development of renewable energy by means of a case study of the Freiburg area in southwestern Germany, which has evolved from a planned nuclear power and fossil fuel center to Germany's “solar region”. Incorporating insights from ecological modernization theory, I show how the locally based push for renewables has grown into a challenge to the direction of German democracy itself.
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Lukyanets, Artem S., Canh Toan Nguyen, and Evgeniya M. Moiseeva. "Economic efficiency of the nuclear power industry and social aspects of its development." RUDN Journal of Economics 26, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 598–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2018-26-4-598-608.
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The article attempts to develop a system of parameters for an objective and comprehensive assessment of the efficiency of the nuclear power industry in terms of its contribution to the country’s economic and social development, as well as its environmental well-being and its geopolitical position. Currently, nuclear power industry makes up a significant part of the energy supplies in the developed countries throughout the world. However, in the developing economies, including those of East and Southeast Asia, it plays a less prominent role. Nevertheless, in recent years, China has been the leader in commissioning new atomic facilities, thanks to the consistent implementation of its state program for the development of the nuclear power industry. Forecasts indicate that in the near future, the share of atomic energy will remain stable and account for about 10 % of all global energy capacity, which is confirmed by the estimates made during the study. However, in the long term nuclear energy cannot be ignored as an economically efficient and environmentally friendly source of energy, as well as a factor in improving the quality of life of the population when developing a strategy for the sustainable development of a country. The article examines the already existing assessment criteria for the economic efficiency of nuclear power plants (NPPs), and proposes new standards for the assessment of its contribution to the development of the community and a country’s stance on the global political stage. The article also identifies the main obstacles to the further development of the industry in the modern world. The research showed that the main specific feature of an NPP operation from the economic point of view is extremely high initial construction and commissioning costs, with relatively low further operation costs, which determines long payback lines and liquidity shortages reducing the attractiveness of such projects for potential investors. These peculiarities determine the leading role of state authorities in the launch, operation and modernization of nuclear power facilities.
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Rial-Sebbag, Emmanuelle, and Anna Pigeon. "Regulation of Biobanks in France." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 754–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12317.
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France, a country with nearly 66 million inhabitants, contributed greatly to the construction of the European Union (EU) as one of the founder states. In 1957, the treaties establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) were signed by Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands in Rome. Today, they are referred to as the “Treaties of Rome.” The French contribution to the EU has strongly influenced the political views on the development of Europe, notably pushing for a large contribution of member states to the decision making processes and to the orientation of the EU policies.
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Golgovici, Florentina, Aurelia Elena Tudose, Diana Diniasi, Radu Nartita, Manuela Fulger, and Ioana Demetrescu. "Aspects of Applied Chemistry Related to Future Goals of Safety and Efficiency in Materials Development for Nuclear Energy." Molecules 28, no. 2 (January 15, 2023): 874. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules28020874.
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The present paper is a narrative review focused on a few important aspects and moments of trends surrounding materials and methods in sustainable nuclear energy, as an expression of applied chemistry support for more efficiency and safety. In such context, the paper is focused firstly on increasing alloy performance by modifying compositions, and elaborating and testing novel coatings on Zr alloys and stainless steel. For future generation reactor systems, the paper proposes high entropy alloys presenting their composition selection and irradiation damage. Nowadays, when great uncertainties and complex social, environmental, and political factors influence energy type selection, any challenge in this field is based on the concept of increased security and materials performance leading to more investigations into applied science.
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Hübner, Malte, Christoph M. Schmidt, and Benjamin Weigert. "Energiepolitik: Erfolgreiche Energiewende nur im europäischen Kontext." Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 13, no. 4 (November 2012): 286–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2516.2012.00397.x.
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AbstractThe German government’s adoption of the so-called Energy Concept in 2010 and its decision in the summer of 2011 to phase out nuclear energy altogether within the next ten years, has started a process of severe transformation of the German system of energy provision. Specifically, until 2050 renewables will have to become the dominant source of electricity generation. Disconcertingly, up to now the government has not outlined a comprehensive overall strategy how this objective should be achieved in practice. In this paper we discuss the necessary preconditions for a successful transformation in the German energy system. Overall cost of this transition could be held in check, if economic policy were to rely exclusively on a properly designed European Emission Trading System. Yet, instead of attempting to eliminate the remaining deficiencies of this already existing instrument, policy makers in Germany and all across Europe insist on devising additional subsidy schemes for renewables. We argue that the most sensible way to do this is by implementing a renewable support system that is harmonized across Europe. To this end, Germany should switch from current system of feed-in tariffs to a quantity-based system of Green Certificates and, in a second step, combine the German Green Certificate market with that of other European countries.
