Journal articles on the topic 'Northeastern Politics and government'
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1
Gonzales, Michael J. "Planters and Politics in Peru, 1895–1919." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 515–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015832.
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Elite family networks with overlapping economic and political power have been a basic feature of Latin America. Their influence was characteristically strong during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as the export economies expanded and national governments, particularly in the larger nations, advocated order and progress at the expense of participatory democracy. Historically, the influence of the elites has been primarily a regional phenomenon underpinned by ownership of land, mines, or lucrative commercial enterprises. They formed economic, political, and blood alliances to control production of vital products, monopolise local government and, on occasion, initiate bold entrepreneurial initiatives. Examples include the thirty families who dominated henequen production and local government in nineteenth-century Yucatán, the Grupo Monterrey who ran the industrialising economy of northeastern Mexico during the Porfiriato, and the Paraíba oligarchy who controlled cotton production, municipal government, and local tax revenues during the Brazilian Old Republic (1889–1930).
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Elinoff, Eli. "Subjects of politics: Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.
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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Mehta, Brinda J. "Contesting Militarized Violence in “Northeast India”." Meridians 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8913107.
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Abstract The northeastern states of India have been positioned as India’s postcolonial other in mainstream politics with the aim to create xenophobic binaries between insider and outsider groups. Comprising the eight “sister” states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, and Tripura, this region represents India’s amorphous shadowlands in arbitrary political markings between the mainland and the off-centered northeastern periphery. These satellite states have been subjected to the neocolonial governance of the Indian government and its implementation of political terror through abusive laws, militarized violence, protracted wars against civilians and insurgents alike, and gender abuse. Women poets from the region, such as Monalisa Changkija, Temsüla Ao, Mamang Dai, and others, have played a leading role in exposing and denouncing this violence. This essay examines the importance of women’s poetry as a gendered documentation of conflict, a peace narrative, a poet’s reading of history, and a site of memory. Can poetry express the particularized “sorrow of women” (Mamang Dai) without sentimentality and concession? How do these poetic contestations of conflict represent complex interrogations of identity, eco-devastation, and militarization to invalidate an elitist “poetry for poetry’s sake” ethic?
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Dillon, Michael. "Fang Zhimin, Jingdezhen and the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1992): 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009914.
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In June 1930, units of the 10th Red Army, which had been formed in northeastern Jiangxi by Fang Zhimin and Shao Shiping, entered the ancient porcelain town of Jingdezhen. The capture of the town brought the modern revolutionary politics of the Chines Communits Party (CCP) into contact with the local government and trades union organizations of a conservative, traditionally-minded town. Jingdezhen remained under the influence of the Red Army from 1930 until the strategic withdrawal from the Northeast Jiangxi Soviet in 1933 which was the forerunner of the complete withdrawal from the Jiangxi base areas and the Long March. There is ample information on the organization of the N.E. Jiangxi Soviet base and its best-known leader, Fang Zhimin, but most studies concentrate on the political structure of the Soviet government, the career and personality of Fang and the peasant milieu in which the Soviet emerged.1 Jingdezhen was not a peasant society or a major city: it was an intermediate small town world with part of the population permanently resident and many seasonal workers from the rural areas who provided a link with peasant communities.
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Bussiere, Elizabeth. "Trial by Jury as “Mockery of Justice”: Party Contention, Courtroom Corruption, and the Ironic Judicial Legacy of Antimasonry." Law and History Review 34, no. 1 (January 26, 2016): 155–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000644.
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Sweeping across the social and political landscape of the northeastern United States during the late 1820s and early 1830s, the Antimasonic Party has earned a modest immortality as the first “third” party in American history. In pamphlets, speeches, sermons, protests, and other venues, Antimasons lambasted the fraternal order of Freemasonry as undemocratic, inegalitarian, and un-Christian, reviling it as a threat to the moral order and civic health of the Early Republic. Because they believed that the fraternal organization largely controlled all levels of government, antebellum Antimasons first created a social movement and then an independent political party. Even before the full emergence of modern mass democratic politics, Antimasons demonstrated the benefits of party organization, open national nominating conventions, and party platforms. Scholars with otherwise different perspectives on the “party period” tend to agree that Antimasonry had an important impact on what became the first true mass party organizations—the Jacksonian Democrats and the Whigs—and helped push the political culture in a more egalitarian and populist direction.
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Lindstrom, Bonnie. "Regional Cooperation and Sustainable Growth: Nine Councils of Government in Northeastern Illinois." Journal of Urban Affairs 20, no. 3 (October 1998): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.1998.tb00425.x.
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Adebiyi, John O., Gabriel A. Sanni, and Abiodun Kolawole Oyetunji. "Assessment of political risk factors influencing the corporate performance of multinationals construction companies in northeastern Nigeria." Global Journal of Business, Economics and Management: Current Issues 9, no. 2 (July 31, 2019): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjbem.v9i2.4232.
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The transborder extension of the services offered by multinationals construction companies that have settled in Africa exposes them to the political risk factors pertinent to the host country. This paper seeks to identify and assess the prevalence of political risk factors influencing the corporate performance of multinational companies in the North-eastern zones of Nigeria. Structured questionnaires were administered to 78 expatriates project managers from six multinationals construction companies within six states of Nigeria’s North-east area. Data collected were analysed using the relative importance index and factor analysis. Findings showed terrorism, corruption, insurgencies, sabotages and kidnapping were the five major political risk factors with the highest level of occurrence, while terrorism, kidnappings, sabotage, corruption and change in government are those with the highest impact on operations in the region. The recommendation includes the need for the Federal, State and Local Governments to provide adequate security for lives, properties and investments.
Keywords: Construction companies, corporate performance, multinationals, political risk, terrorism.
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Van Dyck, Brandon. "Why Party Organization Still Matters: The Workers’ Party in Northeastern Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 2 (2014): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00229.x.
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AbstractDoes party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower-level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid-2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT’s electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva’s (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT’s improvement at lower levels followed from top-down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party’s local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains.
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Volodina, A. V. "BILINGUALISM IN ESTONIA: POLITICS, EDUCATION, CULTURE, AND MENTALITY." Siberian Philological Forum 14, no. 2 (May 30, 2021): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25146/2587-7844-2021-14-2-77.
