Academic literature on the topic 'Nuclear energy – Government policy – Germany (West)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Nuclear energy – Government policy – Germany (West)"
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Hatch, Michael T. "Corporatism, pluralism and post‐industrial politics: Nuclear energy policy in West Germany." West European Politics 14, no. 1 (January 1991): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389108424833.
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Sarkar, Jayita. "U.S. Policy to Curb West European Nuclear Exports, 1974–1978." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 110–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00877.
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After India's detonation of a nuclear explosive in 1974 publicly demonstrated the proliferation risks from nuclear assistance, the U.S. government increased its efforts to control nuclear exports worldwide. In doing so, U.S. policymakers faced challenges from two major West European allies, France and West Germany, both of which pursued their commercial interests through nuclear exports to countries such as Pakistan, Brazil, Iran, and India, among others. Despite multilateral efforts including the formation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group and bilateral negotiations with the supplier governments, the administrations of Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter attained only partial success. The commercial interests of nuclear firms, the influence of pro-export coalitions inside supplier countries, and the emerging importance of the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries as alternative suppliers influenced the outcome. The United States was more successful in restraining the French through a series of quid pro quo arrangements than it ever was with the West Germans. Using recently declassified archival documents, this article sheds new light on U.S. nonproliferation policy in the aftermath of the 1973 oil price shock.
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Khorolskaya, M. "New Vectors of German Energy Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 10 (2022): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-10-56-64.
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The article is devoted to energy policy of Germany. In the coalition treaty, the new German “red-green-yellow” coalition confirmed the commitment to achieve climate neutrality by 2045. In line with this goal Germany has developed a strategy to move away from coal as a primary source of energy. And, in the meantime, Berlin will close the last three Nuclear Power Plants by the end of the year 2022. The Russian special military operation in Ukraine has influenced the German energy policy significantly. Since February 2022, the German government has put a premium on substitution of Russian energy. The aim of this article is to analyze the coherence of the two policies: energy transition and rejection of Russian energy resources. The author explores phasing out nuclear power and coal, import of oil and gas, development of hydrogen production and renewables in Germany. The analysis revealed that two tracks do not complement each other. Both tracks should trace to the same goal – carbon-free energy, – but they have different temporal frameworks. While political elites claim to phase out Russian fuels within two years, the energy transition should take around 30 years. The natural gas was supposed to be the transitional energy, but more than half of it comes from Russia. Substitution of Russian coal and Russian oil requires more investment, and it could reduce the ability to subsidize renewables. Potential cooperation between Germany and Russia in hydrogen production was frozen. Only the policy aimed at improving energy efficiency and developing new building standards is likely to fit both tracks.
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JOPPKE, CHRISTIAN. "Models of Statehood in the German Nuclear Energy Debate." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 2 (July 1992): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025002005.
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This article analyzes the role of the state in the development of, and controversy over, civilian nuclear energy in West Germany. The static and uniform categories of state strength and state weakness are found insufficient to account for the capacity or incapacity of the state to formulate and implement nuclear policy. Instead, the analysis uncovers the existence of conflicting and contradictory models of statehood in postwar German politics. They shaped the particular contours of nuclear development and conflict.
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Peters, Hans Peter. "The credibility of information sources in West Germany after the Chernobyl disaster." Public Understanding of Science 1, no. 3 (July 1992): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0963-6625/1/3/006.
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In West Germany the `information disaster' after Chernobyl offered an opportunity to study the credibility of different information sources. A representative survey conducted in May 1987 of the West German population showed that on average the Federal Government—although heavily criticized because of its information policy and risk management—was rated most credible while the nuclear industry was judged least credible. On the whole, mean credibility ratings differed surprisingly little between sources; ratings of competence and public interest orientation varied more. These variables, interpreted as the classical credibility factors `expertise' and `trustworthiness', were important predictors of credibility. But beliefs and expectations recipients posess about individual sources also appear to influence credibility.
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Mez, Lutz, and Annette Piening. "Phasing-Out Nuclear Power Generation in Germany: Policies, Actors, Issues and Non-Issues." Energy & Environment 13, no. 2 (May 2002): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1260/0958305021501155.
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The phase-out of nuclear power in Germany is one of the priorities of the Red-Green Government which took office in October 1998. Despite continuous and broad-based public criticism, up until 1998 federal nuclear policies had sided with the pro-nuclear alliance and supported the industry through a number of tax and regulatory privileges. Thus, the phase-out decision marks a fundamental revision of past nuclear policy guidelines. After one-and-a-half years of negotiations between industry and government, in the course of which a number of controversies had to be solved, agreement was reached on the gradual phasing-out of nuclear energy use in Germany on June 14, 2000. The paper presents the actors' policies, analyses issues and non-issues in the negotiations. It shows that different positions within the Federal Government and the lack of support from the anti-nuclear movement for the Government's phase-out strategy strengthened the industry's ability to assert their position. The industry's motivation for taking such an assertive position is illustrated by an insight into the economic conditions of operating nuclear plant in Germany. The paper concludes that the phase-out strategy sketched in the coalition treaty could not fully be translated into actual policy measures. Instead industry succeeded in a number of important issues, the most important of them being the fact that the agreement guarantees the politically undisturbed operation of nuclear power plants for the years to come.
