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1

Arbatov, A. "The Nuclear Agreement with Iran: Exception or Precedent?" World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-5-15.

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The article deals with the Agreement concluded in July of 2015 by the group of states “5+1” (the United States, Russia, Britain, France, China and Germany, and special envoy of the European Union) with Iran on its nuclear energy program (called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action – JCPOA). It is argued, that despite some controversial points the Agreement as a whole is tangibly limiting, reducing and restructuring Iranian nuclear-technical assets, its development program, stockpile and quality of nuclear materials, and is prohibiting potentially military activities. Of special value is the broad and deep regime of transparency, safeguards and control by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which goes much further than the existing safeguards associated with the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It is underlined that objectively (regardless of Iranian intentions) manufacturing of nuclear weapon or some secret military activity of significant scale is practically out of question in Iran during the term of various provisions of the Agreement (10–25 years). As proved by the article, a crucial factor in reaching the JCPOA were the U.S. and European Union economic and financial sanctions, adopted against Iran in 2012. They led to the profound economic crisis, which brought the change of government at presidential elections of 2013, and eventually facilitated Iranian concessions (foremost, on the scale of uranium enrichment, deep underground enrichment complex, plutonium-producing reactor, and the scale of transparency). On the other hand, in contrast to American and Russian official statements, the unprecedented tensions between Russia and the West around the Ukrainian crisis since the early 2014 seriously weakened the unity and diplomatic dominance of the “5+1” group of states. Hence, it turned impossible to achieve still more far-reaching agreements on some principle issues (in particular, on the necessity for Iran to receive the approval of the “5+1” and IAEA for the parameters of its nuclear energy program justifiable by peaceful needs – as suggested by the Interim Agreement of November 2013). This has created a precedent for other states to claim the right for developing nuclear energy programs with dual purpose or suspicious elements without obligatory and plausible peaceful justification. It is also underlined, that the future impact of the Agreement on the global system and regimes of nuclear non-proliferation is unclear. The positive side is the JCPOA role in preventing the new war in the Gulf. The dubious aspect is that universalization of the limitations and transparency norms of the Agreement for the purpose of the Non-Proliferation Treaty enhancement is rejected by a number of states, foremost by Russia. It keeps to a tough position that the Agreement is exceptionally Iranian case, which is not applicable to other states, and in fact this point is legally fixed in JCPOA and IAEA documents. This Russian position is in line with its general stance against more restrictive interpretation of the NPT norms and against more intrusive IAEA safeguards. No doubt, in the foreseeable future, these issues will be a matter of serious controversies among states regarding the enhancement of the NPT and overall non-proliferation system and regimes.
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2

Kiener, E. "Political aspects of nuclear energy." Nuclear Engineering and Design 114, no. 2 (June 1989): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0029-5493(89)90187-8.

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3

Arbatov, A. "Is Transition to Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament Possible?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2013): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-3-13-18.

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The article treats political, military and strategic aspects of disarmament process, in particular the involvement of nations other than USA and Russia. The author briefly analyses the positions of the European nations (United Kingdom and France), China, India and Pakistan on the issue. Also, the article covers the approaches of the informal and non-recognized nuclear states (North Korea and Israel).
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4

Berkhout, Frans. "Nuclear politics: energy and the state in the United States, Sweden, and France." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (October 1991): 794–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622489.

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5

VAN DALEN, ERIC, and HERBERT MÜTHER. "RELATIVISTIC EFFECTS IN NUCLEAR MATTER AND NUCLEI." International Journal of Modern Physics E 19, no. 11 (November 2010): 2077–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218301310016533.

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The status of relativistic nuclear many-body calculations of nuclear systems to be built up in terms of protons and neutrons is reviewed. In detail, relativistic effects on several aspects of nuclear matter such as the effective mass, saturation mechanism, and the symmetry energy are considered. This review will especially focus on isospin asymmetric issues, since these aspects are of high interest in astrophysical and nuclear structure studies. Furthermore, from the experimental side these aspects are experiencing an additional boost from a new generation of radioactive beam facilities, e.g., the future GSI facility FAIR in Germany or SPIRAL2 at GANIL/France. Finally, the prospects of studying finite nuclei in microscopic calculations which are based on realistic NN interactions by including relativistic effects in calculations of low momentum interactions are discussed.
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6

Rosa, Eugene A., and James M. Jasper. "Nuclear Politics: Energy and the State in the United States, Sweden, and France." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 4 (July 1991): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071822.

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7

Hackett, Bruce, and James M. Jasper. "Nuclear Politics: Energy and the State in the United States, Sweden, and France." Social Forces 70, no. 1 (September 1991): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580096.

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8

Rial-Sebbag, Emmanuelle, and Anna Pigeon. "Regulation of Biobanks in France." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 754–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12317.

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France, a country with nearly 66 million inhabitants, contributed greatly to the construction of the European Union (EU) as one of the founder states. In 1957, the treaties establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom) were signed by Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands in Rome. Today, they are referred to as the “Treaties of Rome.” The French contribution to the EU has strongly influenced the political views on the development of Europe, notably pushing for a large contribution of member states to the decision making processes and to the orientation of the EU policies.
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9

Boyko, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich. "Political Aspects of Nuclear Energy Market Development in the Countries of South Asia. NSG Factor in Promoting Nuclear Energy in the Region." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2016.1.11.

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10

IVANOVSKAYA, Zh V. "PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIAN NUCLEAR ENERGY IN THE GLOBAL ENERGY MARKET." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 1, no. 8 (2021): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.08.01.022.

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The prospects of the Russian nuclear power industry depend on many factors, including economic, technological, political, social, and other aspects of the development of the global energy market. To increase the competitiveness of the Russian nuclear power industry, it is necessary to strengthen the existing advantages of Rosatom State Corporation, as well as state support for programs aimed at the development of nuclear technologies, both in the energy sector and in other sectors of the economy, including healthcare. The issues of developing international cooperation are particularly relevant when realizing the export potential of Russian nuclear energy.
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11

Remond, Alain, François Axisa, Jean-Yves Boivin, and Jean-Claude Bouchter. "PWR steam generator R&D in France: thermal-hydraulic and vibratory aspects." Nuclear Engineering and Design 124, no. 3 (December 1990): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0029-5493(90)90299-d.

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12

BAUMGARTNER, FRANK R. "Independent and Politicized Policy Communities: Education and Nuclear Energy in France and in the United States." Governance 2, no. 1 (January 1989): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1989.tb00080.x.

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13

Menshakova, Daria. "Nuclear status of France as a tool for implementation its foreign policy interests in the international arena." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-135-141.

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The article reveals the significance of the usage of France’s nuclear status as a tool for the realisation of its foreign policy interests in the International Arena, especially in the context of necessity to ensure its security. A well-formulated and scientifically grounded, clear and reasonably transparent strategy for Foreign Policy ensures state security and is an inalienable attribute of a civilised, contemporary International Actor. One of the most critical aspects of France’s Defence strategy is based on its nuclear status. Therefore, it is essential to understand its role and function in the formulation of the foreign policy strategy. In particular, the concept of «nuclear diplomacy» is explored on the example of the French Republic. This concept describes the possibility of using nuclear status in various fields of foreign policy to achieve the interests of the state in the world arena. The survey describes political, economic and security aspects of the disposition of nuclear diplomacy in foreign policy. Also, the historical experience of exercising the nuclear status as a tool has been analysed. Relying on the analysis made it has been found that the practice of using nuclear status as a tool for conducting international dialogue has its several advantages, the main of which is the efficient protection of the national interests of the state. The author emphasises the fact that the wise usage of all nuclear status benefits, in the present conditions of growing instability and turbulence in international relations is a vital requirement for the development of France, especially as for nuclear-weapon state and a significant actor in the international arena. It has been argued that the nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realisation of French national interests in the International Arena, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The modern world is the world of pervasive transformations and breakthroughs connected with the degeneration of traditional and modern structures. Although today the world is interconnected and united more than ever before, it is necessary to respect and estimate the idea of boundaries, sovereignty, and independence of a state, the right of a state to lead its policy. So, the best guarantee of directing separate political line it is wise using of one of the most effective and impressive tools, in a Foreign Policy too, that is nuclear status.
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14

Courmont, Barthélémy. "Europe's Responses to Fukushima: Nuclear Renaissance Revisited?" International Studies Review 13, no. 1 (October 15, 2012): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01301004.

