Journal articles on the topic 'North Korea, nuclear problem, politics'
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1
Denisov, V. "Russia and Korean Peninsula in the New International Situation." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-39-48.
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Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author’s opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.
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Lee, Yusin. "Political Viability of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea Gas Pipeline Project: An Analysis of the Role of the U.S." Energies 12, no. 10 (May 18, 2019): 1895. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12101895.
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This study analyzes the political viability of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea (RNS) gas pipeline project. This analysis demonstrates that North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January 2016 changed the dynamic of the project. Before the test, when inter-Korean relations were good, South Korea and Russia could make efforts to secure political support for the project. However, after the fourth nuclear test, this was no longer the case. As North Korea’s nuclear power status became more evident, this nuclear problem began to have profound implications for U.S. security. In response, Washington not only led the UN Security Council to impose very severe sanctions against North Korea, but also placed its own sanctions on the country. These sanctions began to contain provisions that could prevent the implementation of the pipeline project. In addition to these sanctions, the U.S. sanctions against Russia in 2017 over its intervention in the U.S. election and aggression against Ukraine also contained clauses that could hamper it. Therefore, unless the U.S. lifts or eases all of these sanctions, South Korea and Russia are unwilling to take any concrete actions to secure political support for the RNS pipeline project. Based on this analysis, this paper argues that the U.S. now holds the most important key to its political viability.
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Denisov, V. "Home Policy Changes in North Korea and its Possible Impac t on the Situation in North-East Asia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-110-117.
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The article describes main events in the political life of North Korea after Kim Chen-In rise to power, his struggle with military leadership and attempts to strengthen the role of North Korea Labour Party accompanied by further indoctrination of the people. Main problems of economic development and the prospect of market regulation implementation are being assessed. Instability of the regime and attempts of South Korea, Japan and US pressurize North Korea along with nuclear problem being far from settlement is considered as one of main geopolitical threats in the North-East Asia.
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Denisov, Valeriy. "Prospects for North Korean Regime and the Interests of Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2019): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-1-2-16-26.
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The paper deals with the dynamics of home and foreign policy of North Korea under Kim Jong-un leadership, especially in last several years. Analyzed are new trends in and prospects for the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of North Korea transformation into a full-fledged nuclear state. The author considers the return to party-centered political system (instead of total militarization under Kim Jong-il) as well as cautious economic reforms including introduction of some market mechanisms and attempts aimed at formation of basics of innovative economics. Factors hampering the development of the country, in particular, various economic sanctions, are also discussed, as well as prospects for diplomatic dialogue of North Korea with countries on North-East Asia. Contact between the leaders of North Korea and the USA are touched upon. The problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is critically considered. In conclusion, possible directions of cooperation between Russia and North Korea are outlined.
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Revere, Evans J. R. "The North Korea Nuclear Problem: Sailing into Uncharted Waters." American Foreign Policy Interests 32, no. 3 (May 27, 2010): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2010.487388.
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Lee, Jong-Sue. "The EU's Economic Cooperation with North Korea: The Possibility as a Useful Tool to Complement Korea-US Cooperation." International Area Review 12, no. 2 (September 2009): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590901200207.
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North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.
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Davydov, O. "The North Korean Nuclear Issue after Administration Change in the White House: New Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 3 (2022): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-3-52-62.
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The article provides an analysis of the USA policy with regard to the DPRK under President Joe Biden administration. The issues related to transformation of American approaches are examined against the background of the President Trump failure to reach a Grand Bargain with Kim Chong Un on the nuclear problem. The peculiarity of the situation on the Korean Peninsula is that over the past quarter of century a variety of avenues and modalities have been explored and applied by the United States and other parties concerned to approach the resolution of nuclear problem. However, all of those attempts have proved to be unsuccessful so far. Although the Biden administration rolled out its North Korea policy review still in April 2021, the White House has yet to chart its clearly articulated strategy aimed at breaking the current crisis around nuclear issue. While distancing itself from the previous course for achieving final and comprehensive resolution of the nuclear problem, nowadays Washington is aiming at addressing more limited but practical goals related to ensuring the security concerns of both the United States and its Asian allies like Japan and South Korea. Particular attention is given to the new concepts of “arms control” and “risk management” in tackling nuclear issue which are gaining some popularity and have been broadly discussed by American academic community. The author argues that any move to accept directly or indirectly North Korea’s nuclear status and deal with it as nuclear power may have profound and negative impact on security situation on the Korean Peninsula and North East Asia as a whole. The only acceptable goal is to achieve nuclear disarmament of North Korea with proper verification measures although move forward towards that goal would require time and energy.