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Lucas, Hans-Dieter. "Sécurité et détente : Dimensions historiques et problèmes actuels de la politique de sécurité ouest-allemande." Études internationales 15, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701699ar.
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Against the background of the latest vehement discussions in West-Germany on the implementation of the NATO twin-track-decision this article analyses the current concepts of security and détente presented by the main political forces as well as their historical dimensions. The Christian Democrat/Liberal government pursues a pragmatic Atlanticist security policy, which is based largely upon Adenauer's principles such as exclusive definition of West German interests in the framework of the Alliance, rejection of one-sided disarmament and nuclear disengagement. Nevertheless, the government Kohl has adopted the main instruments of the new "Ostpolitik" in order to establish the calculability of West German policy in East and West. Détente is no considered as a political aim in itself. The Social Democrat concept of a security partnership with the East is strongly influenced by the principles and methods underlying the new "Ostpolitik". This concept aims at the creation of a denuclearized zone in Central Europe in order to facilitate a real détente between East and West. An optimistic view or détente appears to be an essential element of the political identity of the SPD. The ideas of the Greens and the "Peace Movement" - unilateral disarmament, creation of a denuclearized zone, renunciation on "first Use" - are variations of the pacifistic concepts already developped in the 1950's. The main reason for the formation of the "Peace Movement" is a change in West German political culture involving above all the younger population.
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Shuvalova, Olga V., and Maria-Joana Stoyanova. "Successes of Denmark and Germany in the field of transfer of its economies from fossil to alternative energy sources." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-2-315-333.
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Europe is transforming its energy balance and increasing the use of local renewable energy sources. Russia's economy depends on the export of fossil (non-renewable) energy resources. About half of the country's energy resources are exported, primarily to European countries. A change in the fuel and energy balance of European countries, as the main consumer of Russian energy resources, will affect the Russian economy. Therefore, Russia urgently needs to know the state of alternative energy in Europe. The purpose of this article is to assess the growth rate of the share of innovative alternative energy sources in the energy balance of Germany and Denmark, as leading countries. The background for the implementation of energy policy in the field of alternative energy is different. First of all, these are countries with developed economies. They need a reliable, uninterrupted supply of energy sources. The Danish government was the first among European countries to evaluate the potential of alternative energy and began to develop it. Denmark is the first country in Europe to use wind energy to generate electricity. In 1991, the first offshore wind energy plant in Europe appeared in Denmark. Germany started the construction of wind power parks only in 2008. Nevertheless, today Germany, along with China and the United States, is among the top three world leaders in terms of wind power capacity, and also has become one of the world leaders in terms of the total installed capacity of solar panels. In absolute terms, characterizing the development of alternative energy, Germany is the world leader, in relative terms - Denmark. Germanys economy is many times larger than Denmarks. Therefore, Germany cannot rebuild the fuel structure of its economy as fast as Denmark. The Danish leadership has set ambitious goals for the development of alternative energy. In 2050, 100% of the energy supplied to end consumers will be generated from renewable sources. Germany cannot rebuild its economy with this fast pace. In Germany in 2050, the share of renewable energy in final energy consumption will be 60%. Germany, unlike Denmark, initially relied not on the development of alternative energy, but on the development of nuclear energy. However, through consistent energy policies, it has become a world leader in alternative energy use. When Germany began to implement energy policy, it already had a prototype - Denmark. But then, as the study showed, the country chose its own path. And then Germany and Denmark developed alternative energy in different ways. Nowadays the international cooperation has a great importance. Germany and Denmark collaborate in regional and transregional projects in terms of renewable energy sources. North Sea Wind Power Hub is a successful example of their work together. The experience of Germany and Denmark has shown that alternative energy development programs do not exist by themselves. The alternative energy development program is only part of several other related programs. Among them are programs on the rejection of the use of nuclear energy (in relation to Germany), measures to increase the energy efficiency of economies, construction of infrastructure, changes in the organizational structure of energy, etc. Nowadays, many countries in the world pursue an energy policy in the field of renewable energy. In 2009, Russia also committed to increase the share of alternative energy sources to 4.5% by 2020. In the implementation of this policy, it is necessary to take into account the experience of Western countries. The difficulties faced by countries in the new energy sector do not allow us to talk about a decrease in their dependence on energy imports.