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The accident at the Fukushima nuclear plant on March 2011 has had a major effect on the public perception of nuclear energy worldwide. In Europe, its psychological impact has been particularly strong, as it happened exactly twenty-five years after the Chernobyl nuclear accident of 1986. On a continent where the highest number of nuclear plants is concentrated, it has led several countries, including Germany, to call for a phase-out, while other nuclear powers, such as France and the United Kingdom, have kept their nuclear policies unchanged, and reaffirmed their projects to build new plants. These profound divisions among European countries raise the question of whether the “nuclear renaissance” will be revisited. This article examines the media reactions to the Fukushima accident in several European countries, and the political decisions that followed, in order to evaluate the European responses to Fukushima. It focuses on the different perceptions and their direct effects on the political decisions taken in European countries.
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15

Rodriguez, Gilles, Frédéric Varaine, Laurent Costes, Christophe Venard, Frédéric Serre, Frédéric Chanteclair, Marie-Sophie Chenaud, et al. "France–Japan synthesis concept on sodium-cooled fast reactor review of a joint collaborative work." EPJ Nuclear Sciences & Technologies 7 (2021): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epjn/2021014.

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In the frame of the France-Japan agreement on nuclear collaboration, a bilateral collaboration agreement on nuclear energy was signed on March 21st, 2017, including a topic dedicated to Sodium-cooled Fast Reactor (SFR). This agreement has set the framework to start a bilateral discussion on a joint view of an SFR concept. France (CEA and FRAMATOME) and Japan (JAEA, MHI and MFBR) have carried out these studies from 2017 to 2019. Based on the beginning of the basic design phase of ASTRID project − ASTRID − 600 MWe (ASTRID for Advanced Sodium Technological Reactor for Industrial Demonstration), the two countries performed a common work to examine ways to develop a feasible common design concept, which could be realized both in France and in Japan. The subject was then extended and extrapolated with the ASTRID − 150 MWe data (reduced power reactor and enhanced experimental capabilities) in a second phase of this study. France and Japan first focused on design requirements. Common requirements were identified, as well as differences in the safety approach and the structural design requirements, according to national standards and respective site conditions, in particular considering seismic hazards. The teams developed common Top-Level design Requirements (TLRs) to allow common specification data, then joint design. This collaborative work was carried out through the implementation of twelve France-Japan Working Groups, working jointly. This paper is providing a review of this joint synthesis on Sodium Fast Reactor design concept. It is summarizing the context and objectives, then the definition and approaches of the Top Level Requirements. This paper is then dealing with the major design features: the core design and their related safety aspects, and the nuclear island design. Thus, this paper is providing a comprehensive review of this joint work gathering French and Japan nuclear design teams during two full years.
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16

Deb, Nikhil. "The Fukushima Disaster and the Framing of Nuclear Energy in India." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 4 (August 16, 2018): 473–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341489.

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AbstractMost research on Fukushima has been directed at technical and epidemiological aspects; yet the ways in which emerging nuclear powers such as India have responded to the meltdown is inadequate. This article investigates (1) the Fukushima meltdown as an epitome of risk associated with nuclear energy to understand what role this disaster has played in the Indian nuclear energy policy; and (2) whether the Indian nuclear authority has renewed its effort to shape the public mind in favor of nuclear safety in the wake of a deadly nuclear disaster in Fukushima. I use content analysis of statements made by nuclear personnel in response to the Fukushima meltdown from newspaper articles published in five major English-language newspapers in India. The findings suggest that the Fukushima meltdown has little impact on India’s nuclear energy policy. Instead, the Indian nuclear authority uses language to shape the public opinion surrounding nuclear energy.
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17

Lukyanets, Artem S., Canh Toan Nguyen, and Evgeniya M. Moiseeva. "Economic efficiency of the nuclear power industry and social aspects of its development." RUDN Journal of Economics 26, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 598–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2018-26-4-598-608.

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The article attempts to develop a system of parameters for an objective and comprehensive assessment of the efficiency of the nuclear power industry in terms of its contribution to the country’s economic and social development, as well as its environmental well-being and its geopolitical position. Currently, nuclear power industry makes up a significant part of the energy supplies in the developed countries throughout the world. However, in the developing economies, including those of East and Southeast Asia, it plays a less prominent role. Nevertheless, in recent years, China has been the leader in commissioning new atomic facilities, thanks to the consistent implementation of its state program for the development of the nuclear power industry. Forecasts indicate that in the near future, the share of atomic energy will remain stable and account for about 10 % of all global energy capacity, which is confirmed by the estimates made during the study. However, in the long term nuclear energy cannot be ignored as an economically efficient and environmentally friendly source of energy, as well as a factor in improving the quality of life of the population when developing a strategy for the sustainable development of a country. The article examines the already existing assessment criteria for the economic efficiency of nuclear power plants (NPPs), and proposes new standards for the assessment of its contribution to the development of the community and a country’s stance on the global political stage. The article also identifies the main obstacles to the further development of the industry in the modern world. The research showed that the main specific feature of an NPP operation from the economic point of view is extremely high initial construction and commissioning costs, with relatively low further operation costs, which determines long payback lines and liquidity shortages reducing the attractiveness of such projects for potential investors. These peculiarities determine the leading role of state authorities in the launch, operation and modernization of nuclear power facilities.
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18

Prohorov, Ruslan. "ПАКИСТАНО-ФРАНЦУЗСКИЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ В ХХI в." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2020): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-02-103-110.

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The article discusses the political, economic and cultural cooperation of Pakistan with France in the twenty-first century. Attention is drawn to a peculiar bias towards France in the frequency of political and diplomatic visits by representatives of Pakistan. Due to the fact that France is a traditional donor of the Pakistani economy, attention is drawn to the desire of the partiesto increase the role of public diplomacy in the development of trade and economic relations. Meanwhile, France is Pakistan’s long-standing export partner, one of the top ten countries in which Pakistan exports its goods. The importance of developing such areas of cooperation as energy and transport is emphasized. Military-technical cooperation is singled out as a traditional area of cooperation between Pakistan and France. The role of France in the creation and development ofthe naval forces of Pakistan isindicated. The complicated relations between countries on the issue of nuclear cooperation are shown. The article also discussessecurity issues, namely, current bilateral documents, joint effortsto combat terrorism, and the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons are presented. Interaction in the field of culture is presented on the example of the work of the three centers of the French public organization Alliance de Frances. Separately, attention is drawn to the interaction of state structures of the two countries regarding the return of relics illegally exported from Pakistan. In conclusion, it is assumed that Pakistan’s orientation towards France is quite justified, since this European state has always been friendly to it, is powerful in its economic potential and resources, and the development of relations with this country does not conflict with the orientation towards the United States.
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19

Zhang, Yan Li, Chun Lei Gu, and Yong Jian Ding. "The German Nuclear Phase-Out Plan and its Impact." Advanced Materials Research 347-353 (October 2011): 1621–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.347-353.1621.