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Krige, John. "The Peaceful Atom as Political Weapon: Euratom and American Foreign Policy in the Late 1950s." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 38, no. 1 (2008): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2008.38.1.5.
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The U.S. emerged from World War II as the world's leading scientific and technological nation, consolidating its advantage for the next two or three decades. This paper describes how the State Department used the nation's dominance in the nuclear field, inherited from the Manhattan Project, to divert the resources of Western European states, notably France and Germany, into a civilian nuclear power program undertaken by a new supranational organization, Euratom. The determination on the continent to re-launch the European integration process in 1955, the Suez crisis in 1956, and the launch of the Sputniks in 1957 were opportunities ably exploited by officers in the State Department to use America's scientific, technological, and industrial depth in nuclear power as a political weapon. To this end they withheld the supply of enriched uranium for as long as possible from nations that wanted the fuel through bilateral agreements with the Atomic Energy Commission. In parallel they offered nuclear materials and know how, along with economic and political incentives, to encourage nations to commit to Euratom. This policy was strongly opposed by senior officials in the AEC and in the fledgling International Atomic Energy Agency, as well in Britain and in some continental countries, but to no avail. Though the State Department's efforts eventually bore little fruit, the paper clearly shows how U.S. leadership in science and technology was mobilized to promote America's foreign policy agenda in Western Europe in the early Cold War.
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Becker, Gero, and Martin Brunsmeier. "Konkurrenz zwischen stofflicher und energetischer Holznutzung – auch eine Frage der Allokation." Schweizerische Zeitschrift fur Forstwesen 164, no. 12 (December 1, 2013): 382–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3188/szf.2013.0382.
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Competition between material and energetic use of wood – also a question of allocation The amount of wood used for energy purposes has recently strongly increased in Germany. This has resulted in a competition for some wood assortments between raw material and energy uses. This has led to price increases and supply bottlenecks in wood industries facing international competition. An easing of this tension can be achieved by an increase in the volume of wood harvested, changes in the allocation of the assortments, alternative silvicultural concepts and optimized harvesting techniques. Moreover, an improvement in efficiency of the supply and conversion of energy wood increases the potential of wood. Whether wood is to be used for material or energy purposes is not only determined by economic aspects: the risks which have been taken into account, the investment which has been made, but also the obligation to deliver because of regional political structures can be decisive reasons for the allocation of wood. More research is needed to clarify the question of whether and in what way stakeholders within the supply chain influence the decision making process.
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Belov, Vladislav. "GERMANY’S ECONOMY AMID INCREASING ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CHALLENGES." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 29, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran5202287101.
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October 3 this year Germany celebrated the 32nd anniversary of the unification of the two German states. Three decades after the historic events of 1990, the state faced a number of extremely difficult economic and political problems, which escalated significantly in the fall of 2022. The large-scale measures taken in the first half of the year to support business and the population turned out to be insufficient to solve them. Inflation in September reached 10%, the German economy was on the verge of recession. In autumn, the government was forced to nationalize the leading gas importer Uniper SE, provide state support to the energy company Verbundnetz Gas AG, cancel the planned special surcharge on the price of gas, extend the operation of the nuclear power plant, accept a third aid package, and create a special economic fund of 200 billion euros, which caused a sharp criticism of the leadership of a number of EU countries. The development and discussion of anti-crisis tools reflected the existing disagreements and conflict potential of the «traffic light» coalition. Against this background, there was a further aggravation of German-Russian relations in the oil and gas sector. The author analyzes the content and possible effectiveness of the autumn anticrisis measures of the government, pays special attention to state intervention in the activities of the main players in the German energy market.
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Pivniak, H., O. Aziukovskyi, Yu Papaika, I. Lutsenko, and N. Neuberger. "Problems of development of innovative power supply systems of Ukraine in the context of European integration." Naukovyi Visnyk Natsionalnoho Hirnychoho Universytetu, no. 5 (October 30, 2022): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33271/nvngu/2022-5/089.