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Hager, Carol. "Germany's Green Energy Revolution: Challenging the Theory and Practice of Institutional Change." German Politics and Society 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330301.
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The energy revolution poses a fundamental challenge to the German corporatist institutional model. The push for renewables in Germany arose almost entirely outside the prevailing channels of institutional power. Eventually, federal legislation helped support the boom in local energy production that was already underway, and it encouraged the further development of new forms of community investment and citizen participation in energy supply. Recently, the federal government has tried to put the genie back in the bottle by shifting support to large energy producers. But, as this article shows, the energy transition has provided a base for local power that cannot easily be assailed. The debate over German energy policy is becoming a contest between centralized and decentralized models of political and economic power. Prevailing institutionalist theories have difficulty accounting for these developments. I analyze the local development of renewable energy by means of a case study of the Freiburg area in southwestern Germany, which has evolved from a planned nuclear power and fossil fuel center to Germany's “solar region”. Incorporating insights from ecological modernization theory, I show how the locally based push for renewables has grown into a challenge to the direction of German democracy itself.
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Hübner, Malte, Christoph M. Schmidt, and Benjamin Weigert. "Energiepolitik: Erfolgreiche Energiewende nur im europäischen Kontext." Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 13, no. 4 (November 2012): 286–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2516.2012.00397.x.
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AbstractThe German government’s adoption of the so-called Energy Concept in 2010 and its decision in the summer of 2011 to phase out nuclear energy altogether within the next ten years, has started a process of severe transformation of the German system of energy provision. Specifically, until 2050 renewables will have to become the dominant source of electricity generation. Disconcertingly, up to now the government has not outlined a comprehensive overall strategy how this objective should be achieved in practice. In this paper we discuss the necessary preconditions for a successful transformation in the German energy system. Overall cost of this transition could be held in check, if economic policy were to rely exclusively on a properly designed European Emission Trading System. Yet, instead of attempting to eliminate the remaining deficiencies of this already existing instrument, policy makers in Germany and all across Europe insist on devising additional subsidy schemes for renewables. We argue that the most sensible way to do this is by implementing a renewable support system that is harmonized across Europe. To this end, Germany should switch from current system of feed-in tariffs to a quantity-based system of Green Certificates and, in a second step, combine the German Green Certificate market with that of other European countries.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nuclear energy – Government policy – Germany (West)"
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FISCHER, Peter. "Die Anfänge der Atompolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Spannungsfeld von Kontrolle, Kooperation und Konkurrenz (1949-1955)." Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5775.
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Examining board: Prof. Dr. A.S. Milward, London (Doktorvater) ; Prof. Dr. R.T. Griffiths, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. P. Guillen, Grenoble ; Prof. Dr. P. Hertner, Florenz ; Prof. Dr. J. Radkau, BielefeldDefence date: 17 November 1989
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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HUBER, Michael. "Das regulative Netzwerk Risiko und regulative Politik im bundesdeutschen Kernenergiekonflikt." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5154.
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Defence date: 16 May 1991Examining board: Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI/Univ. Bremen) ; Prof. Giandomenico Majone (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Helga Nowotny (Univ. Vienna) ; Prof. Wolfgang van den Daele (Free University, Berlin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Nuclear energy – Government policy – Germany (West)"
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Kernenergie und Politikberatung: Die Vermessung einer Kontroverse. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010.
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Endlagerung radioaktiver Abfälle in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Administrativ-politische Entscheidungsprozesse zwischen Wirtschaftlichkeit und Sicherhei, zwischen nationaler und internationaler Lösung. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2009.
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Bonn, Moritz J. Atomic energy, management of radioactive wastes: Agreement between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany, extending the agreement of December 20, 1974, as amended and extended, effected by exchange of letters signed at Bonn and Washington, September 3 and October 10, 1990. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1993.
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Blechman, Barry M. The silent partner: West Germany and arms control. Cambridge, Mass: Ballinger Pub. Co., 1988.
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Bonn & the bomb: German politics and the nuclear option. London: Pluto Press, 1995.
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Cioc, Mark. Pax atomica: The nuclear defense debate in West Germany during the Adenauer era. New York: Columbia University Press, 1988.
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The rise of nuclear Iran: How Tehran defies the West. Washington, D.C: Regnery Pub., 2009.
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Gold, Dore. The rise of nuclear Iran: How Tehran defies the West. Washington, D.C: Regnery Pub., 2009.
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Gold, Dore. The rise of nuclear Iran: How Tehran defies the West. Washington, D.C: Regnery Pub., 2009.
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Kliment, Tibor. Kernkraftprotest und Medienreaktionen: Deutungsmuster einer Widerstandsbewegung und öffentliche Rezeption. Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitäts Verlag, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Nuclear energy – Government policy – Germany (West)"
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Eckert, Astrid M. "Closing the Nuclear Fuel Cycle at Gorleben?" In West Germany and the Iron Curtain, 201–44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190690052.003.0007.