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Lee, James Jungbok. "“Treating Allies with Respect: U.S.-rok Alliance and the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis, 2002–2006”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 165–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02602004.
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This article examines the reasons why the level of alliance cohesion between the United States and the Republic of Korea (rok) was suboptimal during the Second North Korean Nuclear Crisis (2002–2006). Existing studies on this phenomenon primarily attribute its causes to factors like the rise of anti-Americanism in the rok and/or the increasing divergence in the two nations’ respective threat perceptions of the North Korea and their resulting policy preferences. However, these explanations are partial at best. The main finding here is that one should understand the frictions in the U.S.-rok alliance in terms of the rok’s status concerns. In particular, the rok, with a sense of entitlement to its solid middle power status, had set out to cooperate closely with the United States in seeking to answer the nuclear problem, based on the spirit of horizontal, equitable alliance relations. However, the United States failed overall to reciprocate, thereby leading the rok to boldly pursue its own set of policies at the expense of eroding alliance cohesion. These events demonstrate that (dis)respect for status concerns in international politics can make a major contribution towards facilitating (or impeding) interstate cooperation.
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DiFilippo, Anthony. "History, Ideology, and Human Rights." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.
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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles a liberal democracy. Although supported by much of the international community, including the United States' South Korean and Japanese allies in Northeast Asia, Washington's North Korean policy has remained ineffective, as Pyongyang has continued to perform missile testing and still possesses nuclear weapons.
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Dyachkov, Ilya V. "Korean nuclear problem in 2019: challenges for the region and for Russia." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 184 (2020): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-184-201-208.
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Despite the détente of 2018, the situation remains tense on the Korean Peninsula. Although the United States of America and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea summits have become almost regular, the two countries struggle to move forward with practical diplomatic work of nuclear issue, and their relations slowly creep towards a new crisis. The aim of this study is to describe the state of affairs on denuclearization or autumn 2019 and offer solutions for political progress. Current negotiations on the Korean Peninsula nuclear problem are exclusively bilateral. As a result, the entire region’s security depends on the outcome of Pyongyang and Washington. At the same time, these two players have very disparate goals and, lacking mutual trust, rarely make concessions on principal issues. For almost the entire 2019 the slipping of real negotiations was accompanied by intensive protocol communication between the leaders of North Korea and the USA. Both parties seemingly realize that they will not be able to agree, but they do not want to proceed to an open conflict just yet. Given the situation, other regional countries first and foremost, Russia should not to remain indifferent observers and call for a switch to multilateralism to ensure equal access to constructing common security.
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Pugacheva, O. S. "Social and Humanitarian Factor in South Korea's External Relations and The Korean Question." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-147-168.
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The development of the socio-humanitarian dimension of world politics provides new opportunities for enhancing the role and influence of the middle powers in the global affairs. That is why for understanding and assessment of their political opportunities on the international arena, it is necessary to analyze the approaches and policies of such countries on using socio-humanitarian factor to balance in the existing world balance power and ensure their foreign policy interests. The aim of the article is to analyze South Korea’s activities in the social and humanitarian sphere of world politics in the context of its foreign policy interests. The research question is: what is the role of the socio-humanitarian factor, in particular public diplomacy, in the external activities of South Korea with regard to the settlement of the Korean question? The author argues that South Korea sees social and humanitarian sphere as a possibility to strengthen its role and influence on the international arena. While developing the discourse of South Korea as a middle power, the South Korean leadership seeks to take part in creating norms and rules in different fields of global governance. Despite controversies concerning its status and policy as that of a middle power, South Korea advances through public diplomacy the discourse that constructs and enhance its middle power status and can contribute in forming the corresponding national identity. South Korea uses national branding as well to strengthen its political image. Further, the article points out that promoting South Korea’s stance and defending its interests on the Korean Peninsula represent a key task of South Korea’s public diplomacy. In particular, the article examines South Korea’s public diplomacy mechanisms on the Korean track towards the United States and emphasizes that although South Korea has actively engaged in public diplomacy in the USA, it still has a lot to do to explain South Korea's concerns to American political elites and U.S. publics and ensure that the relationship with the United States fully serves South Korean interests. Moreover, it is noted that enhancing South Korea’s role in global governance as well as forming constructive unification discourse (unification as a process now and as a result someday in the future) within the country and abroad are supposed to expand its opportunities to maneuver in the regional politics of East Asia and provide support for the South Korean initiatives on the Korean settlement. In the end, the author turns to the inter-Korean relations. The author states that different South Korean administrations have prioritized different functions of the socio-humanitarian factor. Conservative administrations put an emphasis on information pressure on the DPRK while the development of inter-Korean relations was conditioned by the denuclearization of North Korea. Progressive administrations prefer engaging the DPRK in social, humanitarian and economic interactions. In the first case the result was a rollback in inter-Korean relations with the North Korean leader-ship receiving additional grounds for the development of its military nuclear program. In the second case the social and humanitarian area was and remains a dimension providing promising opportunities for cooperation that is beneficial to the both parties as it is aimed at solving specific and practical problems of common interest. In that sense, the author argues that social and humanitarian factor in inter-Korean relations could serve as a safety cushion during intensification of the inter-Korean conflict and provide a launch pad for finding a way out of the impasses.