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In Estonia, there is only one official language. At the same time about 25–29 % of the population in Estonia considers Russian as their native language. The area of the Russian language in Estonia is located mostly in the northeastern county (Ida-Virumaa). Trying to integrate the region into the Estonian-speaking space leads to the building of Estonian-language cultural and educational institutions, while the country leaders seem to be ready to use the Russian language in the communication with Russian-speaking minority. At the same time, there is a tendency to reduce the share of Russian language education: opposition requires complete and immediate liquidation, while the government still insists on the gradual changes in the system, when there will be only a small number of Russian-language educational institutions. However, programs with partial teaching in Russian have remained at higher educational institutions, and some Russian-language conferences are still held at research centers. Estonia uses Russian speakers to attract foreigners who want to study Russian in Europe and to be taught by Russian native speakers. The Language Act regulates the correlation of Estonian and Russian in official institutions and the service sector. The Language Inspectorate constantly checks the compliance of services with the Language Act, at the same time infringing on the rights of the Russian-speaking population, which are also specified in the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. The popularity of recently appeared Russian-language channel ETV+ cannot be compared with Russian federal channels. At the same time, the appearance of the TV programs “My Estonias” and “My Truth”, which create dialogue between the communities, is a good sign. These programs were launched due to the cultural interaction, in which the theater played a role of a platform for negotiations between Estonians and Russians. The problems of the Russian-speaking population outlined in theatrical productions are also caused by its heterogeneity, since language is not an unequivocal sign of national identity.
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Cohen, Jonathan D. "“Put the Gangsters Out of Business”: Gambling Legalization and the War on Organized Crime." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 04 (September 11, 2019): 533–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000216.
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Abstract:From the 1950s through the 1970s, American policymakers engaged in an extensive campaign against illegal gambling in an effort to turn the tide in the government’s crusade against organized crime. At the grassroots, however, voters endorsed a different form of state expansion to beat back the mob menace. Between 1963 and 1977, fourteen northeastern and Rust Belt states enacted the first government-run lotteries in the twentieth-century United States on the belief that legalized gambling would undercut the mob’s gambling profits. While gambling opponents pointed to Las Vegas as proof that organized crime would flourish following legalization, supporters argued that illegal gambling was already pervasive, so the state may as well profit from this irrepressible activity. The history of gambling legalization challenges narratives on the popularity of law-and-order politics and offers a new perspective on crime policy in the post–World War II period.
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Ningthoujam, Rameshchandra. "Disturbed valley: a case of protracted armed conflict situation in Northeast India." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 11 (December 11, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-11-2013pp185-205.
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<p>India’s northeastern region has been experiencing the least known but one of the longest-lasting armed conflict situation in South Asia. New Delhi government has been trying to control the situation through some restrictive or economic incentives such as the Armed Forces Special Power Act-1958 (AFSPA) or the Look East Policy (LEP) and others. However, these policies have been contested by many of the human rights activists, civil societies for their disruptive character, who have unmasked the disruptive substance of human rights violation and the militaristic developmentalism. The proposed paper will rather be a <em>tour d’ horizon </em>of India’s political dispensation at its northeastern frontier in general and Manipur in particular, that shapes the political affairs of this region since India’s Independence.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>
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Fortes, Alexandre. "In Search of a Post-Neoliberal Paradigm: The Brazilian Left and Lula's Government." International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000088.
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AbstractThe first decade of the twenty-first century has seen extraordinary political developments in the Latin American left. Indeed, there is no historical precedent for the simultaneous election across the region of governments that can be identified with the political left. From Tabaré Vasquez in Uruguay to Martín Torrijos in Panama; from Néstor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina to Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua; from Michelle Bachelet in Chile to Hugo Chavez in Venezuela; from Evo Morales in Bolivia to Rafael Correa no Ecuador—as well as Luis Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil and, more recently, Fernando Lugo in Paraguay—representatives of practically all of the region's formative leftist currents have taken over the governments of large, medium, and small countries.This article takes Brazil under Lula's government as a case study in order to explore the relationship between the various dimensions of the region's lefts: the social and the institutional, civil society and the state, the national and the international, and stability and transformation. Indeed, the election to the presidency of a survivor of the extreme poverty and harsh droughts of northeastern Brazil, a one-time metalworker with little access to formal education, had a profound impact on both the country's social movements and the political party that he founded and led. By examining the hopes and frustrations, dilemmas, and accomplishments of Lula's government, we can better achieve a more dense and nuanced understanding of the larger historical process through which the Latin American Left has reached power.
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Goodhand, Jonathan. "Sri Lanka in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.130.
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Abstract Local elections consolidated the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration's grip on power. State-led efforts to stimulate economic growth continued with major infrastructure projects in the northeastern and southern parts of Sri Lanka. No significant progress was made toward a political settlement and reconciliation with the Tamil community, and the government came under increasing international pressure about its conduct in the last months of the civil war after the release of the United Nations Advisory Panel report.
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Park, Jeongwon Bourdais. "Ethnic Relations in Northeast China." European Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (2017): 36–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01601001.
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This article discusses the dynamic changes in ethnic relations that have taken place in the Joseonjok (Chaoxianju) community comprising minority Koreans residing in and around Yanbian, an autonomous prefecture in northeastern China, and discusses the implications of those changes for the region. The main focus is on how the tension between China’s fluctuating ethnicity-related politics and this diaspora group’s continual struggle for a collective identity has been managed and internalised. Contrary to existing studies on the Joseonjok, the paper argues that the group has experienced de-ethnicisation, both as a top-down (government policy) and bottom-up (diaspora’s reaction) process, rather than ethnic revival. The puzzling question is how and why de-ethnicisation occurs despite the commonly accepted conditions of ethnonationalism and, more recently, with trans-nationalism, heavily influenced by their Korean motherlands. Based primarily on ethnographical research and using a multiculturalism approach, this paper argues that the recent policy failure in dealing with multiculturality in China, together with the changing geopolitics of the region, has accelerated the process of de-ethnicisation. Joseonjok society’s particular way of resisting political pressures and coping with ethnic tension in fact reflects a diaspora’s common struggle to achieve integration with mainstream society while ensuring recognition of its own distinctive characteristics.
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Renne, Elisha P. "Sylvan Memories of People, Place, and Trees in Nangodi, Northeastern Ghana." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 1 (December 28, 2018): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751800049x.
