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1

Dedè, Francesco. I nomi greci in -ar e -ōr: Eteroclisi e classi nominali. Roma: Il calamo, 2013.

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2

Gadzhiakhmedov, N. Ė. Slovoizmenitelʹnye kategorii imeni v kumykskom i͡a︡zyke: Sravnitelʹno s drugimi ti͡u︡rkskimi i͡a︡zykami. Makhachkala: Izdatelʹsko-poligraficheskiĭ t͡s︡entr DGU, 1996.

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3

Ocherki po teorii ti͡u︡rkskogo slovoizmenenii͡a︡--imi͡a︡ : na materiale staroanatoliĭsko-ti͡u︡rkskogo i͡a︡zyka. Leningrad: Izd-vo Leningradskogo universiteta, 1987.

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4

Besim, Bokshi. Rruga e formimit të fleksionit të sotëm nominal të shqipes. 2nd ed. Prishtinë: Akademia e Shkencave dhe e Arteve e Kosovës, 2005.

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5

Ism al-ālah: Dirāsah ṣarfīyah muʻjamīyah. ʻAmmān: Dār Wāʼil lil-Nashr, 2006.

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6

Shumësi dhe shquarsia e emrave në shqipen standarde: (konstatime, diskutime, propozime). Prishtinë: Era, 2015.

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7

Beekes, R. S. P. The origins of the Indo-European nominal inflection. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck, 1985.

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8

al-Asmāʼ al-ʻArabīyah fī al-taṣrīf. [Cairo?: s.n.], 1989.

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9

al-Dīn, Ḥāẓim ʻAlī Kamāl. Taṣrīf al-asmāʾ: Dirāsah jadīdah fī ḍawʾ ʻilm al-lughah al-ḥadīth. al-Qāhirah: Maktabat al-Ādāb, 1998.

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10

al-Maqṣūd, al-Sayyid Muḥammad ʻAbd. al- Asmāʾ al-ʻArabīyah fī al-taṣrīf. [Cairo: s.n.], 1989.

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11

Mały słownik rzeczowników osobliwych: O nietypowej odmianie. Kraków: Tow. Miłośników Języka Polskiego, 1999.

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12

Kettunen, Paavo. De appellativa substantivens böjning i Överkalixmålet. Uppsala: Institutionen för nordiska språk vid Uppsala universitet, 1990.

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13

V, Popova T., Ananʹeva N. E, and Institut slavi͡a︡novedenii͡a︡ i balkanistiki (Akademii͡a︡ nauk SSSR), eds. Slavi͡a︡nskai͡a︡ morfonologii͡a︡: Substantivnoe slovoizmenenie. Moskva: "Nauka", 1987.

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14

Frans, Plank, and European Science Foundation, eds. Noun phrase structure in the languages of Europe. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2003.

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15

Shādhilī, Abū al-Saʻūd Ḥasanayn. ʻIlm al-ṣarf: Dirāsah naẓarīyah wa-taṭbīqīyah. al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Thaqāfah al-ʻArabīyah, 1987.

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16

Marynissen, Ann. De flexie van het substantief in het 13de-eeuwse ambtelijke Middelnederlands: Een taalgeografische studie. Leuven: Peeters, 1996.

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17

Qabāwah, Fakhr al-Dīn. Taṣrīf al-asmāʾ wa-al-afʻāl. 2nd ed. Bayrūt: Maktabat al-Maʻārif, 1994.

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18

Cechosz, Iwona. Polska gwara Oleszkowiec na Podolu: Fleksja imienna i werbalna. Kraków: Wydawn. Nauk. DWN, 2001.

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19

Russian stress: Stress as an inflectional formative in Russian noun paradigms and Bybee's cognitive morphology. Oslo: Novus Press, 1994.

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20

Ursula, Stephany, and Voeĭkova M. D, eds. Development of nominal inflection in first language acquisition: A cross-linguistic perspective. New York, NY: Mouton de Gruyter, 2009.

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21

Demorfologizacja rodzaju w liczbie mnogiej rzeczowników w Polszczyźnie XVI-XVII wieku. Poznań: Wydawn. Nauk. Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiwicza w Poznaniu, 1985.

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22

Robert, Orr. Comparative Slavic nominal morphology: A new synthesis. Bloomington, Ind: Slavica, 2000.

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23

Wesen und Ursprung der Status Constructus im Hebräischen: Ein Beitrag zur Nominalflexion im Semitischen. Weimar: Hermann Boehlau, 1986.

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24

Dzięgiel, Ewa. Polska gwara wsi Zielonej na Podolu na tle innych gwar południowokresowych: Fleksja imienna i werbalna. Kraków: Wydawn. Nauk. DWN, 2001.