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KANEKO, Kumao. "Current Nuclear Issues and International Politics; A proposed long-term solution to North Korean problem." Journal of the Atomic Energy Society of Japan / Atomic Energy Society of Japan 36, no. 9 (1994): 829–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3327/jaesj.36.829.
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Lee, Mi Hye. "A Study on the Factors of Changes in Unification Education Policy: Focusing on New Security-oriented Unification Education." Crisis and Emergency Management: Theory and Praxis 17, no. 8 (August 31, 2021): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/crisisonomy.2021.17.8.133.
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This paper used Kingdon's multiple streams framework to analyze why the unification of the education policy was changed in 2008. As analytical results, in the problem steams, unification education reflects the reality as it is and strengthens security due to the opposition to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, domestic politicization of North Korea policy, discussion of North Korea's sudden change, North Korea's nuclear development, and the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong Island incidents. In the political streams, President Lee Myung-bak took office, who had the idea that overall change was necessary in the policy of appeasement toward North Korea. Support for North Korea policy by the Koreans, the spread of negative awareness about North Korea and unification, the spread of public opinion to reinforce the weakened sense of security, created conditions for changes in unification education. In the policy streams, Proposals that the existing education for unification needed to be changed suggested. These three streams were able to combine with the creation of policy opportunities such as 'change of government to conservatives' and 'the Cheonan/Yeonpyeong Island incident', leading to policy changes.
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Bubnova, N. "Russian Factor in Barack Obama’s Military-Political Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-5-17.
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Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.
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Choi, Shine. "Redressing international problems: North Korean nuclear politics." Review of International Studies 46, no. 3 (January 14, 2020): 337–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000470.
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AbstractMarysia Zalewski's Feminist International Relations: Exquisite Corpse on feminism and global politics directly addresses matters of style, that is, questions of language and representation that foreground the invisible yet so palpable aspect of how meanings circulate. This article puts Zalewski's work in conversation with Trinh Minh-ha's D-Passage: The Digital Way and Lynda Barry's What It Is that similarly push the limits of how we craft feminist arguments. These feminists show how styles of writing and thinking, and how ideas gain shape to circulate matter in academic sites of knowledge as much as in art and culture. Building on these works, I put forward the thesis: to theorise is to feel out boundaries and question the questions we encounter that perennially relegate women as taint and malaise. I further explore this thesis by highlighting the visual dimensions of writing and thinking, in particular, what drawing, and drawing lines that shape ideas do. I focus on caricatures from the currently evolving North Korean nuclear crisis to loosen up the ways we go about thinking about war and politics wherein thinking is recognised not so much as a craft to be perfected but a democratic form of being in the world.
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DAVYDOV, O. "NORTH KOREAN NUCLEAR PROBLEM: STATUS, STANDOFF, PROSPECTIVE SOLUTIONS." World Economy and International Relations 62, no. 7 (July 2018): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2018-62-7-17-26.
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Chung, Jae Ho. "China and Northeast Asia: A Complex Equation for ‘Peaceful Rise’." Politics 27, no. 3 (October 2007): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00295.x.