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AbstractPeople's relationships with trees reflect the landscape histories associated with distinctive forms of political and religious authority and the moral imaginings of people in Nangodi and its environs in the Upper East Region of Ghana. Their memories of particular trees serve as historical evidence of overlapping yet specific forms of political authority exercised by chiefs, earth priests, past colonial officers, and present-day Ghanaian government officials. In Nangodi, individual family ancestral tree shrines, clan tree cemeteries, and sacred groves associated with earth priests and chiefs coexist with the Red Volta West Forest Reserve and with a succession of tree-related development initiatives. While these relationships are often considered as separate claims to political authority, spiritual power, or scientific knowledge, this paper argues that these relationships of people and of trees are better conceptualized as historical accumulations that represent intersecting and contested forms of authority and political rule continuing into the present. Indigenous tree species such as ebony are associated with sacred groves controlled by chiefs, silk-cotton trees with earth priests’ cemeteries, and baobab trees with particular families coexist with foreign teak trees associated with colonial forestry. This situation suggests how institutions of governance as well as the actions of individuals have environmental consequences. A consideration of historical memories of people and trees in places such as Nangodi enables a rethinking of political and environmental dichotomies, and complicates the social dynamics of` the preservation and destruction of trees and forests around the world.
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Whigham, Thomas. "Cattle Raising in the Argentine Northeast: Corrientes,c.1750–1870." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 2 (November 1988): 313–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00003011.
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Though Argentina has long been synonymous with trackless pampas and teeming livestock herds, this common image requires some qualification. Before the late nineteenth century, when refrigerated transport made possible a large international market for Argentine beef, cattle played a less important role in the economy of the Río de la Plata than is usually assumed. Except for Buenos Aires province, where stockraising was predominant even in the colonial period, ranchers often had to struggle hard and insistently to find their niche in the overall commerce of the region. Grazing conditions were excellent in many areas of the Río de la Plata, but because the port of Buenos Aires always enjoyed a near-exclusive control over external trade, theporteñoseffectively blunted the development of any stockraising that threatened to compete with their own exports. In the northeastern provinces, this resulted in a cattle industry marked by technological backwardness and erratic growth. The chaotic politics of the post-independence era reinforced these conditions, though reform-minded ranchers and government officials consistently tried to improve provincial standards of stockraising.
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Karkana, M. Z., and Adamu Muktar. "Assessment of Faecal Sludge Management in Nguru Town, Yobe State, Northeastern Nigeria." UMYU Journal of Microbiology Research (UJMR) 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47430/ujmr.2161.024.
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The aim of the study is to assess faecal sludge management (FSM) in Nguru town, Nguru Local Government area of Yobe State. Random sampling method was used in the selection of respondents in six political wards of the study area. A total of 399 questionnaires were administered to respondents in the study area with the view to identify the types and current practices of faecal sludge management in the study area. The result of the study indicates that majority of the respondents 68% used pit latrine, 24% used water closet while 8% used other type of toilet facilities. However, on the excreta defecation, the finding indicated that 84% had access to household toilets, 8.0% used public toilets, and 6.0% practiced open defecation with the remaining 2% practicing defecation in polythene bags after which they discard it into the bush or on a refuse dump. The study further revealed that majority (54%) of the respondents disposed their toilet sludge by land fill, 31% participants were using any available land for faecal sludge final disposal while 10 % and 5% disposed their toilet by nearby river and composting respectively. The finding indicated that, the faecal sludge management of the study area is unsatisfactory and may pose a risk of environmental and adverse human health. The current practices of faecal sludge management were found below international standard requirement set by WHO. It is therefore recommend that Government should come up with proper orientation and environmental laws should be put in place for the general public and also to provide necessary facilities and arrange for better methods of faecal sludge management. Keywords: FSM, Nguru town, Toilet facilities and open defecation
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Grebenyuk, Pavel. "Political Power and Cultural History in the Northeastern Soviet Union in the 1950s and 1960s." Sibirica 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2022.210204.
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This article investigates cultural trends and promotion of cultural establishments in the northeastern USSR in the 1950s and 1960s. I examine the relationships of the government and intellectual network in the context of new sociocultural policy in the unusual conditions of the outgoing Dalstroy epoch. The Magadan Region underwent a kind of “perestroika” in this period, but it was a “perestroika” within the outlined ideological boundaries and under conditions of strict party control. The cultural policy and authorities’ activity on background changes in public-political life was directed on “de-Dalstroy” process by formation new regional identity and creation of numerous new avenues of regional self-expression in the form of institutions, creative unions, and organizations.
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Storaas, Frode, Rolf Erik Scott, and Getachew Kassa Negussie. "The Go Between." Journal of Anthropological Films 3, no. 1 (September 15, 2019): e1537. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/jaf.v3i1.1537.
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The Islamic pastoral Afars inhabit the northeastern rangelands of Ethiopia. Some have settled in towns and trade centers where the Ethiopian state is present with the police and other government officials. The Ethiopian government is working on implementing state laws on the Afar who previously lived outside the regulations of the state. Now, however, many Afars have a foot in both sectors, having a home in town while maintaining close contact with their nomadic relatives. Hussein Hayie has a government position as Peace and Security officer. His work is to judge whether an incident should be handled as a criminal case for the police or be left as a case to be solved the traditional way by the elders of the clans. The Afar political organization is based on both territory and kinship. The political institutions are geared towards social control and the resolution of conflicts. The tribal leaders are often called upon to intervene before a small matter escalates to homicide and if a homicide occurs, to work out agreements of compensation in order to avoid blood-feuds. The film follows Hussein Hayie in town and when he visits his families in the nomadic camps. As a government employee, he is continuously on duty and in the film we see how he is called to act. However, Hussein is constantly treading a thin line in when negotiating cases a society existing both outside and inside the state. 36 mins. 2014.
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Kaewkerd, Onuma, Supavadee Thiengtham, Anantasak Panput, Chinnakorn Dankasai, Pipatpong Kempanya, and Charoenchai Muenhor. "Health and agrochemical use experiences of agricultural workers with high serum cholinesterase levels in Northeastern Thailand." Journal of Public Health and Development 20, no. 3 (September 9, 2022): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.55131/jphd/2022/200322.