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In 1977, the village of Gorleben in the border county of Lüchow-Dannenberg was nominated as the potential site of a nuclear waste reprocessing and storage facility. This chapter argues that the presence of the Iron Curtain shaped and magnified every aspect of the ensuing siting controversy. In view of discursive patterns conceived in the 1950s that framed the border regions as areas in need of industrial development, Gorleben’s borderland location precipitated its nomination. The siting decision endowed county officials with leverage over the federal government, a newfound power they exercised along the lines of the well-established borderland lobby work. The immediate proximity of Gorleben to the inter-German border also drew the GDR into the siting dispute. Gorleben turned the periphery into the center of the longest-lasting anti-nuclear protest in the Federal Republic and changed its energy future, albeit not in ways that proponents of nuclear energy imagined in the 1970s and 1980s.
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Valentine, Scott. "Wind Power in Germany." In Wind Power Politics and Policy. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199862726.003.0007.
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In the previous chapter, the malleability of Danish energy policy was highlighted as a key factor behind the successful diffusion of wind power in Denmark. This chapter examines wind power diffusion in Germany, and in the process highlights a different, though equally successful policy ideology. Compared to policy of its Nordic neighbor, wind power development policy in Germany has been far more structured and invariable. In fact, the success of Germany’s wind power development strategy often serves as an exemplar for proponents of consistent feed-in tariff regimes, which is considered by some to be the most effective strategy for driving wind power development. As this chapter will demonstrate, fostering wind power development in Germany is, like in other nations, a complex challenge involving dynamic interactions between government and nongovernment actors. As German wind power capacity expanded, there has been social dissent and utility opposition. Nevertheless, the German government has remained committed to aggressive wind power diffusion policies and has responded to emergent challenges in a remarkably unified manner wherein state, regional, and local government actors have formed integrated problem-solving networks. This chapter also highlights the seamless web of nation-specific STEP factors influencing wind power development that is apparent in Germany. As one pair of researchers observed, wind power development in Germany has been marked by “close interplay between the actors within the political system, technical and economic development, as well as social factors.” As has been the case in most industrialized nations, forces in support of wind power development began to amass during the two energy crises of the 1970s. As the government began to evaluate its alternative energy technology options, nuclear power and wind power emerged as the two most viable utility-scale options. In the 1970s, nuclear power in Germany enjoyed a modicum of developmental success. The nation’s first commercial nuclear power plant commenced operation in 1969. By 2010, nuclear power contributed approximately 22% to Germany’s electricity supply. However, nuclear power development has been contentious. Although there has been industrial support, there has also been strident public opposition, especially since Chernobyl.
Conference papers on the topic "Nuclear energy – Government policy – Germany (West)"
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Baldwin, Arthur L. "Fossil Energy Technologies for Tomorrow: The Role of Effective Government Partnerships for Sustainable Progress." In ASME 2001 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2001/ts-23411.
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Abstract The National Energy Technology Laboratory (NETL) is the Department of Energy’s (DOE) only government-owned and -operated national laboratory. With homesites in Morgantown, West Virginia, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and Tulsa, Oklahoma, NETL has been addressing global, national, regional, and local energy and environmental issues for the past 50 years. NETL’s core functions are to: shape, fund, and manage contracted research, development, demonstration, and deployment programs; conduct on-site science and technology research, and; conduct analyses to support policy development and best management and business practices. In support of the President’s recently released National Energy Policy, NETL’s work is concentrated in five major program areas: (1) Energy and Environmental Policy Support — Providing the scientific bases for sound policy decisions on key energy and environmental issues that relate to the global use of fossil energy. (2) Electric Power Using Coal — Developing the sound, scientific bases for clean, efficient power generation using coal, from mining to light switch. (3) Strategic Center for Natural Gas — Integrating and coordinating all Federal natural gas research, development, analysis, and policy development, from exploration through utilization. (4) Fuels — Addressing the integrated supply and delivery of clean fossil (petroleum, natural gas, and coal) derived fuels for transportation and other end-use sectors. (5) Environmental Quality/Nuclear Security — Supporting development and deployment of environmental technologies that reduce the cost and risk of cleaning up DOE’s nuclear weapons complex. Currently, NETL has over 1,100 research projects in all 50 states and more than 20 countries. NETL conducts this work through a broad range of partnerships with private industry, universities and colleges, not-for-profit laboratories, other DOE national laboratories, other government organizations at the federal, state, and local levels, and various international partners. Through these partnerships, NETL has fostered and will continue to foster the development and deployment of scientific and engineering technologies and know-how that offer sustainable solutions to domestic and international energy and environmental problems. See Proceedings Appendix B.