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Purpose. To analyse problems and features of the formation of perspective concepts and scenarios for the development of the latest structures of energy supply systems for Ukraine in the context of the energy transition and European integration. Methodology. Theoretical studies, analysis, and generalization of scientific and practical results along with the comparative analysis. Findings. The European Green Deal contributes to the wide development of relevant RES-based systems in the EU countries. Ukraine has also declared its active position regarding the issues of low-carbon development and green transition with the formation of relevant implementation scenarios until 2035, 2050, and 2070. The paper analyses the current state and structure of the electricity supply system in Germany and Ukraine on their ways to low-carbon development of the energy sector and economy. As a result of the conducted research, it is possible to determine further rational steps for effective transformation of the electric power industry according to the strategy of pragmatic or low-carbon development with further measures to modernize the nuclear and thermal energy sectors and moderate RES development. Development of rational structures of electric power systems of new technological order is a constantly relevant, science-intensive direction, which brings serious changes to the traditional raw-resource economy and energy industry. Originality. The conducted comprehensive analysis of the current state and prospects for the development of the structure of electric power complexes of Ukraine and Germany makes it possible to formulate high-priority rational steps in achieving energy independence and energy security, taking into account low-carbon development of the national economy. Practical value. The represented analytics can be used to ensure sustainable development of Ukrainian energy industry, to form an outlook on problems, prospects, and aspects of optimistic and pessimistic scenarios of the generation system development.
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Bracke, Guido, Wolfram Kudla, and Tino Rosenzweig. "Status of Deep Borehole Disposal of High-Level Radioactive Waste in Germany." Energies 12, no. 13 (July 4, 2019): 2580. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12132580.
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The phase-out of nuclear energy in Germany will take place in 2022. A site for final disposal of high-level radioactive waste (HLRW) has not yet been chosen, but a site selection process was restarted by the Site Selection Act in 2017. This Act was based on a recommendation by a commission which also advised to follow up the development of deep borehole disposal (DBD) as a possible option for final disposal of HLRW. This paper describes briefly the status of DBD in Germany and if this option is to be pursued in Germany. Although DBD has some merits, it can only be a real option if supported by research and development. The technical equipment for larger boreholes of the required size will only be developed if there is funding and a feasibility test. Furthermore, any DBD concept must be detailed further, and some requirements of the Act must be reconsidered. Therefore, the support of DBD will likely remain at a low level if there are no political changes.
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Puşcaşu, Greta-Marilena. "Radioactive waste management: Societal challenges in the era of green nuclear energy." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 1205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2022-0111.
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Abstract Recently, there have been international debates over the idea of labeling nuclear power plants as a green investment. To be considered sustainable, to get a green investment label and to contribute to green growth, nuclear energy should be based on clear plans regarding safe disposal of radioactive waste. Final disposal of radioactive waste is witness to many disputes, one of the most important being that of public acceptance. Society represents a critical and a decisive stage in the process of radioactive waste management. Management and disposal process of radioactive waste requires community confidence and acceptance. The socio-political context must be addressed continuously through stakeholder commitment and public concerns. The final stage of radioactive waste management is especially characterized by population involvement, stakeholder availability, and mutual dialog. The objective of this study is based on finding the relationship between the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility (RWDF) and the perception of the population regarding various aspects related to nuclear energy and radioactive waste. A series of questions in the form of a questionnaire were used for data collection. A total of 200 valid questionnaires were used for this analysis. The study was focused on the Romanian population following a homogenous distribution throughout the country. Therefore, to better understand the issue, the paper investigates the correlation between the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility and a variety of factors, such as: attitude, perceived benefits, perceived risks, overall knowledge and perceived costs. Spearman rank correlation was used for data analysis. Bringing together theoretical information about nuclear energy and radioactive waste and the empirical data collected at the national level, this research study showed that the acceptance of a radioactive waste disposal facility is much stronger if the population is in favor of nuclear energy. As well, perceived risks create major concerns throughout the population and influence the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility. Cost aspects are controversial and create disagreements in relation with radioactive waste management options. That being said, this study brings value to the nuclear field by emphasizing the important societal factors which influence the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility in the green energy era.
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Picuno, Caterina, Emile Van Eygen, Marieke T. Brouwer, Kerstin Kuchta, and Eggo U. Thoden van Velzen. "Factors Shaping the Recycling Systems for Plastic Packaging Waste—A Comparison between Austria, Germany and The Netherlands." Sustainability 13, no. 12 (June 15, 2021): 6772. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13126772.
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Setting up strategies for a sound management of plastic packaging waste (PPW) is becoming increasingly crucial at many levels of the value chain in Europe. After the very first implementation of an extended producer responsibility scheme in Germany in 1991, many EU Countries followed. This resulted in a complex network of schemes that differ from one member state to another. This paper brings together the three latest studies describing the current flows of PPW across the waste value chain from Austria (reference year 2013), Germany and the Netherlands (reference year 2017). With this aim, the models of the three single studies have been adapted to fit into a common model, allowing to perform a comparative analysis. Although with a relatively comparable product market, the three countries have different management systems (e.g., separate collection systems, target sorting products and treatment of residual waste), reflecting different national strategies to achieve the circular economy targets. Recycling rates (in terms of washed milled goods at the output of the recycling process) for the three countries resulted in 23%, 43% and 30% of the total mass of PPW generated in, respectively, Austria, Germany and the Netherlands. The fraction of mixed recycled plastics, relevant for Germany and the Netherlands only, was determined to be one of the major determinants of the differences in recycling rates. Furthermore, the discussion revolves around new political targets that have the potential to contribute to addressing the issue of tradeoff between quantity and quality of recycled plastics placed on the market, with measures such as design-for-recycling and eco-modulation of EPR fees playing a critical role, while also pointing out the aspects that inevitably hinder closed-loop recycling.