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25

Muḥammad, Rāḍī, and Maʻhad al-Abḥāth wa-al-Dirāsāt lil-Taʻrīb (Morocco), eds. al-Buná al-ʻārīyah wa-al-isqāṭāt al-waẓīfīyah: Waqāʼiʻ al-ayyām al-lisānīyah al-waṭanīyah al-sādisah. Al-Ribāṭ, al-Maghrib: Jāmiʻat Muḥammad al-Khāmis, Maʻhad al-Dirāsāt wa-al-Abḥāth lil-Taʻrīb, 2008.

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26

Mieczkowska, Halina. Dynamika rozwoju fleksji nominalnej w ujęciu typologicznym słowacko-polskim. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, 2003.

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27

Lifanov, Konstantin. The inflection of the Slovak literary language. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1046272.

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The monograph is devoted to a full description of inflection in the Slovak literary language in accordance with the latest changes in the codification, reflected in the "Rules of the Slovak orthography" 2013 Consistently discusses the declination of nouns, adjectives, numerals, pronouns, the formation of degrees of comparison of adjectives and adverbs, and the conjugation of verbs in present, future, past and pluperfect tenses. Types of declension and conjugation are seen primarily in paradigms allocated in the Slovak linguistics, but also additionally provides word paradigms, with some deviations from the basic paradigms. Detail of a doublet form, and their status, including those identified on the basis of national corpus of the Slovak language. Written in accordance with the program on the grammar of the Slovak language, adopted at the philological faculty of Moscow state University named after M. V. Lomonosov. Designed for students of Slovak as the main language or second foreign language, optional or yourself, for Slavists wide profile and also for owning Slovak language adjustments knowledge of Slovak grammar, in accordance as amended by the latest changes.
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28

Hwaryong ŭi hyŏngtʻae ŭmunnonjŏk pyŏnhwa. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Tʻaehaksa, 2006.

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29

Holl, Alfred. The inflectional morphologies of the Swedish noun, the Swedish verb and the English verb: Reverse dictionaries based upon data mining methods. Växjö: Växjö University Press, 2007.

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30

Lanman, Charles Rockwell. On Noun-Inflection in the Veda. Franklin Classics Trade Press, 2018.

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31

Lanman, Charles Rockwell. On Noun-Inflection in the Veda. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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32

Lanman, Charles Rockwell. On Noun-Inflection in the Veda. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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33

On Noun-Inflection in the Veda. Franklin Classics, 2018.

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34

al-Mamnu min al-sarf fi al-lughah al-Arabiyah. Majlis al-Nashr al-Ilmi, Lajnat al-Talif wa-al-Tarib wa-al-Nashr, 2000.

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35

Stephany, Ursula, and Maria D. Voeikova. Development of Nominal Inflection in First Language Acquisition: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. De Gruyter, Inc., 2009.

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36

Plank, Frans. Noun Phrase Structure in the Languages of Europe (Empirical Approaches to Language Typology, 20-7). Walter de Gruyter, 2002.

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37

Russian Sounds and Inflections: The Sounds, Structure, and Inflection of Russian Nouns, Pronouns, Adjective, Numerials, and Verbs. Slavica Pub, 2008.

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38

Ringe, Don. Proto-Indo-European. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792581.003.0002.

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This chapter is a grammatical sketch of Proto-Indo-European. It describes the phonology of the language, including the system of surface contrasts; peculiarities of subsystems and individual segments; syllabification of sonorants; ablaut; rules affecting obstruents (including laryngeals); the accent system; and Auslautgesetze. The inflectional morphology is described, including the system of inflectional categories and their formal expression; the complex inflection of the verb (organized around aspect stems and inflected also for mood, voice, the person and number of the subject, and—marginally—tense); and the inflection of the various classes of nominals, with emphasis on the accent and ablaut paradigms of nouns. Short sections on derivational morphology, syntax, and the lexicon are included.
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39

Kihm, Alain. Old French declension. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198712329.003.0003.

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Old French noun inflection emerged and disappeared early in the history of the French language. A number or reasons are examined including the nature of sound changes occurring between Late Latin and Old French. Paradigm structure is another reason. The declensional paradigms of masculine nouns produced a mismatch between morphological and semantic defaults for the number and case features. This was because the non-default values of these features came to be expressed by a morphologically default, uninflected word-form, thus resulting in a system that was both weird in terms of the morphology-semantics interface and probably hard to acquire and to process. Repairing the mismatch entailed giving up declension in favour of a simple number contrast where the semantic non-defaultness of plurality matches the inflectedness of the plural form. Default considerations thus played the role of analogy in the Neogrammarian scenario of language change, restoring order where sound change had created chaos.
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40

Campbell, Eric W. Commands in Zenzontepec Chatino (Otomanguean). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803225.003.0005.