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In developing countries, agrochemicals are frequently used, resulting in direct and indirect chemical exposure as well as a variety of health concerns. Although agrochemical safety education is essential to promoting protective behavior among agricultural workers, there is a gap in the body of evidence concerning experience with agrochemical use and practice, which is critical for developing and improving educational interventions, so they are more effective and acceptable to the workers' culture and lifestyle. This phenomenology study included twenty agricultural workers with high serum cholinesterase levels in two Thai rural communities. Data from semi-structured interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed by using Colaizzi's 7-step data analysis, which is mentioned in the data analysis part. Five themes and three subthemes emerged in relation to agrochemical use and health: (i) long-term chemical exposure; (ii) no need to be concerned about health after chemical exposure; (iii) insufficient chemical protection knowledge and practices; (iv) difficulties in adhering to the agrochemical exposure prevention regimen; and (v) government policy and the growth of the organic products market are important components of chemical use reduction. Based on the findings, the workers lacked awareness regarding protective behaviors, because they did not notice any abnormal changes in their health. We, therefore, recommend that they undergo annual checkups for monitoring their SChE levels, which should be provided by the local government. In addition, agrochemical use is influenced by socioeconomic and political factors. Thus, a health education program for agricultural workers should involve a multidimensional and community-engaged training program that would promote the safe handling of chemicals through contextually appropriate interventions.
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Westgard-Cruice, William, and Yuko Aoyama. "Variegated capitalism, territoriality and the renewable energy transition: the case of the offshore wind industry in the Northeastern USA." Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 14, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rsab004.
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Abstract Uneven development and the territoriality of renewable energy resources complicate prevailing theories of regional energy transitions. This article proposes a framework for the study of regional energy transitions informed by theories of variegated capitalism and geographical scholarship on the materiality and territoriality of energy. We make the case for this framework by demonstrating that the development of offshore wind energy in the Northeastern USA has been hindered by the (in)action of the US federal government, which can be explained in part by the economic importance of natural gas extraction in the underdeveloped, yet politically influential region of Northern Appalachia.
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Baruah, Atri. "Voices from the Ground Neo liberal statecraft and KMSS’s resistance movements in Assam." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 25, 2021): 5473–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1861.
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Over the years, people’s resistance movements in Assam have protested state policies and actions on the control, appropriation and ownerships of natural resources. Such movements are marked by an active ideological orientation from the time of colonial annexation of this northeastern region to that of the formation of the post-colonial independent Indian state and yet still continues. Resistance against power of the state occurred within a recognized public arena, which is well goes with what present days resistance movements are doing against the coercive role of the state in Assam. Voices are erupted from the grounds that have a direct connection with the neoliberal state policy of neo-extraction of resources by marginalizing local communities who are said to be the traditional right holders over it. Illustrative to this, the resistance movement spearheaded by a peasant-based organization called Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS)in Assam at the grass root level not only mobilizes the voices which are usually unheard, but build a strong counter force against the state power. In its decade long existence, the organization is offering its resistance politics by launching a serious of movements to resist anti-farmer and anti-people policies pursued by the government in the post-liberalization phase and has emerged as a powerful platform for representing voices of the economically-excluded, who fall behind the curtain of the neo-liberal economic paradigm.
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Brandau, Daniel. "Peenemünde Contested." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 98–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2022.140106.
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Given Peenemünde’s ambivalent military and technological history, from rocket development during the Nazi period to East German naval and air bases during the Cold War, its musealization was considered both a chance and challenge during the region’s deindustrialization in the 1990s. Local residents’ support of veteran engineers promoting an apologetic view of Nazi rocketry was met with bewilderment. However, a space park project and anniversary event were spearheaded by government and industry representatives, turning a regional affair into an international controversy. The article analyzes the function of memory work and the remembrance of technological progress in rural northeastern Germany before and after German reunification. Based on archival sources and interviews with former officers and museum advocates, it traces the Peenemünde museum project through a history of ideological and biographical caesurae, enthusiasm, political promises, and socioeconomic despair.
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Prior, Francis B. "Security Culture: Surveillance and Responsibilization in a Prisoner Reentry Organization." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 49, no. 3 (March 10, 2020): 390–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241620908651.
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As they have become increasingly common, prisoner reentry organizations have become a topic of interest to ethnographers, particularly those focused on race crime and justice. Reentry organizations are typically understood in terms of the social services they provide with the purpose of easing their clients’ social reintegration after incarceration. However, ethnographers of nonprofit prisoner reentry organizations have interpreted them as linked to a broader project of disciplinary poverty governance. Based on participant observation and interview evidence of a government-run prisoner reentry organization in a large northeastern city, I argue that an overarching security culture structured not only the organization’s security and surveillance practices, but also its disciplinary service provision. I argue that security culture also helps explain staff attitudes toward clients, and clients’ response to the organization as an extension of their experience of punishment. This ethnography builds on previous work through its specific examination of frequently taken-for-granted concrete security practices in conjunction with social service programming in order to highlight the overall effects of a government-run prisoner reentry organization’s security culture.
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French, Jan Hoffman. "Rethinking Police Violence in Brazil: Unmasking the Public Secret of Race." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00212.x.
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Abstract In Brazilian cities, perhaps the most disturbing criminal activity is the violence perpetrated by police officers themselves. This article is an invitation and a provocation to reconsider social scientific thinking about police violence in Brazil. Illustrated by a court decision from a Northeastern city, in which a black man won a case against the state for being falsely arrested and abused by a black police officer on the grounds of racism, this article investigates three paradoxes: Brazilians fear both crime and the police; black police beat black civilians; and government officials disavow responsibility by stigmatizing the police on racial grounds. It then proposes an alternative reading of these paradoxes that opens the possibility for rethinking police reform and argues that democratization in Brazil is deeply intertwined with the future of its darkest-skinned citizens.
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Borysiewicz, Mariusz. "Polish Settlement in Manchuria (1898-1950). A Brief Historical Survey." Studia Polonijne 39 (July 30, 2019): 125–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp.2018.6.