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This article tackles the question: has China become more proactive and willing to resolve regional problems unilaterally, bilaterally or multilaterally? It suggests that, while China has clearly become more proactive in facilitating regional stability and co-operation, it still has to overcome certain perceptual hurdles and constrain its impulse to be the ‘centre’ of the world. Consisting of three sections, this article first discusses the nexus between post-Mao China's ‘new’ diplomacy and Beijing's proactive posture towards Asia and notes the troublesome nature of the regional dynamics in Northeast Asia. It then explores three case studies in which China's activism has varied in resolving intricate regional and inter-state problems: namely, Sino—Japanese discord, the Koguryo controversy between South Korea and China and the North Korean nuclear conundrum. The final section offers some concluding observations regarding China's diplomacy towards Northeast Asia.
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Park, Kyung-Ae. "NORTH KOREA IN 2003: Pendulum Swing between Crisis and Diplomacy." Asian Survey 44, no. 1 (January 2004): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.1.139.
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Abstract The two most pressing problems that faced North Korea in 2003 were how to resist pressure on nuclear issues from the international community and how to cope with a crippled economy. For the former, North Korea demonstrated superficial flexibility by participating in multilateral talks but, in substance, persisting in its demands. For the latter, the country showed substantive flexibility by stepping up economic reform, recruiting young, reform-minded new faces into the leadership, and pushing for economic cooperation with the South.
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KIM, Sung Chull. "North Korea's Politics: Path of Reclusive Tyranny." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000143.
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Kim Jong-un's obsession with full control of power and his single-minded pursuit of nuclear advancement, as seen in the fourth nuclear test in January 2016, have further isolated his country. North Korea apparently is taking a revisionist strategy: to change the rule of the game in Northeast Asia and in inter-Korean relations. North Korea exploits the Chinese dilemma of condemning the defiant behaviour but cannot abandon the country.
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Woong Lee, Won. "Politics of Human Rights in North Korea." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 3-4 (June 2007): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076702.
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The international community is now paying more attention to `the systemic, widespread and grave violations of international human rights norms' (United Nations ECOSOC Resolution 1503, (1970) See Burgental (1995)) in North Korea due to its chronic famine and nuclear ambition. The issues and engagement politics regarding human rights in North Korea constitute hot political debates. There are three key factors to improve human rights status in North Korea: the consistent international censure; enlarging engagement and people contact through inter-Korean relations; and economic reform in North Korea. These factors are interrelated and affect each other. The crucial point is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path.
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Akaha, Tsuneo. "Japanese Policy toward the North Korean Problem." Journal of Asian and African Studies 42, no. 3-4 (June 2007): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909607076708.
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North Korea became an urgent problem for Japan as a result of the 1994 nuclear crisis in North Korea, the 1998 missile launch over Japan and the 2003—4 nuclear crisis. At the historic Tokyo—Pyongyang summit in September 2002, both sides acknowledged the need to solve the security issues surrounding the Korean Peninsula through peaceful, multilateral efforts. However, the issue of North Korean abduction of Japanese citizens in earlier decades intensified Japanese sentiment against the North and this issue halted bilateral normalization talks. Japan has participated in six-party talks on the nuclear issue since 2004, but its distinct bilateral interests vis-à-vis North Korea, South Korea and the United States limit its influence in the multiparty engagement.
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Mahmood, Sohail. "Current political dynamics in Asia: Issues, developments and threats." Medjunarodni problemi 59, no. 1 (2007): 101–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0701101m.
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The author examines the current political dynamics in Asia and the potential threat situations jeopardizing the regional security. The article looks at proliferation of nuclear weapons and the North Korean and the Iranian nuclear cases. It studies the international pressures, diplomacy moves and the Iranian reaction and the EU and American perceptions. The Taiwan issue and territorial dispute of the South China Sea and the problem of Kashmir between Pakistan and India are discussed. The regional radical terrorism networks under the Islamic guise are also examined.
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Muliawati, Esty Fidhela, Widya Setiabudi, and Wawan Darmawan. "Trust-politik Korea Selatan kepada Korea Utara dalam Konteks Reunifikasi Korea Pada Pemerintahan Park Geun-hye." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 4, no. 2 (October 24, 2021): 809–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v4i2.749.