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Baumann, Florian. "Europe’s Way to Energy Security: The Outer Dimension of Energy Security: From Power Politics to Energy Governance." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 1 (February 1, 2010): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010005.
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Abstract. European integration with its common markets for coal and nuclear fuels and, nowadays, ambitions of a comprehensive energy policy makes Europe one of the most interesting regions with regard to energy security. However, not only the European Union (EU) but also the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are or will be relevant actors in the global struggle for affordable, sustainable, and sufficient supplies of energy. All three have developed more or less distinctive instruments to secure their members access to energy. Nevertheless, there are three problems that prohibit the Europeans from being important players in global energy politics. First, the EU Member States do not have sufficient indigenous reserves of energy and thus are dependent on foreign suppliers. Second, Europe and its partners lack, as of yet, a comprehensive strategy for dealing with the external aspects of energy politics, including supply security as well as the political and economic challenges of import dependency and energy cut-offs. Third, only if inner-EU coherence can be established – and later on, regional and global energy governance – will the problem of energy security be resolvable. Finally, a coherent, internal EU position will be necessary to establish regional and global energy governance – the key to stabilizing future energy relations.
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Heinze, Mira, and Karsten Voss. "Goal: Zero Energy Building Exemplary Experience Based on the Solar Estate Solarsiedlung Freiburg am Schlierberg, Germany." Journal of Green Building 4, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3992/jgb.4.4.93.
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Zero energy consumption. The goal sounds simple and is presented excessively in variations all over the world. Energy and environmental politics demand zero consumption as a long-term goal, marketing has discovered the concept and first buildings and settlements aiming at balanced energy or emission budgets have been constructed. As an example, the German Federal Government specifies in its fifth energy research programme (2005): For new buildings, the goal is to reduce the primary energy demand, i.e. the energy demand for heating, domestic hot water, ventilation, air-conditioning, lighting and auxiliary energy, again by half compared to the current state of the art. The long-term goal is zero-emission buildings. England and the USA aim for zero carbon developments and net-zero energy buildings (DOE, 2009) in political programmes. The Vatican accepted the offer of climatic “indulgence”—and thus became the first country in the world to completely compensate its carbon emission (Spiegel online, 2007). Megaprojects in the growth regions of the Arabian Gulf and China advertise with a CO2-neutral balance. A Zero Carbon Community is to be created in Masdar, Abu Dhabi (Foster, 2007), and the first Chinese carbon-neutral ecocity was planned for Dongtan, Shanghai (Pearce, 2009). Not only to aid international communication, but also to further the processes required to solve energy-related problems, it is essential that key words, central concepts, their usage and their relationships be clarified. This article intends to contribute to this clarification based on the monitored example of a solar estate. Net zero energy building, equilibrium building, carbon neutral city—the accounting method varies, depending on motivation and point of view. If the focus is on finite and scarce resources, energy is the currency; CO2-equivalent emissions are considered if global warming and public health is the issue; the cost of energy is what concerns a tenant paying for heating and electricity. A balance in one set of units can be converted to another, but the conversion factors often also shift the balance point. Energy will be used as the reference quantity in the following article, which prevents confusion with non-energy measures (e.g. carbon credits for forestry) and avoids the nuclear power debate, in which nuclear power is partly calculated as being CO2 neutral. The diversity of concepts is an indicator that a scientifically based methodology is still lacking, though initial publications focus hereon (Pless et al. 2009). Since October 2008, a group of experts in the International Energy Agency has been addressing this issue under the heading, Towards Net Zero Energy Solar Buildings (Riley et al. 2008). The goal is to document and analyse outstanding examples that are close to being net zero-energy buildings, and while doing so, to develop the methodology and tools for working with such buildings. The Chair of Technical Building Services, University of Wuppertal, is co-ordinating the methodological work. The zero-energy approach—still under construction—will here be presented using a solar estate as an illustration.