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Germany announced on 30 May 2011 that it will shut down all of its 17 nuclear power stations by 2022 (8 of them immediately, the others step by step), which makes Germany become the first developed country in the world that totally give up the nuclear power and fulfill the change of energy structure after the Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan. The paper analyses the political, economic, social and technical aspects of this decision and its consequences for Germany and its possible impact worldwide.
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20

Prohorov, Ruslan. "Pakistan-French Relations in the 21st Century." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2020): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-02-137-142.

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The article discusses the political, economic and cultural cooperation of Pakistan with France in the twenty-first century. Attention is drawn to a peculiar bias towards France in the frequency of political and diplomatic visits by representatives of Pakistan. Due to the fact that France is a traditional donor of the Pakistani economy, attention is drawn to the desire of the parties to increase the role of public diplomacy in the development of trade and economic relations. Meanwhile, France is Pakistan’s long-standing export partner, one of the top ten countries in which Pakistan exports its goods. The importance of developing such areas of cooperation as energy and transport is emphasized. Military-technical cooperation is singled out as a traditional area of cooperation between Pakistan and France. The role of France in the creation and development of the naval forces of Pakistan is indicated. The complicated relations between countries on the issue of nuclear cooperation are shown. The article also discusses security issues, namely, current bilateral documents, joint efforts to combat terrorism, and there gime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons are presented. Interaction in the field of culture is presented on the example of the work of the three centers of the French public organization Alliance de Frances. Separately, attention is drawn to the interaction of state structures of the two countries regarding the return of relics illegally exported from Pakistan. In conclusion, it is concluded that Pakistan’s orientation towards France is quite justified, since this European state has always been friendly to it, is powerful in its economic potential and resources, and the development of relations with this country does not conflict with the orientation towards the United States.
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21

Lawrence, Robert M. "Nuclear Politics: Energy and the State in the United States, Sweden, and France. By James M. Jasper. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. 327p. $39.50." American Political Science Review 85, no. 3 (September 1991): 1053–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963909.

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22

Golgovici, Florentina, Aurelia Elena Tudose, Diana Diniasi, Radu Nartita, Manuela Fulger, and Ioana Demetrescu. "Aspects of Applied Chemistry Related to Future Goals of Safety and Efficiency in Materials Development for Nuclear Energy." Molecules 28, no. 2 (January 15, 2023): 874. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules28020874.

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The present paper is a narrative review focused on a few important aspects and moments of trends surrounding materials and methods in sustainable nuclear energy, as an expression of applied chemistry support for more efficiency and safety. In such context, the paper is focused firstly on increasing alloy performance by modifying compositions, and elaborating and testing novel coatings on Zr alloys and stainless steel. For future generation reactor systems, the paper proposes high entropy alloys presenting their composition selection and irradiation damage. Nowadays, when great uncertainties and complex social, environmental, and political factors influence energy type selection, any challenge in this field is based on the concept of increased security and materials performance leading to more investigations into applied science.
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23

Puşcaşu, Greta-Marilena. "Radioactive waste management: Societal challenges in the era of green nuclear energy." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 1205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2022-0111.

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Abstract Recently, there have been international debates over the idea of labeling nuclear power plants as a green investment. To be considered sustainable, to get a green investment label and to contribute to green growth, nuclear energy should be based on clear plans regarding safe disposal of radioactive waste. Final disposal of radioactive waste is witness to many disputes, one of the most important being that of public acceptance. Society represents a critical and a decisive stage in the process of radioactive waste management. Management and disposal process of radioactive waste requires community confidence and acceptance. The socio-political context must be addressed continuously through stakeholder commitment and public concerns. The final stage of radioactive waste management is especially characterized by population involvement, stakeholder availability, and mutual dialog. The objective of this study is based on finding the relationship between the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility (RWDF) and the perception of the population regarding various aspects related to nuclear energy and radioactive waste. A series of questions in the form of a questionnaire were used for data collection. A total of 200 valid questionnaires were used for this analysis. The study was focused on the Romanian population following a homogenous distribution throughout the country. Therefore, to better understand the issue, the paper investigates the correlation between the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility and a variety of factors, such as: attitude, perceived benefits, perceived risks, overall knowledge and perceived costs. Spearman rank correlation was used for data analysis. Bringing together theoretical information about nuclear energy and radioactive waste and the empirical data collected at the national level, this research study showed that the acceptance of a radioactive waste disposal facility is much stronger if the population is in favor of nuclear energy. As well, perceived risks create major concerns throughout the population and influence the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility. Cost aspects are controversial and create disagreements in relation with radioactive waste management options. That being said, this study brings value to the nuclear field by emphasizing the important societal factors which influence the location of a radioactive waste disposal facility in the green energy era.
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24

Finon, Dominique. "The Mitigation of the French Nuclear Option: New Industrial Realism and Technical Democracy." Energy & Environment 13, no. 2 (May 2002): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/0958305021501209.

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Nuclear phase-out policies and the European obligation to liberalise electricity markets could put the French nuclear option dramatically at risk by influencing social preferences or by constraining power producers' investment choices in the future. So far, the particular institutional set-up which has allowed the efficient build-up and operation of several series of standardised reactors preserves the stability of the main elements of the option. However, important adaptations to the evolving industrial and political environment occur and contribute to changing the option. Some institutional changes (such as local public inquiry, creation of a Parliamentary committee, independence of safety authorities) and divergence between industrial interests already allow debates on internal options such as reprocessing, type of waste management deposits, ordering of an advanced PWR. These changes improve the cost transparency, even if internalisation of nuclear externalities (cost of insurance, provisions for waste management) is still incomplete. However, when effective, this internalisation would not affect definitively the competitive position of the nuclear production because of the parallel internalisation of CO2 externalities from fossil fuel power generation in the official rationale. Consequently the real issue for the future of the nuclear option in France remains the preservation of social acceptability in the perception of nuclear risks.
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25

Krige, John. "The Peaceful Atom as Political Weapon: Euratom and American Foreign Policy in the Late 1950s." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 38, no. 1 (2008): 5–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2008.38.1.5.

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The U.S. emerged from World War II as the world's leading scientific and technological nation, consolidating its advantage for the next two or three decades. This paper describes how the State Department used the nation's dominance in the nuclear field, inherited from the Manhattan Project, to divert the resources of Western European states, notably France and Germany, into a civilian nuclear power program undertaken by a new supranational organization, Euratom. The determination on the continent to re-launch the European integration process in 1955, the Suez crisis in 1956, and the launch of the Sputniks in 1957 were opportunities ably exploited by officers in the State Department to use America's scientific, technological, and industrial depth in nuclear power as a political weapon. To this end they withheld the supply of enriched uranium for as long as possible from nations that wanted the fuel through bilateral agreements with the Atomic Energy Commission. In parallel they offered nuclear materials and know how, along with economic and political incentives, to encourage nations to commit to Euratom. This policy was strongly opposed by senior officials in the AEC and in the fledgling International Atomic Energy Agency, as well in Britain and in some continental countries, but to no avail. Though the State Department's efforts eventually bore little fruit, the paper clearly shows how U.S. leadership in science and technology was mobilized to promote America's foreign policy agenda in Western Europe in the early Cold War.
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26

Kuvaldin, S. A. "Nuclear energetics of postsocialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe: it’s influence on forming of EU climate and energy policy." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 10 (September 30, 2022): 699–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2210-02.