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This chapter presents Zenzontepec Chatino (Otomanguean, Zapotecan) data from naturally occurring discourse and describes the linguistic resources that speakers draw from to express a wide range of command types. Canonical imperatives, addressee-directed commands of basic force, are morphologically complex and display many forms for one category, determined by the inflectional class of the verb. In contrast, all non-canonical directives, those targeting first or third persons or the negative second person directives, are formally simple, all being expressed with Potential Mood inflection (one category for many functions). The full range of command forms and strategies is a reflection of Zenzontepec Chatino grammar more broadly, which has idiosyncratic and prodigiously complex inflectional morphology but formally simple and fluid syntax in discourse. The Imperative Mood category has been previously little studied in Zapotecan languages, and it offers insight into other aspects of the inflectional system and its history.
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41

Baerman, Matthew, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Inflection. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199591428.001.0001.

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Inflection is the expression of grammatical information through changes in word forms. This confrontation between general principles of syntactic organization and the often idiosyncratic properties of words has brought about systems whose properties—among them an often high degree of complexity—are an important object of investigation in their own right. Because it is something that many languages happily do without, inflection has a curious and often contentious status within linguistics. But even so, there is a fascinating and well-delimited set of facts out there to be explored, for which this handbook will be a guide. The volume is made up of twenty-four chapters, which together take a theoretically ecumenical approach, with particular attention paid to draw the examples from a wide variety of languages. The first section covers the fundamental building blocks of inflectional form and content: morphemes, features, and means of exponence. The second section focuses on what is probably the most characteristic property of inflectional systems, paradigmatic structure, and the non-trivial nature of the mapping between function and form. The third section covers change and variation over time, and the fourth section covers computational issues from a theoretical and practical standpoint. Section five addresses psycholinguistic questions. The final section is devoted to sketches of individual inflectional systems, illustrating a range of typological possibilities across a genetically diverse set of languages from Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Australia, Europe, and South America.
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42

Brown, Dunstan. Inflectional classes and containment. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198712329.003.0004.

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Inflectional classes are an instance of autonomous morphology, where expression in form cross-cuts syntactically relevant distinctions. However, most analyses assume some kind of ‘containment’, where choice of inflectional allomorphs is largely restricted to a part of speech. In default inheritance accounts of morphology higher defaults are assumed to correspond to recognizable parts of speech. Data from Archi and Noon indicate that violations of containment are not so implausible, but even here there is a role for principles, such as Network Morphology’s ‘morphological projection’, or Spencer’s ‘morpholexically coherent lexicon’, that entail a relationship between parts of speech and default morphological classes.
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43

Saugera, Valérie. Nominal Anglicisms in the Plural. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190625542.003.0005.

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This chapter comprehensively identifies the constraints that control the inflection of English-origin nouns in French. While French and English share the same pluralization morpheme, a small set of English nouns, particularly compounds, fails to receive inflection in French (for example, des black-out vs. des black-jacks). The findings demonstrate that the lack of inflection on this subset is rooted in the parameters of French (rather than English) morphology. Examination of the plural of Anglicisms also provides insight into mechanisms and processes of integration and reveals other findings, e.g. patterns of simplification, Anglicisms as tools for playful language, case studies of loans (people).
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44

Massam, Diane. Niuean. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793557.001.0001.

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This book presents a detailed descriptive and theoretical examination of predicate-argument structure in Niuean, a Polynesian language within the Oceanic branch of the Austronesian family, spoken mainly on the Pacific island of Niue and in New Zealand. Niuean has VSO word order and an ergative case-marking system, both of which raise questions for a subject-predicate view of sentence structure. Working within a broadly Minimalist framework, this volume develops an analysis in which syntactic arguments are not merged locally to their thematic sources, but instead are merged high, above an inverted extended predicate which serves syntactically as the Niuean verb, later undergoing movement into the left periphery of the clause. The thematically lowest argument merges as an absolutive inner subject, with higher arguments merging as applicatives. The proposal relates Niuean word order and ergativity to its isolating morphology, by equating the absence of inflection with the absence of IP in Niuean, which impacts many aspects of its grammar. As well as developing a novel analysis of clause and argument structure, word order, ergative case, and theta role assignment, the volume argues for an expanded understanding of subjecthood. Throughout the volume, many other topics are also treated, such as noun incorporation, word formation, the parallel internal structure of predicates and arguments, null arguments, displacement typology, the role of determiners, and the structure of the left periphery.
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45

Guérin, Valérie. Imperatives and command strategies in Tayatuk (Morobe, PNG). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803225.003.0010.