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The reunification of Korea is something that has been continuously discussed in every government of the presidents of South Korea. The concept of foreign policy of the 11th President of South Korea, Park Geun-hye, is known as Trust-Politics Policy. Trust-politics is President Park's overarching political philosophy. It is a vision and a policy tool applied to domestic politics and international relations. At its heart lies the concept of trust. Trust-Political Policy, influenced by internal and external factors. This politics seeks to build mutually binding expectations based on global norms. The purpose of the problem in this research is to find out the idea of reunification of South and North Korea during President Park and to explain South Korea's Trust-Political Policy to North Korea in the context of Korean Reunification. Researchers used qualitative research methods with literature study techniques in the process of collecting data. Based on the results of discussion and data analysis, reunification can be carried out using three Korean reunification scenarios, namely unification through evolution and adaptation systems, unification through collapse and absorption, and unification through conflict. As well as the idiosyncratic factors that influence Park in politics are factors of leadership, belief, culture, and the political system.
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KIM, Sunil. "The Rational Origin of Irrational Instability: Rising American Populism and its Political Ramification in Northeast Asia." East Asian Policy 10, no. 03 (July 2018): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000247.
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This study discusses the rise of populism in the United States and its political ramification in the Northeast Asian region, surrounding the recent North Korean nuclear crisis. Rather than simply blaming the irrational behaviours of political leaders, this study argues that their different political preferences originating from their background as well as the demographic nature of their core constituency are the fundamental sources of instability in the region. Unlike the conventional understanding, this study claims that the key problem that has been driving countries in the region towards the nuclear debacle—as well as the sudden volte-face—is US political leader’s very rationality, unbounded by ideological or partisan traditions, rather than his irrational, or oft-regarded as deranged, personality.
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Haggard, Stephan, and Marcus Noland. "North Korea in 2008: Twilight of the God??" Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.98.
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In 2008, North-South relations worsened, food shortages re-emerged, and the Six Party process yielded an interim agreement. The U.S. dropped North Korea from the terrorism list but nuclear verification issues remained contentious. Kim Jong-il reportedly suffered a stroke in August, casting uncertainty over all aspects of politics and policy.
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Alam, Mohammad, Arif Khan, Bakhtiar Khan, and Fauzia Tahir. "North Korean nuclear program and Six Party Talks: A critical analysis." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (October 25, 2021): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.12.
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North Korea is an important figure in Northeast Asian politics due to its growing nuclear program which she claims to have initiated for defence. However, it has disturbed the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula at large. The tense relations over the years between U.S., its regional allies particularly South Korea and North Korea have affected world politics. Breakdown of the Agreed Framework Agreement of 1994, signed between U.S. and North Korea in 2002, caused a damage to their relationship. Six Party Talks were started to bring stability to region and political certainty among the relations of the stakeholders. However, SPT failed to achieve the desired objectives due to the ambitious interests of the member states. This research paper focuses those obstacles that led to breakdown of the six-party talks. Furthermore, the study addresses the question that how U.S., China and other regional states are handling and exploiting the North Korean nuclear issue for the vested interests. This qualitative study has used secondary sources for data collection and for the analysis it used descriptive-analytical and narrative analysis technique. The study shows that failure and suspension of the SPT have some serious implications on the security of Northeast Asia.
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Gunawan, Yordan, and Rima Ayu Andriana. "THE PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN NORTH KOREA: INTERNATIONAL LAW PERSPECTIVE." JCH (Jurnal Cendekia Hukum) 5, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33760/jch.v5i1.162.
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The proliferation issue of nuclear weapons in North Korea is becoming a more serious problem to the international community. North Korea has been manufacturing and developing nuclear weapons technology, which receives many critics by the international community expressing that North Korea is being non-compliance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 1968. The criticism emerged following the North Korea withdrawal from the NPT 1968. Its withdrawal reasoning seems very hard to be justified after series of non-compliance behavior conducted by North Korea and the legitimacy of its withdrawal is being debated. By using normative legal research, the research aims to determine the status of North Korea upon its withdrawal from the NPT 1968 based on the withdrawal procedure that is required in the Article X of the NPT 1968. The result shows that North Korea is still a member and it is bound by the obligations contained in the Treaty and to make progress on a complete nuclear disarmament regime.
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Weede, Erich. "Considering a Chinese Sphere of Influence: North Korean Nuclear Weapons Should Not Be an American Problem." Pacific Focus 33, no. 2 (August 2018): 330–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pafo.12121.
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Denisov, V. "The Nuclear Problem of the Korean Peninsula: Is There a Way of Ending the Deadlock?" Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-182-193.