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Аt least in the last decade and a half the EU has put strict priorities on decarbonisation and developmennt of carbonfree technologies (mostly based on renewable energy resources) in its energy policy. Achieving this goal consists a challenge for many member-states from Central and Eastern Europe (CEU). That formed a tendency for this countries to defend nuclear power as a tool of decarbonisation. So this countries becomes a "nuclear fl ank" of the EU and has itd infl uences on forming outlines of energy and climate policy of the Union. The article describes the origin of nuclear power sector in the countries of the region and basic challenges for the sector during postsocialist transit and EU accesion. This challenges were overcome in building partnership with the players of world nuclear industry. In the same time lasting dependency from russian (soviet) nuclear technologies and general distrust of the EU toward the nuclear projects fi nanced by Russia formed an obstacle for several ambitious projects. Countries of the CEU also coordinated their positions on the role of nuclear sector in the decarbonisation and tried to fi nd poweful allies within the EU (France) to defend their stance.
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27

Pieraccini, Michel, and Sylvain Granger. "A nuclear owner/operator perspective on ways and means for joint programming on predisposal activities." EPJ Nuclear Sciences & Technologies 6 (2020): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epjn/2019039.

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Nuclear decommissioning is a worldwide competitive market. It is also the main source of radioactive waste from the nuclear energy field. In order to reduce the waste volume it is necessary to sort the actual radioactive waste to be disposed of and to separate them from other materials that could be recycled. Since 2015, Electricité de France (EDF) has gathered the waste management and dismantling (WM&D) projects, the related competences and human resources in the WM&D field, in a dedicated directorate (DP2D) and a company group called Cyclife (including waste treatment facilities). Taking into account the experience gained by carrying out its own WM&D projects as well as contributing to international cooperation, EDF considers that integrating collaborative research and development (R&D) on pre-disposal and waste management could be carried out following four main objectives: (1) alignment of the application of regulatory frameworks through appropriate definition of criteria and rules for radioactive waste to enable sensible worldwide comparison of technics; (2) improvement of technical and organisational aspects of nuclear reactors decommissioning using a demonstrator facility to be in operation, at first for graphite reactors, by 2022; (3) development of new techniques to decontaminate/homogenize metallic materials through a dedicated recycling route. These technics will be implemented in a new treatment facility foreseen to be available by 2030; and (4) increased training of decommissioning operators with the help of new technologies. All these improvements are aiming, beyond technical and experimental aspects, at reducing environmental impacts of nuclear activities as well as preserving the radioactive disposal volumes, as they are considered by EDF as rare resources.
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Baumann, Florian. "Europe’s Way to Energy Security: The Outer Dimension of Energy Security: From Power Politics to Energy Governance." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 1 (February 1, 2010): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010005.

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Abstract. European integration with its common markets for coal and nuclear fuels and, nowadays, ambitions of a comprehensive energy policy makes Europe one of the most interesting regions with regard to energy security. However, not only the European Union (EU) but also the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are or will be relevant actors in the global struggle for affordable, sustainable, and sufficient supplies of energy. All three have developed more or less distinctive instruments to secure their members access to energy. Nevertheless, there are three problems that prohibit the Europeans from being important players in global energy politics. First, the EU Member States do not have sufficient indigenous reserves of energy and thus are dependent on foreign suppliers. Second, Europe and its partners lack, as of yet, a comprehensive strategy for dealing with the external aspects of energy politics, including supply security as well as the political and economic challenges of import dependency and energy cut-offs. Third, only if inner-EU coherence can be established – and later on, regional and global energy governance – will the problem of energy security be resolvable. Finally, a coherent, internal EU position will be necessary to establish regional and global energy governance – the key to stabilizing future energy relations.
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Sidorov, Alexander. "Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and His Relationship with the Army in France." ISTORIYA 12, no. 5 (103) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015938-0.

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One of the aspects of the activities of France’ President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing is considered — his relationship with the army in a comparative historical context, namely: the context of the relationship between civilian power and the military. The French specificity of these relations, which developed with the coming to power of General Charles de Gaulle in 1958, is shown. The peculiarities of the formed mechanism of military decision-making in France, which resulted from the concentration of powers and legitimacy by the President — Commander-in-chief of the armed forces, are highlighted. The analysis of the reasons for the urgent issues in the army by the beginning of the presidential term of V. Giscard d'Estaing is carried out; the President's measures to strengthen this key republican institution were assessed. Attention is paid to the attempts of V. Giscard d'Estaing to adapt the French policy of nuclear deterrence to the evolution of the geopolitical situation during his time in power, which did not always meet with support in the military environment and in civil society. Two episodes (in Chad and Zaire) were singled out as examples of France's external military operations (OPEX) on the African continent under V. Giscard d'Estaing, where his role as Commander-in-chief was most clearly manifested. The underestimated role of V. Giscard d'Estaing as head of State was noted, including in strengthening the country's defence potential and in creating conditions for the further advancement of military development.
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Egres, Dorottya. "Strategic maneuvering in extended polylogues." Journal of Argumentation in Context 10, no. 2 (July 5, 2021): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.20003.egr.

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Abstract This paper presents the analysis of the Hungarian nuclear expansion controversy using a conceptual framework that links strategic maneuvering with an extended polylogical controversy and evaluates the strategic maneuvering of political, environmentalist and expert actors. The paper aims to show that the three aspects of strategic maneuvering (audience demand, topical potential, presentational devices) are flexible enough that they can be analyzed when the object of study is not a spatially and temporally localized argumentative situation, but a decade-long debate with multiple actors. In 2014, Hungary signed a deal with Russia to finance 80% of the investment costs and supply two new reactors to maintain the 40–50% of nuclear energy in the national energy production.
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Gonfiotti, Bruno, and Sandro Paci. "Standalone Containment Analysis of Four Phébus Tests with the ASTEC and the MELCOR Codes." Science and Technology of Nuclear Installations 2019 (January 1, 2019): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/6021346.

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After the severe accident (SA) occurred at the Three-Miles Island Nuclear Power Plant (NPP), important efforts on the investigation of the different phenomena during this kind of accidents have been started. Several experimental campaigns investigating one phenomenon at time or the combination of two or more phenomena have been performed. Today, the Phébus experimental campaign is probably the most important activity on the evaluation of the coupling among different phenomena. Four out of five tests investigated the degradation of an intact Pressurized Water Reactor (PWR) fuel bundle and the subsequent transport of Fission Products (FP) and Structural Materials (SM) through the primary circuit and into the containment, while the fifth test was only the degradation of a bed of PWR fuel bundle debris. These tests were performed between 1990 and 2010 at the CEA Cadarache laboratories (France) in a 5000:1 scaled facility. The main four tests varied the employed control rod materials, the fuel burn-up, and the oxidizing conditions of the atmosphere (strongly or weakly). The outcomes of this experimental campaign created a solid base for the understanding of the involved phenomena and allowed the development of models and software codes capable of simulating the evolution of a SA in a real NPP. ASTEC and MELCOR were two of the main SA codes profiting from the results of this Phébus campaign. These two codes were further improved in the latest years to account for the findings obtained in more recent experimental campaigns. A continuous verification and validation work is then necessary to check how the newer code’s versions reproduce the tests performed in these older experimental campaigns such as Phébus one. The present work is intended to be the final step of a series of publications covering the activities carried out at University of Pisa with the ASTEC and the MELCOR SA codes on the four Phébus tests employing an intact PWR fuel bundle. Because of the complexity and the extent of these tests, only the containment aspects were considered in the precedent works, i.e., only the thermal-hydraulics transient and its coupling with the FP and SM behavior. Then, general conclusions based on the outcomes of these precedent works are summarized in this work.
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Platje, Johannes (Joost), Markus Will, Monika Paradowska, and Ynte K. van Dam. "Socioeconomic Paradigms and the Perception of System Risks: A Study of Attitudes towards Nuclear Power among Polish Business Students." Energies 15, no. 19 (October 5, 2022): 7313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15197313.