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During the late nineteenth century, geopolitical, military, political as well as economic considerations combined to induce the Tsarist government to pursue a policy of mass colonization of the Far East. This process led to the appearance of numerous Slavic enclaves in Northeastern China from the late 1890s onwards. As a consequence, northern Manchuria became the final major meeting point between European settlers and Asian inhabitants of the borderland encompassing Tsarist Russia as well as Imperial China. The European settlement in Manchuria was to leave profound imprints on the region’s changing landscape for the next half-century.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, numerous Poles migrated to the Far East in pursuit of better economic conditions. They found work building the Chinese Eastern Railway and remained behind to help operate the line. Others were employed as physicians, engineers, bankers and lawyers. In this way, unlike other Polish diaspora communities, this grup largely comprised wealthy and educated individuals.
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Amatulli, Giuseppe. "Cumulative Effects of Industrial Development and Treaty 8 Infringements in Northeastern British Columbia: The Litigation Yahey v. BC (S151727) – Case Comment." Arctic Review on Law and Politics 13, no. 2022 (2022): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v13.3802.
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On June 29, 2021, the BC Supreme Court issued the verdict of the Yahey v. British Columbia litigation (S151727). For the first time in Canadian legal history, a First Nation Band (BRFN – BlueBerry River First Nation) sued a provincial Government for the cumulative effects of industrial development intertwined with Treaty 8 infringements. The proceeding lasted for six years (2015–2021), with more than 160 days of trials and dozens of hours of affidavits sworn, and it resulted in a ground-breaking verdict. The Court recognised that in authorising industrial development, the Province had been unable to consider and deal with the cumulative impacts that projects had on the traditional lifestyle of BRFN members, besides breaching its obligation to BRFN under Treaty 8. This comment argues that by recognising that the Province cannot continue to authorise activities that breach Treaty 8 and Section 35 of the 1982 Constitution, the verdict may pave the way to a real implementation of the FPIC (Free, Prior and Informed Consent) in the BC legal framework. The ruling provides that the BC Government and the Band engage in meaningful consultation and negotiation to enforce mechanisms to assess and manage cumulative effects on the BRFN traditional territory. The parties were given six months to negotiate based on the litigation outcomes. On October 7, 2021, a preliminary agreement between the BRFN and the BC Province was signed. Important issues had been addressed throughout the trial. From confidentiality and the duty to consult in good faith to the constitutionality of Court hearing fees and the possibility to obtain other kinds of injunctions until the trial; the outcomes of this litigation may well be considered as a milestone to advance the Canadian legal framework, further recognising essential rights of Canadian Indigenous peoples in terms of Constitutional, social, and environmental justice.
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Igboin, Benson Ohihon. "‘Small Fires Causing Large Fires’: An Analysis of Boko Haram Terrorism–Insurgency in Nigeria." Religions 13, no. 6 (June 17, 2022): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060565.
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Since July 2009, when the popular founder of Boko Haram, Mohammed Yusuf, was extrajudicially killed by the police, the group has become radicalised. Boko Haram started by terrorising the country, particularly the northeastern zone, which extends to Cameroon, Niger, and Lake Chad. Several works on the group, mostly by foreign commentators and scholars, have mainly attributed its rise to political and economic factors. Many of those works have not also recognised the metamorphosis from terrorism to insurgency, wherein the group is now replacing the secular status of Nigeria’s configuration with a monolithic Islamic caliphal rule in the swathes of land that it has captured. Even though the Nigerian government has adopted the factors canvassed by those scholars and also denies the group an ideological anchorage, I argue that Boko Haram’s ideological scaffolding is hinged on ultra-jihadi Salafism. Relying on qualitative sources, I employ a historical and interpretive framework in explicating the origin of Boko Haram and in content analysing President Muhammad Buhari’s 2015 inaugural speech, which denies the group of any ideological leaning on Islam. I then contend that such a denial has made counter-insurgency measures of the government counter-productive, as efforts at meeting political and economic factors are difficult to achieve in the present circumstance. I, therefore, recommend counter-insurgency measures, which include, amongst others, Western education, Islamic de-radicalisation processes, and counter-insurgency narratives, as well as ideas to cut off the recruitment of youth into the group and military engagement, as both short- and long-term strategies.
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Conte, Thomas J. "The effects of China's grassland contract policy on Mongolian herders' attitudes towards grassland management in northeastern Inner Mongolia." Journal of Political Ecology 22, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v22i1.21079.
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China's Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region is experiencing high levels of grassland degradation partially as a result of government policies to sedentarize nomadic pastoralists and privatize collective grasslands. Previous research suggests that these policies have reduced Mongolian pastoralists' ability to effectively manage grasslands and cope with negative climatic events. Herders in New Barag Right Banner (n = 50) representing both sedentary and mobile livestock management strategies were asked to respond to a scaled survey regarding their attitudes towards the effectiveness of their current grassland management strategies and their perceptions regarding the future of pastoralism in Inner Mongolia. Inter-rater reliability and MannWhitney U Tests were utilized to compare the attitudes towards grassland management and the future viability of livestock production and to test whether or not sedentary and mobile herders share the same attitudes towards these facets of their pastoral way of life. There is both high intra and inter-group agreement on the survey variables across settlement categories, indicating that sedentary and mobile herders share the same attitudinal orientations regardless of their settlement patterns. The implications of these results for future grassland policy and sustainable livestock production are also discussed.Keywords: pastoralism, China, Inner Mongolia, grassland policy, privatization, marketization
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BECKER, BERT. "The Haiphong Shipping Boycotts of 1907 and 1909–10: Business interactions in the Haiphong-Hong Kong rice shipping trade." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (October 10, 2019): 930–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000027.
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AbstractThe main focus of this article is the Haiphong shipping boycotts of 1907 and 1909–10, which were conflicts over freight rates on rice which arose between several Chinese rice hongs in Haiphong (Hải Phòng), the main port in northeastern French Indochina, and three European tramp shipping companies. When these companies set up a joint agreement in 1907 unilaterally increasing the freight rates for shipping rice to Hong Kong, the affected merchants felt unfairly treated and boycotted the companies’ ships. Furthermore, in 1909, they formed a rival charter syndicate and set up a steamship company chartering the vessels of other companies to apply additional pressure on the firms to return to the previous rate. Although the Chinese suffered direct financial losses due to their insufficient expertise in this business, they were successful in achieving a considerable decrease in the freight rate on rice, which shows that boycotting, even when costly, proved to be an effective means to push for reductions and better arrangements with shipping companies. In contrast to a similar incident in the same trade—the shipping boycott of 1895–96 when the French government intervened with the Chinese government on behalf of a French shipping company—the later boycotts did not provoke the intervention of Western powers. This case suggests that growing anti-imperialism and nationalism in China, expressed in public discourses on shipping rights recovery and in the use of economic instead of political means, had an impact on the boycotts. Economic, not imperial, power determined the outcome of this struggle.