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Commands are pervasive in everyday conversations held in Tayatuk, a Finisterre language of the Morobe province in Papua New Guinea. Imperatives in Tayatuk usually order people around but also frequently express approval. The future and the non-final morphologies can also be recruited as command strategies to express, respectively, a command remote in time and space and an appeal. Formally, imperatives do not constitute a uniform paradigm. Canonical imperatives are expressed by the bare form of the verb (for 2sg) and with dedicated imperative morphology for 2pl and 2du. Non-canonical imperatives (for 1 and 3) borrow morphology from the irrealis paradigm. Negative imperatives form a defective paradigm of their own: a single inflection is used regardless of the person and numbers of the subject. The data suggest that imperatives and prohibitives in Tayatuk form separate clause types.
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46

Loporcaro, Michele. The typological interest of lesser-known Romance gender systems. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199656547.003.0008.

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The inventory of lesser-known more-than-binary systems gathered for purposes of linguistic reconstruction is now discussed per se, as a valuable complement to our knowledge of linguistic diversity in Europe. The chapter covers topics such as the creation—atypical for Romance—of strictly semantic gender and subgender values; contact-driven change in the gender system (of both Romance and contact languages); and the occurrence in some Romance dialects of unusual conditions on gender agreement (with unexpected sensitivity to inflectional morphology of gender/number agreement rules), of gender agreement on unusual targets (e.g. non-finite verb forms, adverbs, complementizers), and of (highly unusual) syntactically dependent overt gender-marking on nouns. The chapter ends with a gedankenexperiment, showing how the data reviewed thus far would complement the relevant maps of the World Atlas of Language Structures.
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47

Abondolo, Daniel. Uralic Languages. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935345.013.6.

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All but three of the thirty-nine Uralic languages are endangered, most of them seriously so; of the family’s ten main branches, only two have members considered safe (Finnish and Estonian of the Fennic branch, plus Hungarian). This chapter surveys a selection of phonological, morphological, and syntactic features of the Uralic languages; the emphasis is on presenting aspects that are usually ignored, oversimplified, or misrepresented. Among the topics broached are vowel harmony; consonant gradation, which in the Uralic context is of four distinct kinds, three of them quite old; less-than-agglutinative (i.e. fairly fusional features of several languages); problems of phonological reconstruction; the inflection of personal pronouns; person marking on nouns and Subject, Agent, and Object marking on verbs; and kinds of relative, complement, and support clauses.
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48

Loporcaro, Michele. The older stages of the Romance languages. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199656547.003.0006.

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The chapter explores the earliest attested stages of the different Romance branches, elaborating on the picture which has emerged in Chapter 4 and showing that the traces of more-than-binary gender contrasts grow increasingly significant, and geographically widespread, as one proceeds backwards in time. Thus, even Northern Italo-Romance and Gallo-Romance, which have no traces of a functional neuter today, still featured in their medieval stage not only a non-lexical neuter adjective inflection for default/agreement with non-lexical controllers (Gallo-Romance), but neuter agreement on (overdifferentiated) lower numerals (Italo-Romance), and scattered remnants of neuter plural agreement on determiners. The latter gradually increase as one moves to Tuscan, Romansh, and, finally, Southern Italian, where the four-gender system is still observed today, with Old Neapolitan even showing a four-target/four-controller gender system, with the two genders in addition to masculine and feminine both going back to the Latin neuter.
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49

Berro, Ane, and Ricardo Etxepare. Ergativity in Basque. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.32.

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This chapter provides an overview of ergative case and agreement in Basque by concentrating on their morphological and syntactic distribution as well as on their interaction with other aspects of verbal and nominal inflection, such as plurality, person morphology or Tense. This chapter carefully examines the event configurations in which ergative case and agreement are licensed in Basque by extending the discussion beyond the domain of verbal predicates to include non-verbal ones (nominal or adjectival). The most influential hypotheses concerning the status of ergative case and agreement in Basque are critically reviewed and their connection to more general approaches to ergativity is underlined. The chapter offers a synthetic view of the most relevant theoretical and descriptive contributions realized in the area of Basque ergativity during the last decennia.
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50

Tulloch, John, and Belinda Middleweek. Brutal Intimacy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190244606.003.0007.

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Chapter 5 begins with risk sociology’s understanding of intimacy as “a dogmatism for two” to explore an interdisciplinary mix of theory, including Tim Palmer’s analysis of the cinema of “brutal intimacy”; Tanya Modleski’s recognition of a current horror genre inflection of new desires for unleashing sexuality, violence, and control; Kelley Conway’s recognition of an authorship of considerable diversity in the context of films made by women about female sexuality in French culture; Raymond Williams’s concept of historical “structures of feeling”; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim’s “normal chaos of love”; and Giddens’s “transformation of intimacy.” Within these contexts, the films Twentynine Palms, Trouble Every Day, and Irréversible are analyzed textually, exploring genre, narrative, visual shot style, diegetic/non-diegetic sound, and spatial mapping (and the disruption of all these categories), with a particular focus on the road film Twentynine Palms.
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