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Due to anticipated energy shortages and the need to achieve climate goals, there is an urgent requirement for transition towards a green, resilient system of energy provision. This transition is hampered because important players in energy markets (governments and oligopolies), while supporting large-scale solutions, avoid or block systemic changes. This rejection of systemic change is strengthened by the dominant social paradigm, which ignores systemic vulnerabilities, treating resources as solutions and the environment as a sink. In its turn, the dominant social paradigm is contested by the new ecological paradigm and by attitudes towards sustainable business practices. Understanding this framework may be relevant for identifying decision-makers’ perception of system risk, and thus for supporting a transition towards a more decentralized and resilient energy supply. In this context, this paper presents an empirical study among Polish students of a business university (N = 393), trying to discover the relationship between the social paradigms, perceptions of environmental resources and sinks, and systemic risk in large-scale energy production (i.e., nuclear power plants). Although the explained variance is limited, results show that various elements of the dominant social paradigm are related to problem denial. Technological optimism and belief in markets are predictors of optimism about resource shortages and neglect of system risk. This optimism is counteracted by political liberalism, and respondent attitudes towards sustainable business practices. Belief in market forces has an ambivalent effect, tempering technological optimism regarding nuclear energy but also political acknowledgement of the limited resources and sink capacities of the environment. Although the influence of the dominant social paradigm on energy transition can be identified, the results may indicate a decline in belief in market forces and liberal democracy, implying a rethinking of the dominant social paradigm may be needed. The existing relationship between these aspects warrants a critical review and discussion of the central role of the dominant paradigm in current management training. The results indicate that a lack of political liberalism and a negative attitude towards sustainable business practices amplify system risks in, e.g., large-scale nuclear energy projects.
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Brunnengräber, Achim, Maria Rosaria Di Nucci, Lucas Schwarz, and Dörte Themann. "From a hard nuclear state towards a soft nuclear repository state – participation, co-designing, learning and reversibility in the site selection process for a nuclear waste repository." Safety of Nuclear Waste Disposal 1 (November 10, 2021): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/sand-1-215-2021.

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Abstract. Since 2013 the site search for a repository for highly radioactive waste has been taking place in Germany within the framework of a new governance architecture and under new political guidelines. Based on experiences with nuclear politics in the past, Jungk (1977) coined the term hard nuclear state, characterized by decisions made in a top-down manner. The Decide-Announce-Defend (DAD) strategy, which branded the nuclear state at that time, led to conflicts, mistrust of authorities and blockages. In particular, massive resistance developed against the planned final repository site at Gorleben. Nowadays, after more than 60 years deploying nuclear energy, the (energy) political balance of power has fundamentally changed. Parts of the anti-nuclear movement have been integrated into the political party system and have contributed significantly to the nuclear phase-out. In the course of this, the unfinished task of final disposal has been readdressed: with the Repository Site Selection Act (StandAG, 2017), which was passed in 2013 and amended in 2017, an ongoing process of public participation is stated. The site selection process is required to be learning, self-questioning, science-based, reversible, and participatory. The StandAG § 5 not only provides a basis for a fundamental dialogue between the regulator, the operator, and the public, but also for „co-design“ by common citizens. The StandAG considers various elements from different participation-friendly theories of democracy as well as specific governance concepts, which we refer to collectively as the soft nuclear repository state (cf. Brunnengräber, 2021). Its characteristics need to be worked out, as the StandAG only provides some indications, but no criteria, for what good and sufficient participation in the site selection process means and what its conditions for success should be. Based on preliminary considerations on democratic theory and governance aspects (part 1), we present what good participation could mean in the current procedure and what the framework conditions for good participation could be (part 2). Additionally, we present main findings from participatory observations from the ongoing site search process and identify conditions and indications of a successful future participation process based on the ongoing process (part 3). In the résumé, we turn to the question of which of the democracy-theoretical elements of the soft repository state are already recognizable in the present procedure, but also whether the current procedure provides additional indications towards the soft nuclear repository state (part 4).
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Augutis, Juozas, Ričardas Krikštolaitis, Sigita Pečiulytė, and Inga Konstantinavičiūtė. "SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND ENERGY SECURITY LEVEL AFTER IGNALINA NPP SHUTDOWN." Technological and Economic Development of Economy 17, no. 1 (March 17, 2011): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13928619.2011.553930.

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The paper presents the investigation of the impact of Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) shutdown on Lithuanian energy security. The system of energy security indicators, covering technical, economic and socio-political aspects is presented. The integral characteristic of these indicators shows the level of energy security. The paper analyses the Lithuanian energy security level in 2007. To make a comparison, the energy security level in 2010, after the shutdown of Ignalina NPP, when Lithuanian Power Plant in Elektrėnai becomes the main electricity producer, is forecasted. Two alternatives are analysed: Lithuanian Power Plant uses either gas or heavy fuel oil for electricity production. The security level of each indicator, each indicator block and the total security level are presented as the result. Energy security indicators, which increased or decreased after the shutdown of Ignalina NPP, are analysed, including the indicators which have had the greatest impact on the change in energy security level. The influence of Ignalina NPP shutdown on CO2 emissions is presented. Also, electricity generating costs for different types of electricity production at a different discount rate are presented.
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Schwarz, Lucas. "Is It All about a Science-Informed Decision? A Quantitative Approach to Three Dimensions of Justice and Their Relation in the Nuclear Waste Repository Siting Process in Germany." Societies 12, no. 6 (November 30, 2022): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12060179.

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Nuclear waste management is a contested challenge that lasts for decades. Especially in Germany, the history of the usage of nuclear energy is conflictive and notions of justice are therefore omnipresent in the ongoing site selection process for a nuclear waste repository. Against the background of injustices caused by the deployment of nuclear energy, such as the obligation for current generations to deal with nuclear waste, questions of how to justly deal with nuclear waste and to find a just repository site arise. By conducting a survey among people that participate in the site selection process as well as people living in or representing an area that is still considered suitable, the assessment of different aspects of justice was evaluated. The role of a science-informed site decision without any political bias is considered highly important for a just site selection. Distributional aspects, such as notions of utilitarianism, retribution, or the exemption of environmentally burdened regions are generally not approved but more detailed questions have shown that such notions cannot be dismissed at this early stage of the site selection process. The difference for general agreement can also be observed for intergenerational recognition, as the recognition of future generations is regarded as necessary, but concrete implications (retrievability or enclosure) are assessed ambiguously. Although some factors of justice are assessed more importantly than others, the analysis has shown that the interrelations between the different dimensions of justice are manifold and the argument that one dimension can be substituted for another one is too reductive.
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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.
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37

Zharkov, Evgeny. "Post-Normal Times Laboratory." Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics V, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2021-4-65-77.