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Dávila, Jerry. "Ethnicity and the Shifting Margins of Brazilian Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2005): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.14.1.185.
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Benjamin Abrahão is perhaps the most mythological of Middle Eastern immigrants to Brazil in the first decades of the twentieth century. He settled in northeastern Brazil during World War I and worked as a peddler. Soon he became an intermediary, photographer, and filmmaker tied to two folkloric figures, Father Cícero and Lampião. As a traveling salesman in the rural northeast, he met the charismatic Padre Cícero, who held political and spiritual sovereignty over a vast area around the market town of Juazeiro and who had led a successful uprising that toppled the state government. Abrahão became a collaborator of Padre Cícero, and sources describe him as the priest’s “secretary for international affairs” or even “prime minister” (Della Cava; Monteiro; “O Filme”; Bezerra Leite). Abrahão photographed the priest, his followers, and the town and produced the only known film footage of Padre Cícero. While Abrahão was with Padre Cícero, he met Lampião (“the Lantern”), an outlaw who led a decade-long rebellion against large landowners and federal authorities in the impoverished northeast. Abrahão photographed and filmed Lampião; his film was banned by Brazilian censors, and soon after, in 1936, he was assassinated.
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Poe, Marshall. "The Military Revolution, Administrative Development, and Cultural Change in Early Modern Russia." Journal of Early Modern History 2, no. 3 (1998): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006598x00207.
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AbstractAmong Western historians it is generally agreed that the "military revolution" spurred bureaucratization, and that bureaucracy in turn caused social and cultural change. This essay examines the links between military reform, administrative development, and cultural change in the Muscovite context. It argues that the "Europeanizing" military reforms of the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century indeed had a significant impact on both Russian government and culture, at least among the service elite. In the era of Ivan III (1462-1505), the Muscovite court was a moderately-sized gathering of unlettered warriors who, together with a small group of scribes, managed a considerable principality in northeastern Rus'. A bit more than a century later the court was a much more complex entity comprising a well-stratified political elite, a system of functionally differentiated chancelleries, and a large network of gunpowder military forces. Behind this transformation were successive waves of military reform, waves which brought with them well-elaborated literate administration. The coming of literate administration to the governing class-the court elite, chancellery personnel, and higher gentry-had four effects: integration on an imperial level; increased status and functional differentiation; a slow movement from mechanical to organic solidarity; and, finally, the impersonalization of social identity.
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Schryer, Frans J. "Peasants and the Law: a History of Land Tenure and Conflict in the Huasteca." Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 2 (November 1986): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012037.
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The Huasteca, a region with a semi-tropical climate and abundant vegetation, has become one of the most violent and conflict-ridden parts of rural Mexico. Starting in the mid-1970s, a series of land invasions involving mainly Nahuatl-speaking Indian peasants broke out in the district of Huejutla in the northeastern portion of the state of Hidalgo (also known as the Huasteca Hidalguense). Militant agrarian peasants, who cut fences, confiscated coffee orchards and ripped out cultivated grasses, justified their use of direct action both in terms of Mexico's agrarian code and Nahuatl notions of village boundaries; similarly, local landowners appealed to their rights as property owners and the legal system in general in order to persuade law enforcement agents to evict peasant intruders and have them arrested. Many poor peasants, who live in usually cohesive communities, also became bitterly divided over whether or not they should join in land invasions, and some people on both sides took the law into their own hands and meted out their own version of justice through abductions, corporal punishment and even executions. The resulting violence and political turmoil culminated in the expropriation, by the Mexican government, of 18,000 hectares of privately owned land and the implementation of a programme of social reform.
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Yahovkin, Anton. "Ethiopia and the Egyptian-Ethiopian conflict in the context of American-Ethiopian relations (1955 – 1957)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.5.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of Egyptian-Ethiopian relations during the Suez Crisis in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Suez Crisis on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1955–1957, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Egypt and Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Egypt. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only:1. due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency; 2. due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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Stokke, Kristian, Olle Törnquist, and Gyda Marås Sindre. "Conflict Resolution and Democratisation in the Aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami: A Comparative Study of Aceh and Sri Lanka." PCD Journal 1, no. 1-2 (June 6, 2017): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25670.
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The earthquake off the west coast of Sumatra on 26 December 2004 unleashed a tsunami in the Indian Ocean that affected more than a dozen countries throughout South and Southeast Asia and stretched as far as the northeastern coast of Africa. The two worst affected areas - North-East Sri Lanka and the Aceh region in Indonesia - have both been marked by protracted intra-state armed conflicts. In the immediate aftermath of the tsunami, international journalists and humanitarian actors argued that the disaster could actually constitute and opportunity for conflict resolution, as the scale and urgency of humanitarian needs should bring the protagonists together in joint efforts for relief, reconstruction and conflict resolution. In contrast, research on the impacts of natural disasters often concludes that disasters tend to deepen rather than resolve conflicts. Four years after the tsunami it can be observed that Aceh and North-East Sri Lanka have followed highly divergent trajectories. In Aceh, a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Indonesia and Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) was signed shortly after the tsunami and has been followed by peace and a process od political integration into Indonesian democracy. In Sri Lanka, the tsunami created a humanitarian pause from the gradual escalation of hostilities and an attempt to create a joint mechanism between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for handling humanitarian aid, but Sri Lanka has since the returned to full-scale warfare between the GOSL and LTTE. This brief article, which is based on work in progress, will highlight some key lessons and preliminary conclusions for each of these research quetions: (1) How and to what extent has reconstruction/development been linked to processes of conflict resolution and rights based democratization?; (2) How and to what extent has a process of rights based democratization been related to the parallel processes of revonstruction/development and conflict resolution?; (3) How and to what extent have the parallel processes of reconstruction/development, conflict resolution and democratization generated political transformations of the armed insurgency movements?