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The nuclear problem of the Korean peninsula remains unsolved, tensions continuing for the past five years. The mechanism of the Six-Party Talks in which Russia, China, the USA, Japan, North and South Korea took part, is inactive, while each party develops its own strategy to counteract the new nuclear program of North Korea. Such an approach stimulates further escalation in the region, because there is no mutual understanding of North Korea nuclear status. In addition there exist a number of contradictions between the members of Six-Party Talks, each of them trying to resolve North Korean issue pursuing their own interests. However, in the current situation a peaceful resolution of the problem is still possible. Moreover, it is the only reasonable solution.
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Woo, Jongseok. "Structural Impediments, Domestic Politics, and Nuclear Diplomacy in Post-Kim Il-sung North Korea." Pacific Focus 30, no. 1 (April 2015): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pafo.12041.
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Howell, Edward. "The juche H-bomb? North Korea, nuclear weapons and regime-state survival." International Affairs 96, no. 4 (July 1, 2020): 1051–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz253.
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Abstract Existing scholarship on North Korea's nuclear programme remains overwhelmingly centred around questions of containment or engagement with the North Korean regime-state, amid international calls for denuclearization. Yet, scholarship has rarely interrogated the precise value of nuclear weapons to the regime-state. This article develops a new theoretical framework of nuclear ideology to explore the puzzle of the survival of North Korea. This framework aims to show how the North Korean nuclear programme is deeply entrenched within the state ideology of juche, as one device for continued regime-state survival. Through interviews with elite North Korean defectors and textual analysis of North Korean and international sources, I show that North Korea's nuclear ideology has been constructed according to different frames of meaning, targeting referent actors of international ‘enemy’ powers and domestic audiences. This article concludes that nuclear ideology functions primarily as a tool to arouse domestic legitimacy for the North Korean regime-state, by targeting elite actors within the highly stratified domestic population. From an international perspective, perception of North Korea's survival remains tied largely to the regime-state's physical possession of nuclear weapons. This article has extremely timely theoretical and policy implications given the current ‘dialogue’ between US and North Korean leaders. First, it opens up fruitful avenues of inquiry surrounding questions of the legitimacy of rogue states within international relations. Secondly, this article calls for a more robust understanding of the domestic-level politics of North Korea, in order to understand the regime-state's foreign policy decisions vis-à-vis its nuclear programme.
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Park, Jong Hee, and Kentaro Hirose. "Domestic politics, reputational sanctions, and international compliance." International Theory 5, no. 2 (June 4, 2013): 300–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971913000195.
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The argument that reputational concerns promote compliance is at the center of the literature of international cooperation. In this paper, we study how reputational sanctions affect compliance when domestic parties carry their own reputations in international negotiations. We showed that the prospect of international cooperation varies a lot depending on who sits at the negotiation table, how partisan preferences for compliance are different, and how much international audiences discriminate between different types of noncompliance. We illustrate implications of our model using episodes from the negotiations between the United States and North Korea over North Korea's nuclear weapons program.
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Lee, Chang Hun. "Nuclear Politics of Kim Jong-un Regime in North Korea -Movements, Motives and Prospects of Nuclear Development-." Journal of Humanities and Social sciences 21 7, no. 6 (December 31, 2016): 1049–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22143/hss21.7.6.61.
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Shin, Gi-Wook, and David Straub. "The Evolving Sino-American Relationship and the Korea Problem." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 02 (July 2015): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500116.
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Distrust between the United States and China continues to grow in Northeast Asia. Among many contributing factors, the North Korea issue is one of the most important, as illustrated by the controversy over the possible deployment of the United States' THAAD missile defense system in South Korea. Thus, resolving or mitigating the Korea problem, a significant goal in its own right to both the United States and China, is also essential to reducing U.S.-PRC strategic distrust. China and the United States share long-term interests vis-à-vis the Korean peninsula. The question is how its resolution might be achieved. U.S. efforts to induce North Korea to abandon its nuclear and missile programs by offering incentives and imposing sanctions have failed, and Chinese attempts to encourage Pyongyang to adopt PRC-style economic reforms have not fared much better. With Washington, Beijing, and Pyongyang unlikely to change their approaches, the hope for any new initiative must rest with Seoul. South Korea's special relationships with the North, the United States, and the PRC, along with its status as a dynamic middle power, give it the potential to play a larger leadership role in dealing with North Korea. In doing so, South Korea should consult with the United States and China on a long-term strategy for inter-Korean reconciliation that would, for now, finesse the nuclear issue. Such a strategy would require U.S. and Chinese support of the South Korean leadership in addressing the Korea problem. The process of working together with Seoul to formulate and implement this strategy would allow both powers to ensure that their long-term interests on the peninsula are respected. Although there is no guarantee that such an effort will succeed, the worsening situation on and around the Korean peninsula and the U.S. and PRC's lack of progress all argue for this new approach, as do the potential benefits to the U.S.-PRC relationship.