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Nowadays, for science as a type of activity and a socio-cultural institution, the question of the boundaries of its own agency is extremely relevant. Various global challenges (energy, climate, pandemics, security, etc.) are in tune with the challenges for the very concept of science, for its norms and values. In a discussion article, V.N. Porus and V.A. Bazhanov discuss aspects of the political agency of post-normal science (J. Ravetz, S. Funtowicz) — a type of science that claims to go beyond normal science (T. Kuhn) as a process simple and definite solution of problems within the framework of the prevailing paradigms. This article discusses aspects of the political subjectivity of science in the language of locations, the most important of which is the laboratory, understood in broad socio-cultural and socio-epistemic aspects. With the involvement of historical and scientific (atomic-nuclear problem) and modern situational cases (COVID-19), the problems of the relationship between “scientific” and “political” in the location of the expanded laboratory are considered. In the extended laboratory, the situational realization of the political agency of science is carried out. It is emphasized that science has not yet acquired the status of an independent and full-fledged political agency, and the corresponding institutionalization. The political agency of science is specific and episodic. Loaded with complexity and uncertainty modernity is considered by a number of authors at the present time as a post-normal times. It is noted that in the light of the post-normal nature of modernity while striving for political subjectivity, science (at the level of a multitude of participating actors) should not change its “personal ontology” (responsibility for the truth), which is difficult to achieve without an appeal to the virtue of wisdom.
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38

Savchuk, Sergiy. "Special aspects of legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts of some European countries." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 286–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.54.

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The article is devoted to the study of foreign experience in legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. Fixed-termemployment contracts should be considered as one of the earliest and, accordingly, the oldest forms of non-standard employment. Tur -ning to the concept of the application of fixed-term employment contracts in Ukraine in the near future, it seems appropriate to consider the possibility of their further development through the prism of studying European experience. Indeed, in many European countriesthe fixed-term contracts are quite common and therefore analysis of both positive and negative examples of their legal regulation willbe useful for the future development of labour legislation in Ukraine.The article features an analysis of the relevant legislation of the United Kingdom, Estonia, Italy, Poland and France. It is concludedthat the membership of these states in the European Union has had a significant impact on the evolution of national labour le -gislation. This also applies to the United Kingdom, which had been part of this economic and political union for a long time.The transposition of EU legislation into national law by these countries predetermines the existence of common features betweenthem in the legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. This common features include: clear time limits of the employmentcontract, maximum allowable number of renewals enshrined in law, compliance with the principle of non-discrimination, etc.In turn, the implementation of fixed-term employment relationships in each country differs in its uniqueness, which is due to thedomestic tradition of their implementation. For example, in the United Kingdom, the dismissal of an employee due to the expiration ofthe employment contract is considered through the lens of fairness of the employer’s actions, while in Italy the number of fixed-termemployment contracts with a particular employer cannot exceed 30 %.The above circumstances should be taken into account by Ukraine when reforming labour legislation. Indeed, the need to implementCouncil Directive 1999/70/EC is clearly provided for in clauses 1139 and 1140 of the Action Plan for the implementation of theAssociation Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community and theirmember states, on the other hand, approved by Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1106, of 25.10.2017.
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Ashaye, Olusoyi Richard, and Husam Helmi Alharahsheh. "The Impact of Energy Security on Economic Development: Review of the Literature." Cross Current International Journal of Economics, Management and Media Studies 1, no. 5 (October 26, 2019): 124–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijemms.2019.v01i05.004.

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Energy secuity is often classified as necesary to human security becuase of the importance of tts services for both modern economies and post-modern lifestyle as it relates to dialogue about energy issues as well as climate change. The paper aims to provide assessment and consideration of key aspects relating to energy security by providing comperehnsie definitions, highlights on key characteristics, underlying values and components of each of dofferent key dimentions of energy secuirty, as well as key contributions to economic developments. The paper is primarly based on reviewing the avilable leturature in the field as well as inclusion of key profesisonal and academic publications to enhance application and inclusion of key trends in the field as well as policies. The research concludes to establish that energy security has evolved as a result of the transformation of the world’s energy regime in terms of the growing dominace of non-renewable fossil fuels and increasing reliance on oil, the 1970s economic crisis and liberalisation of energy markets, development of nuclear energy, fluctuating fortunes for coal and gas, escalating energy demands of developing nations, and the impacts of political instability and large-scale natural events and the energy regime of the 21st century.
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Park, Kwangheon, Seunghyun Son, Jinhyuk Oh, and Sunkuk Kim. "Sustainable Decommissioning Strategies for Nuclear Power Plants: A Systematic Literature Review." Sustainability 14, no. 10 (May 13, 2022): 5947. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14105947.

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The decommissioning of nuclear power plants (NPPs) is rapidly increasing because NPPs are not only no longer profitable in many cases but are also being decommissioned due to a lack of public acceptance or political reasons in many countries, particularly in Europe, following the explosion of the Fukushima Daiichi NPP. Accordingly, a significant body of research has focused on achieving safe, environmentally sound, and sustainable decommissioning in many countries where there is demand for NPP decommissioning. In order to achieve sustainable decommissioning that restores the NPP site to its pre-NPP environmental state, it is necessary to understand the safety, technology, and cost aspects as well as having the process and strategy to systematically promote them. Although there are a limited number of countries with experience and knowledge in the management of decommissioning multiple NPPs, researchers in countries just starting NPP decommissioning need diverse research information on how to formulate a sustainable decommissioning strategy as well as related factors. In particular, a systematic review of decommissioning strategies, such as DD, ID, and ET, and the influencing factors associated with each strategy is needed from the researcher’s point of view. In this regard, this study reviews the research literature on decommissioning strategies for nuclear power plants with a sustainable perspective. A systematic method involving a meta-analysis is used. The results of this study confirm that many researchers are most interested in DD and are dealing with ID and ET at the same level, but in reality, DD and ID are being adopted at similar rates. Thus far, only three ETs have been adopted in the United States. Most countries that have adopted ID are deemed to have been influenced by political decisions.
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Levy, Kirsten, Richard V. Aghababian, Erwin F. Hirsch, Domenic Screnci, Anna Boshyan, Robert C. Ricks, and Massoud Samiei. "An Internet-based Exercise as a Component of an Overall Training Program Addressing Medical Aspects of Radiation Emergency Management." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 15, no. 2 (June 2000): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00025048.

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AbstractThe use of ionizing radiation and radioactive materials continues to increase worldwide in industry, medicine, agriculture, research, electrical power generation, and nuclear weaponry. The risk of terrorism using weapons of mass destruction or simple radiological devices also has increased, leading to heightened concerns. Radiation accidents occur as a consequence of errors in transportation ofradionuclides, use of radiation in medical diagnosis and therapy, industrial monitoring and sterilization procedures, and rarely, nuclear power generation. Compared to other industries, a small number of serious radiation accidents have occurred over the last six decades with recent cases in the Republic of Georgia, Peru, Japan, and Thailand. The medical, psychological, and political consequences of such accidents can be considerable. A number of programs designed to train medical responders in the techniques of radiation accident management have been developed and delivered in many countries. The low frequency of serious radiation accidents requires constant re-training, as skills are lost and medical staff turnover occurs. Not all of the training involves drills or exercises in which responders demonstrate learning or communication over the broad spectrum of medical response capabilities. Medical preparedness within the context of a total emergency response program is lacking in many parts of the world, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and the Newly Independent States. This paper describes an effort to enhance medical preparedness in the context of a total program of international cooperation and conventions facilitated by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The paper concludes that novel application of telecommunications technology as part of a training activity in radiation accident preparedness can help address gaps in training in this field in which preparedness is essential but experience and practical field exercises are lacking.
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42

Beklyamisheva, Alisa Andreevna. "The newspaper "Soviet Physicist" as a source on the History of the I. V. Kurchatov Institute of Atomic Energy." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2022): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.4.38530.