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Frieß, Friederike, Wolfgang Liebert, and Nikolaus Müllner. "Assessment of Partitioning and Transmutation of High-Level Waste and Hypothetical Implementation Scenarios in Germany." Safety of Nuclear Waste Disposal 1 (November 10, 2021): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/sand-1-261-2021.
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Abstract. In the context of the search for a deep geological repository for high-level radioactive waste from nuclear energy a preliminary waste treatment is repeatedly called into play by partitioning and transmutation (P&T). Proponents of this approach promise that with P&T, the requirements for and the risks posed by a – then still necessary – repository could be significantly reduced. However, such technological promises have to be prospectively, promptly and publicly reasonably verifiable. Partitioning is reprocessing in which, in addition to separating uranium and plutonium from the fission products, other material streams (for example, the minor actinides) are extracted. In transmutation, radionuclides – especially through nuclear fission – are converted into other nuclides. Thus, conversion of the parent nuclides into nuclides with shorter half-lives, lower radiotoxicity, or into stable nuclides could be achieved. For the assessment of P&T, essential aspects are the current degree of maturity of necessary technologies, the requirements for research and development, technological development risks, the basic feasibility and objective, risks of a hypothetical operation of corresponding plants and the possible effects on nuclear waste disposal. More specifically, on the technological side, it is all about development periods, technical security requirements and licensability, proliferation risks and implementation periods. The presentation of the results of some hypothetical P&T scenarios is intended to help to assess the impacts on radioactive waste present in Germany, necessary facilities and operating periods. Thus, pyro-chemical and hydrochemical separation processes, special transuranic fuels based on mixed oxides (MOX) or uranium-free fuel types and critical fast reactors, subcritical (accelerator-driven) reactors, as well as molten salt reactors, are considered. One difficulty is that the multiple recycling of the transuranics changes the fuel composition. Detailed statements about these changes are only possible with complex simulation calculations and their influence on safe reactor operation. So far, this has not happened on an international scale. In the modelling presented here, an attempt was made to represent the restrictions that the reactor design has on the fuel composition more precisely, at least insofar as the element composition of the fuel remains the same for the duration of the scenario. Conclusions presented from the analysis of the hypothetical scenarios affect, among other things, necessary operating periods and the number of plants and changes achieved in the stock of both transuranics and fission products.
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Egres, Dorottya. "Strategic maneuvering in extended polylogues." Journal of Argumentation in Context 10, no. 2 (July 5, 2021): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.20003.egr.
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Abstract This paper presents the analysis of the Hungarian nuclear expansion controversy using a conceptual framework that links strategic maneuvering with an extended polylogical controversy and evaluates the strategic maneuvering of political, environmentalist and expert actors. The paper aims to show that the three aspects of strategic maneuvering (audience demand, topical potential, presentational devices) are flexible enough that they can be analyzed when the object of study is not a spatially and temporally localized argumentative situation, but a decade-long debate with multiple actors. In 2014, Hungary signed a deal with Russia to finance 80% of the investment costs and supply two new reactors to maintain the 40–50% of nuclear energy in the national energy production.
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Jeutner, Valentin. "Amendments, annexations, alternatives: Nord Stream 2’s contemporary status under EU and international law." Journal of World Energy Law & Business 12, no. 6 (November 20, 2019): 502–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jwelb/jwz031.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Nord Stream 2 is a highly controversial megaproject. This text shows that the political controversy surrounding Nord Stream 2 does not necessarily translate to legal controversy. The text does so by considering three controversially discussed European and international legal aspects of the Nord Stream 2 project. The article commences by evaluating whether and how [whether and how] the recent amendment to the European Union (EU) Directive 2009/73/EC concerning common rules for the internal market in natural gas affects the legal status of Nord Stream 2. The text concludes that Directive 2009/73/EC (as amended) makes it considerably more difficult to operate Nord Stream 2. It will also be established that legal uncertainty remains concerning the amended Directive’s compliance with European and international law, and that bilateral relations between Russia and Germany are, in any case, unaffected by changes in EU law. The article then proceeds to evaluate the argument that Germany’s involvement with Nord Stream 2, in light of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol, violates international law since Germany, by doing so, violates the obligation not to recognize or support annexation by an aggressor state. This argument is rejected. Even if one assumes that Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol was unlawful, Germany’s support of Nord Stream 2 cannot be legally construed as support for Russia’s activities concerning Crimea and Sevastopol. Finally, the article considers the international legal framework conditioning the currently still outstanding permission by Denmark to lay Nord Stream 2 pipelines through the Danish territorial sea/the Danish Exclusive Economic Zone. In this regard, it is concluded that the legal scope for Denmark to reject Nord Stream 2’s application for permission to lay the pipeline through Danish waters is very limited.