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이신욱. "Unification methods and nuclear problem of North Korea in Park Geun-hye government." KOREAN ELEMENTARY MORAL EDUCATION SOCIETY ll, no. 51 (March 2016): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.17282/ethics.2016..51.189.
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Kim, Jihyun. "The North Korea Problem: Perspectives on the Nuclear Debate, Economic Reforms and Beyond." Journal of Contemporary Asia 50, no. 5 (August 5, 2020): 848–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2020.1793378.
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PARK, Hahnkyu. "Trump versus Kim Jong-un: Four Scenarios of US-North Korea Relations." East Asian Policy 09, no. 04 (October 2017): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000319.
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In the last few months, US President Donald J Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un look like two locomotives on a collision course over North Korea’s nuclear and missile issue. There may be four possible scenarios for US-North Korea relations in the future. The two countries are likely to end up with negotiation either for denuclearisation or for nuclear freeze in order to resolve the North Korean nuclear problem.
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Davydov, O. "The Prospects for Settlement of North Korean Nuclear Problem in View of the Presidential Elections in the USA." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 9 (2020): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-9-105-113.
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Tůma, Miroslav. "Michal Smetana: Nuclear Deviance. Stigma Politics and the Rules of the Nonproliferation Game." Czech Journal of International Relations 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1679.
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This book examines the linkage between deviance and norm change in international politics. It draws on an original theoretical perspective grounded in the sociology of deviance to study the violations of norms and rules in the global nuclear non-proliferation regime. As such, this project provides a unique conceptual framework and applies it to highly salient issues in the contemporary international security environment. The theoretical/conceptual chapters are accompanied by three extensive case studies: Iran, North Korea, and India.
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Nuraisah, Nuraisah, and Rika Erawaty. "Implikasi Hukum Ketidakpatuhan Korea Utara terhadap Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB dalam Uji Coba Nuklir." Uti Possidetis: Journal of International Law 2, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 01–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/up.v2i1.12108.
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Since 2006 to 2017 the Security Council has passed a resolution on North Korea's nuclear test act. Article 25 of the UN Charter states that Members of the United Nations agree to accept and implement the decisions of the Security Council in accordance with this Charter. North Korea as a UN member state that obtained the UN Security Council Resolution is obliged to implement the sanctions resolution. However, the sanctions contained in the resolution did not make North Korea stop its nuclear program and it shows North Korea's noncompliance with UN Security Council resolutions. Implications accompanying any denial by North Korea against the UN Security Council resolution which in general affects four fields, namely the fields of economy, politics, defense and international cooperation. In addition to non-military sanctions, the Security Council under chapter VII Article 42 of the UN Charter can impose military sanctions where possible, the Security Council can also impose sanctions through the UN General Assembly on its recommendation to suspend the rights of UN membership) and expulsion of a country from UN membership).
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Kang, David C. "They Think They're Normal: Enduring Questions and New Research on North Korea—A Review Essay." International Security 36, no. 3 (January 2012): 142–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00068.
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A wave of recent scholarship, built on rich empirical research, provides new perspectives on enduring questions about North Korea. Three books, in particular—Patrick McEachern's Inside the Red Box, Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland's Famine in North Korea, and Suk-Young Kim's Illusive Utopia—present a comprehensive and panoramic vision of North Korea today. This essay reviews these books and makes two overarching arguments. First, North Korea is more “normal” than is often thought, and its domestic politics, economy, and society function in ways familiar to other countries around the world. When viewed from the inside out, North Korea's institutions, economic life, and its people act in ways that are not only similar to those of others around the world, but that differ only in their level of intensity. Second, North Korea's continuing nuclear and military challenge is only one aspect of its overall relations with the world, and policies designed to minimize its threatening military behavior may work at cross-purposes with policies designed to improve its economy and the lives of its people. The complexities that arise in dealing with North Korea create a number of contradictory policy choices, and making progress on one issue has often meant overlooking another, or even allowing it to become worse.
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Ukka, Ibrahim T. I. "HECTIC NEWS IN INTERNET: CONFLICT ISSUES NORTH KOREA – SOUTH KOREA (DISCOURSE ANALYSIS ON NORTH – SOUTH KOREAN CONFLICT ON THE INTERNET)." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 4 (June 21, 2020): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i4.38.