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The article is devoted to the large—circulation newspaper "Soviet Physicist" (now — "Kurchatov") of the I. V. Kurchatov Institute of Atomic Energy (now - SIC "Kurchatov Institute"). Having your own newspaper in a secret scientific institution is a special phenomenon. For a long time, it was printed with a note about the prohibition of removal from the territory. The newspaper was distributed only to employees. Based on archival materials of the SIC "Kurchatov Institute" and the Central State Administration of Moscow, the history of the newspaper is traced from its inception in 1967 to its renaming in 1992. The multi-circulation newspaper was created on the initiative of the Institute's staff. The general management of it was carried out by the party committee and the local committee of the institute. The pages of the "Soviet Physicist" reflect the life of the "Kurchatov" community in all its diversity. The article introduces a new historical source into scientific circulation and examines its informational potential for research on the history of the Soviet atomic project in general, as well as the main aspects of the life of the Institute's staff community in particular. The newspaper's materials are valuable for the study of social, cultural, political and scientific events and phenomena in the history of the I. V. Kurchatov Institute – the leading Soviet scientific center for nuclear physics.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.

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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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Ладоша, О. М. "The functioning of the nominative field vocabulary in German-language media against the background of nuclear power phase-out." НАУЧНЫЙ ЖУРНАЛ СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ ЛИНГВИСТИЧЕСКИЕ И МЕТОДИКО-ДИДАКТИЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ, no. 3(47) (October 24, 2020): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/vstu.2020.96.43.003.

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Постановка задачи. Семантико-когнитивный метод анализа языка как способ исследования концептов представляет интерес, поскольку позволяет выявить когнитивные признаки концепта на широком и репрезентативном материале. В настоящем исследовании заявленный метод представлен в части, касающейся анализа лексикографических данных и когнитивной интерпретации контекстов употребления лексем номинативного поля Atomkraft в немецком языке. Целью статьи является установление когнитивных признаков лексем номинативного поля Atomkraft , кодифицированных в словарях и выявляемых в ходе анализа корпуса текстов публикаций в СМИ и блогах в период с 1980 по 2014 гг., для последующего построения полевой модели концепта. Особый интерес представляет влияние произошедших в данный период техногенных катастроф в секторе ядерной энергетики (ЯЭ) на частотность употребления и семантику обозначенных лексических единиц. Результаты. На основании анализа словарных статей, а также привлечения репрезентативного корпуса текстов устанавливается, что доминантным когнитивным признаком концепта является «отказ от ядерной энергетики», наиболее широко представленный лексемой Atomenergie . Общая полевая структура концепта с учетом всех номинативных единиц выглядит следующим образом: ядро составляет признак «отказ от ядерной энергетики» (31%); ближнюю периферию - «политические аспекты» и «опасности ЯЭ» (31%); дальнюю периферию - «вопросы экологии» и «будущее ЯЭ» (17%); крайнюю периферию - «ЯЭ как одна из проблем современности» и «мирное использование ЯЭ» (9%). Выводы. Дискуссионным продолжает оставаться вопрос о наличии корреляции между частотностью употребления лексических единиц рассматриваемого поля и происходящими в мире техногенными катастрофами. В рамках представленного исследования не было выявлено достоверных свидетельств подобной взаимосвязи. В ходе работы установлено, что пик употребления лексических единиц номинативного поля приходится на 2008-2009 гг., когда в Германии проходила подготовка и проведение предвыборной кампании в парламент, что позволяет сделать предположение о большем влиянии политической обстановки на семантическое наполнение концепта. Данная проблема, однако, требует дальнейших исследований на расширенном корпусе текстов. Statement of the problem. The semantic-cognitive method of language analysis as a means of studying concepts is of interest, because it allows one to identify the cognitive attributes of the concept on a wide and representative material. In the present study, the claimed method is presented in part regarding the analysis of lexicographic data and the cognitive interpretation of the contexts of the use of Atomkraft nominative field lexemes in German. The purpose of the article is to establish the cognitive features of the Atomkraft nominative field lexemes, codified in dictionaries and revealed during the analysis of the text corpus of publications in the media and blogs from 1980 to 2014, for the subsequent construction of a field model of the concept. Of particular interest is the effect of technological disasters in the nuclear energy sector that occurred during this period on the frequency of use and semantics of designated lexical units. Results. Based on the analysis of vocabulary entries, as well as the involvement of a representative text corpus, it is established that the dominant cognitive feature of the concept is “rejection of nuclear energy”, the most widely represented by the token Atomenergie . The general field structure of the concept, taking into account all nominative units, is as follows: the core is a sign of “abandonment of nuclear energy” (31%); the near periphery - “political aspects” and “dangers of nuclear power” (31%); the far periphery - “environmental issues” and “the future of nuclear power” (17%); the outer periphery - “nuclear power as one of the problems of our time” and “peaceful use of nuclear energy” (9%). Conclusion. The question of whether there is a correlation between the frequency of use of the lexical units of the field in question and the technological disasters occurring in the world continues to remain debatable. In the framework of the presented study, no reliable evidence of such a relationship was revealed. In the course of the work, it was found that the peak of the use of lexical units of the nominative field occurred in 2008-2009, when preparations for and pre-election campaigns were held in Germany, which suggests the greater influence of the political situation on the semantic content of the concept. This problem, however, requires further research on an expanded corpus of texts.
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Shaprinskyi, Volodymyr Oleksandrovych, Victor Ivanovych Gorovyy, Ihor Vitaliiovych Baralo, Oleg Mykolaiovych Kapshuk, Roman Petrovych Moraru-Burlesku, Vasylysa Hennadiivna Suleimanova, Olexandr Viktorovych Horovyi, Ihor Ihorovych Dovgan, Maksym Oleksiiovych Malasaiev, and Dmytro Mykhailovych Hural. "Hystoric aspects of introduction of transbladder and retropubic simple prostatectomy in surgical urological practice." Науковий вісник Ужгородського університету. Серія Медицина 66, no. 2 (2022): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2415-8127.2022.66.7.

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46

Ponka, Tatyana I., Nikita S. Kuklin, and Ivan R. Dubrovsky. "«China-Vietnam-India» format in the South-China sea in the context of regional security." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-354-371.

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This article is devoted to the role of the territorial dispute in the South China sea in relations between China, Vietnam and India in the regional subsystem of Southeast Asia. The regional space under consideration is characterized by high economic dynamism and active integration processes, including participation of non-regional actors. Particular importance is attached to the positions of the three States on fundamental aspects that have a destructive impact on the development of regional processes. Attention is paid to the conceptualization of the policy of the three States in the waters of this sea. Following consideration of the problems the authors conclude that the intersection of the interests of the three countries in this sea threatens to exacerbate the fragility of the political and strategic landscape of the regional subsystem, registration open, but citizenries order on the space of the SCS. The article notes that the confrontational tone in relations between China, Vietnam and India brings with it many threats, in particular the clash of state interests in the energy plane, the arms race between the three nuclear powers (USA, India, China), which was accompanied by increased military presence of non-regional player (USA) in the region, complicated by territorial and historical conflicts.
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47

Tsailas, Demetrios. "Amidst Considerable Challenges, Maritime Cooperation Is A Pillar Of Stability And Security In The Mediterranean." Security science journal 3, no. 1 (March 26, 2022): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.3.1.2.