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Gramith, Luke. "Minders of the Clock and Starvers of the People: Everyday Fascism and the Grassroots Logic of Revolutionary Defascistization in Monfalcone, Italy, 1922–1946." European History Quarterly 52, no. 2 (March 30, 2022): 268–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085121.
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Although much is known about the political and legal contours of post-dictatorial transitions in twentieth-century Southern Europe, less is known about the process of resolving contradictory purge aspirations at the national and local levels, let alone how new social imaginaries emerged at the grassroots level informed by the everyday experiences of dictatorship. This article provides a bottom-up account of defascistization in the Italian town of Monfalcone, where a distinctly social-revolutionary logic of defascistization emerged independent of Marxism and tied to the town's everyday experiences of dictatorship. Twenty years of everyday antagonism between non-Fascist residents and local Fascists who headed workplace and marketplace power structures led to a conflation of Fascism with workplace and marketplace power structures in their entirety. Residents understood defascistization as a project to dismantle both political Fascism and local power structures that instantiated ‘everyday Fascism’. This clashed with the logic of defascistization brought to Monfalcone by Italy's post-war Allied Military Government, and incompatibilities between local and external logics concretely undermined defascistization efforts with profound political effects. As defascistization faltered, the Communist Party articulated Marxism-Leninism within the language of popular purge aspirations, fuelling a campaign for Tito's Yugoslavia to annex much of northeastern Italy, Monfalcone included. Residents participated in this battle to realize their expansive vision of defascistization and to weed out authoritarian structures characteristic of ‘Fascist’ life. The study suggests a great potential for everyday-historical approaches to uncover still-buried dynamics of post-dictatorial transitions in and beyond Southern Europe.
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Scott, Ariel Osterweis. "Performing Acupuncture on a Necropolitical Body: Choreographer Faustin Linyekula's Studios Kabako in Kisangani, Democratic Republic of Congo." Dance Research Journal 42, no. 2 (2010): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700001017.
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Faustin Linyekula stages what I shall call “geo-choreography” in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). What is choreography if not an embodied practice that demands a continual reordering of space? Geo-choreography reorders the urban landscape choreographically without colonizing it. Instead, it establishes a network of architectural sites within that landscape whose effect I shall endeavor to describe in this essay. In 1993 Congolese choreographer Linyekula went into exile for eight years, during which time he attended university in Kenya and studied theater in London, only to be pressured by the British government to return to Kenya, where he was introduced to dance theater. In 2001 Linyekula returned to the DRC, where he founded his contemporary dance company, Studios Kabako, in Kinshasa, the country's capital. Working out of both Kinshasa and Paris, Linyekula established an international career as an experimental dance maker. After five years (in 2006) he transferred his company from Kinshasa to his hometown, Kisangani. Located in the northeastern DRC, this haunted urban terrain has been devastated by political violence, including that of the Second Congo War (1998–2003) and its aftermath. In trying to rediscover a sense of belonging for himself and for others, Linyekula is presently designing a network of studios for emerging artists throughout Kisangani. Linyekula's dance company and network of studios taken together, and housed under the same name of Studios Kabako, encourage a fluid movement between the social and the artistic.
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Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.
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Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.
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Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.
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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.
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Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.
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Thomas, Clive S., and Ronald J. Hrebenar. "Recent Developments in Interest Group Activity in the Northeastern States." Commonwealth 6, no. 1 (October 21, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v6i1.559.
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This article uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to analyze the contemporary interest group systems of eleven Northeastern states and compares these with the interest group systems in the fifty states as a whole. It is found that recent changes in the socio-economic and political life of the Northeast have affected surface aspects of the region's interest group systems, such as the range of groups represented and the styles of representation, and has extended power to some new interests to an extent greater than in any other region of the nation. However, recent changes have not altered the fundamental dominance of the policy process by traditional economic and institutional interests which enjoy a marked advantage in the possession of the resources necessary for political influence. The findings from the research also call into question existing theories of an inverse relalionship between group power and (1) socio-economic development, (2) government professionalism, and (3) political party power in the Northeast and the states as a whole.
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"United States Withdraws Troops from Syria, Leaving Kurds Vulnerable." American Journal of International Law 114, no. 1 (January 2020): 143–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2019.81.
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Political instability and violence escalated in northeastern Syria in October 2019, following President Trump's decision to withdraw most U.S. troops from the country. Trump's decision left U.S.-backed Kurdish forces vulnerable to attacks by Turkey, intensifying an already dire humanitarian situation. Soon thereafter, Kurdish leaders negotiated an agreement with the Russian-backed Syrian government to fill the vacuum left by the U.S. withdrawal. By late October, the president of Turkey agreed to a ceasefire in response to diplomatic and economic pressure from the United States and to the arrival of Russian and Syrian troops into northeastern Syria. Shortly thereafter, U.S. forces carried out a raid in northwestern Syria that resulted in the death of the leader of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)—a raid that relied in part on intelligence gathered earlier by Kurdish allies.
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Older, Malka. "Temporary Organizations in Disaster Response: Crisis, Temporality, and Governance." American Behavioral Scientist, December 27, 2022, 000276422211448. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027642221144847.
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For most modern governments, disasters are events that are demarcated from so-called normalcy by changes in organization and temporality. As much as the changes in procedures or staffing, these new structures are distinguished by their temporality. They are explicitly temporary organizations, designed to accomplish a specific task before dissolving and returning authority to the permanent organization. The choice to change to temporary organizations in times of crisis carries a number of implications. The switch to an entity that is both a part of the government, and distinct from it and that will disappear at some unspecified but unswervingly expected point in the future when the crisis is “over” points to a distinct separation between the disaster period and “normalcy,” and indicates that the disaster period will give way to normalcy again. It allows the government to portray the crisis as exogenous and separate from on-going policies, depicting it as the result of uncontrollable natural forces that must be dealt with on an ad hoc basis and ignoring links to long-term governance in areas of education, housing, health, and other areas. This paper uses original interviews and documentary data, collected as dissertation research, to look at the formation, dissolution, and occasional failure of temporary, government-based disaster management organizations across two events: Hurricane Katrina in the United States in 2005, and the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in northeastern Japan.
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Gonçalves, Leandra R., DG Webster, Oran Young, Marcus Polette, and Alexander Turra. "The Brazilian Blue Amazon under threat: Why has the oil spill continued for so long?" Ambiente & Sociedade 23 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1809-4422asoc20200077vu2020l5id.