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The Mediterranean has never been, conceptually or politically, a homogenous and organic space. From antiquity till the modern era, the surrounded littoral nations looked at their neighborhood through the lenses of a cooperative Euro-Mediterranean region, seeking to extend their norms, rules, and values through the deployment of soft power, from trade and aid to security cooperation and political dialogue. Today, instead, there is a great power competition that divided the region between North Africa and the Middle East especially in the eastern Mediterranean, heavily prioritizing the latter over the former in diplomatic and military outreach and viewing it through the prism of the strategic relationship, of EU nations and NATO allies. In addition, the Arab state system of the region is in standoff now, with many (if not most) states featuring existential fragilities or have collapsed altogether. State fragility has created areas of limited statehood, in which alternative forms of governance—from militias to municipalities, international donors to civil society—have stepped in and in which foreign powers have meddled. Through such interference, global and regional rivalries have exacerbated and have found fertile ground. All major global and regional cleavages are now tragically on display in the region: from the Russia-West and Israel-Iran confrontation in Syria to the Turkish-Greece tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, from the Turkey-UAE/Egypt struggle over political Islam in Libya, to the Iran-Saudi conflict in Yemen, or the Gulf and Israeli skepticism of the Iran nuclear deal. Also, energy has become a proxy for confrontation—as evident in the configuration of the East Med Gas Forum from which Turkey is excluded—and migration has become both a dramatic consequence of fragility and conflict, as well as a tool through which origin and transit countries have arm-twisted Europe. The only cleavage that appears to have temporarily abated is the Arab-Israeli one, with the Abraham accords crystallizing normalization between Israel and some Arab states. Consequently, the region has become far more porous than it once was. It has become impossible to read conflicts in the Mediterranean in isolation, as regional powers like Libya, Egypt, Lebanon, Israel, Cyprus, Greece, France, and Turkey weigh in across the region. Likewise, illegal migration, energy, security, terrorism, and climate dynamics have generated indissoluble ties to the Eastern Mediterranean and the broader Middle East.
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48

Pischinger, F. F. "The Diesel Engine for Cars—Is There a Future?" Journal of Engineering for Gas Turbines and Power 120, no. 3 (July 1, 1998): 641–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2818194.

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The diesel engine is known as the most fuel efficient combustion engine. Its acceptance for use in passengers cars, however, varies geographically. Today, the diesel car plays an important role in Europe; in France, for instance, it is achieving a remarkable market share of about 42 percent, while in the US its market penetration can be neglected. Many questions are expressed concerning the future of diesel powered cars. The question affecting market acceptance is as follows: can the significantly better fuel efficiency of a diesel car outweigh perceived detrimental characteristics? Such unfavorable properties are thought to be low specific power, objectionable noise, higher exhaust emissions (including smoke), and higher vehicle price. These features are closely influenced by the state of passenger car diesel engine technology. This technology state and its potential must be evaluated with respect to current and future demands, for instance, tighter exhaust emission regulations. In addition, the commercial value and consumer acceptance of high fuel economy must be evaluated. It is clear that the ultimate result of weighing the pros and cons will depend not only on technological factors, but also on political factors such as fuel taxation. Regarding the state of technology, the diesel car is very promising. First, by employing a direct injection combustion system, the fuel efficiency can be improved by about 15 percent over current swirl chamber engines. Furthermore, the specific power (hp/ltr) can be increased by efficient supercharging to achieve values of today’s gasoline engines. By tuning the combustion system, low noise engine design features and incorporation of careful noise reduction measures on the vehicle, the noise behavior of a spark ignited vehicle can be reached. Exhaust emissions can currently be reduced to a level to satisfy today’s European and US Tier 1 emission limits. However, significant development effort remains. More stringent emission levels (California US, Tier 2 ULEV, and Stage 3 in Europe) require further advancements in diesel combustion. The strong development potential of 4-value engines and new unique injection systems is evident. In addition, there are promising developments with lean NOx catalysts and regenerative particulate filters. These technologies offer the potential to meet the very stringent future emission standards. It is anticipated that the sophisticated technology needed to meet these standards will make the future diesel car more expensive compared to a gasoline fueled vehicle. This raises the issue of what price will the consumer pay for the higher fuel economy of a diesel car. In light of the worldwide rapid increase in passenger car population and of the dwindling oil reserves and their global distribution, the fuel efficient diesel engine will play an important role in the future of passenger cars.
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Panova, Iryna O., and Oleksandr K. Zhevaho. "The Historical and Theoretical Aspects of the Study of the Formation of Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 2, no. 52 (2022): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2022-2-32-38.

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The article is aimed at highlighting the historical and theoretical aspects of the study of the formation of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the present stage is based on a combination of historically formed interests of the State and the ideology of the Islamic revolution – the so-called «Khomeinism». Balancing a pragmatic and a revolutionary approach is enshrined in the country’s political system itself and, thanks to a significant economic, demographic and military base, allows Iran to hold a strong position in the international arena. At the same time, the initial course of confrontation with a number of regional and global actors, coupled with the development of the national nuclear program, creates obstacles for Iran’s full functioning in the international arena. The geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic is as profitable as it is quite complicated. Being at the crossroads of several world regions and approaching the world’s key energy basins provides Tehran with ample opportunities to advance its own influence and cooperation with neighboring countries. At the same time, Iran is surrounded by zones of regional instability and its rivals or competitors. To counter external threats, Tehran has developed a flexible strategy based on a wide range of pro-Iranian non-governmental organizations – the so-called «Axis of Resistance» – and an asymmetrical action instrumentarium, which include the use of both hard and soft power methods. Currently, the degree of confrontation with regional adversaries (Israel and the Gulf countries) and a global opponent (the United States) is gaining a threatening scale. However, Iran is generally characterized by a periodic change in the cycles of aggravation of tension and d?tente in relations with its opponents. At the same time, Tehran’s pragmatism has its manifestation in maintaining relations and dialogue with its opponents in order to achieve certain goals, despite the confrontational discourse of official statements. In addition to the activities strictly along the perimeter of the State (that includes the Middle East, South Caucasus, Central and South Asia), Iran, to the best of its own capabilities and the regime of international sanctions, establishes relations with many countries of the world, from members of the UN Security Council - Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China to the countries of Africa and Latin America. To promote its discourse on the international stage, Tehran uses a wide network of cultural, religious, educational and charitable organizations. This approach allows to win supporters and generate financial flows for the regional activities of the IRI around the world.
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Ismail, Zaid Saad, Swran Jawamir Jwmaa, Saif Qudama Younus, Baban Jabbar Othman, Muhammed Khazal Rashad, Idrees Sadeq Kanabi, Diyar Abdulmajeed Jamil, and Rozhgar Khorsheed Mahmood. "Intelligence Network: Examine the competitive intelligence Network and its role on Organizational Performance." International Journal of English Language, Education and Literature Studies (IJEEL) 1, no. 5 (2022): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijeel.1.5.4.

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Over the past two decades, the fundamentals of organizations have undergone a tremendous shift due to changes and uncertainty. To remain competitive in the face of both internal and external challenges, organizations have begun to actively monitor their surroundings in order to better understand the possibilities and threats that exist in such settings. The purpose of this research is to examine the function of competitive intelligence networks in the decision-making processes of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the Kurdistan area of Iraq. Researchers, however, used five variables of competitive intelligence networks (network extensiveness, third-party strategy, homophily, issue awareness, and promotion effort) to gauge the direct influence on company performance at SMEs. In addition, the investigation was able to delve into the oblique function of competitive intelligence networks by using them as a mediator between company performance and competitive intelligence. Researchers in the Kurdistan area of Iraq utilized hierarchical multiple regression and the Sobel test to examine the impact of a competitive intelligence network on the financial success of small and medium-sized enterprises. Five elements of a competitive intelligence network were used to quantify the direct effect on SME performance (extensiveness network, third-party strategy, homophily, issue awareness, and promotion effort). In addition, the researchers utilized the competitive intelligence network as a mediator to quantify its effect on company performance. This allowed the analysis to delve into the indirect influence of the competitive intelligence network. The following competitive intelligence network aspects were used to analyze the direct and indirect impact of competitive intelligence networks on SME performance: network extensiveness, third-party strategy, homophily, problem awareness, and promotional effort.
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