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Abstract In August 2019, an oil spill incident washed the coast in Brazil affecting some of the country’s most visited and preserved beaches in Northeast and Southeast. This paper argues that the influence of power disconnects delayed the proper actions. Power disconnects occur when the victims of environmental harm (residents of northeastern and southeastern Brazil) lack power to prevent it or, conversely, when those who do have the power to protect the environment (the Brazilian government and the international community) do not experience the costs of degradation. Although Brazil has emerged as an environmental leader in the international arena in the past, it has fallen behind on the improvements that are needed to prevent spills like this from affecting coastal communities and biodiversity in the future. Ultimately, as long as political injustices persist, ecological disasters will continue, and Governance will not improve.
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Slone, Michael R., Timothy Black, and Alicia Smith-Tran. "On the Job, Off the Books: Organizing Against Worker Misclassification in the Neoliberal Era." Critical Sociology, December 3, 2021, 089692052110580. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08969205211058039.
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Worker misclassification is a form of precarious employment in which employers illegally designate their employees as ‘independent contractors’ to cut labor costs. Non-standard employment arrangements and the emergence of the misclassification problem are expressions of neoliberal economic reform and attendant shifts in managerial strategy. Although scholars and government statisticians have documented the prevalence of worker misclassification, extant research on labor-organizing campaigns in response to this practice is lacking. This paper presents case studies of two successful organizing campaigns against worker misclassification: (1) a United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America (UBCJA) effort in the Northeastern construction industry and (2) a Teamsters campaign focused on the West Coast port trucking industry. Both campaigns employ similar frames highlighting competition, free markets, and the necessity of industrial change to achieve these ideals. We conclude with a discussion of the prospects and limitations of these organizing strategies given the countervailing political and economic headwinds posed by neoliberal restructuring.
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King, Brian, and Margaret Winchester. "Constructing landscapes." Medicine Anthropology Theory 4, no. 1 (April 17, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.17157/mat.4.1.359.
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The concept of therapeutic landscapes has been adopted from geography by anthropologists with a similar commitment to addressing the intersections between the construction of place and the multifaceted and symbolic dimensions of health. Drawing from health geography and medical anthropology, we take up the challenge from these fields to approach health broadly in order to understand how health decision making is connected to intersecting political, economic, social, and cultural processes that shape what options are available to people. This article presents findings from an ongoing study of the political ecology of health in northeastern South Africa. We consider how therapeutic landscapes are produced by physical infrastructure, social dynamics, and the use of natural resources for livelihoods and health management. While each of these dimensions is critical in shaping human health, we argue that it is through their interaction that therapeutic landscapes are produced. Landscapes of care are thus complicated and shifting, with rural households making strategic decisions to leverage government support, social support, and resources for health management. We conclude by emphasizing the need for further integration of anthropological and geographic frameworks in studying human health.
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NEVES, José Anael, Mick Lennon MACHADO, Luna Dias de Almeida OLIVEIRA, Yara Maria Franco MORENO, Maria Angélica Tavares de MEDEIROS, and Francisco de Assis Guedes de VASCONCELOS. "Unemployment, poverty, and hunger in Brazil in Covid-19 pandemic times." Revista de Nutrição 34 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-9865202134e200170.
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ABSTRACT This scientific note presents preliminary developments of the Covid-19 pandemic on unemployment, poverty, and hunger in Brazil. The data on unemployment rate, un employment insurance claims, contingent of families in extreme poverty, and food insecurity was collected in government information systems, research published by public agencies, scientific articles, and in news portals. In an upward trajectory since 2015, the increase in unemployment and the number of families in extreme poverty was exacerbated after the pandemic began, drastically reducing the purchase power and access to healthy and adequate food, affecting mainly women and the populations of the Northern and Northeastern regions. Between January and September 2020, there was a 3% increase in unemployment in Brazil and, in October 2020, there were almost 485 thousand more families in extreme poverty compared to January of the same year. There are inadequate and insufficient responses from the Brazilian government to the articulated set of problems. The Covid-19 pandemic is a new element that potentiates the recent increase in hunger in Brazil, which occurs in parallel with the dismantling of the Food and Nutrition Security programs and the expansion of fiscal austerity measures, started with the political-economic crisis in 2015. There is an urgent need to recover the centrality of the agenda to fight hunger in Brazil, associated with the development of more robust contributions on the impact of the pandemic on the phenomena of poverty and hunger.
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Rooney, Matthew P. "The Charity Hall Mission: An 1820s Boarding School for Native American Children in the Chickasaw Nation." New Florida Journal of Anthropology 2, no. 1 (July 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/nfja.v2i1.128786.
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This study focuses primarily on the historical and archaeological investigations of Charity Hall, a Christian mission school that operated within the Chickasaw Nation in northeastern Mississippi between 1820 and 1830. This school and others during this time were funded by the United States government through the 1819 Civilization Fund Act, so I argue that these stations served as outposts for American colonialism before the federal government shifted its Indian policy to one of removal. Additionally, I argue that it is impossible to adequately understand the operation of individual mission schools apart from their networks, which I theorize here as “missionscapes.” The historic component also, therefore, focuses on a broader missionscape that encompassed both the Chickasaw Nation and the neighboring Choctaw Nation during the 1820s and 1830s. More precisely, the historical and archaeological data marshalled here are presented to answer my primary research question: what material tools and practices did missionaries use to “civilize” Native American children and their families prior to Indian removal?
One of the chief ways that Chickasaw and Choctaw children were being “civilized” by the missionaries at Charity Hall was through the use of material culture. Their lives were regimented around an alien work schedule, they were clothed in materials procured by charitable societies, and they sat around a dinner table with ceramic and metal implements produced in faraway places, some coming all the way from east Asia. The pastors used practical mastery of both educational and mechanical “arts” to civilize the children in accordance with the wishes of the United States government. Here processes of practice and materiality took on a colonial character due to their being encouraged and enforced in a context where the balance of power was shifting from the Indians to the Americans. The American elites found the Christian missionaries to be ready-made agents to “civilize” Indians and spread political influence internally within both the Chickasaw Nation and the Choctaw Nation. The mission experience, however, ultimately proved to be too costly and slow and therefore paved the way for the removal policies of the 1830s and the abandonment of the “civilization” project altogether.