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Conflict is an event that often the pros and cons and both causalities and material causalities. Indonesia is a country that has diverse culture, religious, and political perspective as well as a variety of social status that can cause a variety of views among the community. Internet today has become one of the means to provide information to the public. Coverage of all events happening in the world today would be very easy to access via the internet with up to date from time to time. Topics of conflict will be a very interesting issue for everyone in any country it belongs, where one of them is the country of Indonesia. Some media have their own opinions in response to the impact of the conflict between North Korea and South Korea.Some experts argue that the conflict has a positive function and negative one. However, the mindset of conflict theory opposites with structural functional theory. Functional Theory and structural theory, both equally likely to focus on their own variables and ignore variables of concern to other theories. In an effort to reconcile these two theories, the conflict can contribute to the integration and reverse integration can also result in conflict (Bolter and Grusin, 2000). .This research uses discourse analysis to answer the problem. Its typically, the expansion of the meaning of the term is associated with a broader context which affects the meaning of the term is associated with a broader context which affects the meaning of a whole series of expressions.Internet gives impacts to the conflict between North – South Korean. They give an up to date information as long as the conflict has attended. The conflict news from internet can be able to access faster than other medias. It will influence the stabilization and continuing of its conflict. Internet has big playing role in communication politics among both country North and South Korean.
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Rozman, Gilbert, and Shin-wha Lee. "Unraveling the Japan-South Korea ““Virtual Alliance””: Populism and Historical Revisionism in the Face of Conflicting Regional Strategies." Asian Survey 46, no. 5 (September 2006): 761–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.5.761.
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Domestic politics combined with strategic repositioning toward the U.S. set back ties between Japan and South Korea in 2004––05. Despite the North Korean nuclear crisis and the challenge of shifting great power relations in Asia, as well as closer economic and cultural bilateral ties, politicized forces are pulling the two countries apart.
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Easley, Leif-Eric. "FROM STRATEGIC PATIENCE TO STRATEGIC UNCERTAINTY: Trump, North Korea, and South Korea’s New President." World Affairs 180, no. 2 (June 2017): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820017721361.
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The Trump administration declared the Obama-era “strategic patience” toward North Korea a failure. As President Trump extols unpredictability as a virtue, the new U.S. policy of “maximum pressure and engagement” has become a factor of strategic uncertainty in Northeast Asia. However, the instrumental use of uncertainty has a narrow window of opportunity for frustrating North Korea’s nuclear missile development and raising international expectations for China holding Pyongyang accountable. This article considers the prospects of the United States in leveraging “all options on the table” while recognizing the contradictions in China’s role and in South Korea’s domestic politics.
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Hellmann, Donald C. "Nuclear Politics, North Korea, and the Political Economy of Northeast Asia at the Dawn of the Asian Century." Asian Perspective 34, no. 1 (2010): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2010.0030.
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Woo, Jongseok. "Kim Jong-il’s military-first politics and beyond: Military control mechanisms and the problem of power succession." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (April 27, 2014): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.002.
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Military-first politics has been at the heart of the unexpected regime stability in North Korea under Kim Jong-il and his son Jong-un. This article analyzes Kim Jong-il’s military-first politics as a strategic choice for regime survival, in which the locus of political power switched from the party to the military. At the same time, Kim Jong-il formulated a complex system of circumventing the possibility of the armed forces’ political domination, including personalistic control using sticks and carrots, fortifying security and surveillance institutions, and compartmentalizing the security institutions for intra- and inter-organizational checks and balances to prevent the emergence of organized opposition to the regime. Although an effective short-term solution, military-first politics could never be a long-term strategy for building gangseongdaeguk (a powerful and prosperous nation). The current Kim Jong-un regime needs to conduct sweeping reforms to address dire economic difficulties, which might result in a departure from his father’s legacy and downgrade the military’s power. In this process, the current regime’s (in)stability will depend on how it maintains a balance between revoking military-first politics and preserving the armed forces’ allegiance.
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Ermukhambetova, M. V., and S. I. Mironov. "Fifty years of nuclear nonproliferation: results, problems, prospects." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 361–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-03.
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The article analyzes the preparation and conduct of the last six Review Conferences on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) since 1995. At the same time, some historical aspects of the development of the NPT, the most important articles of this treaty are considered fi rst, and the merits of Soviet diplomacy in the formation of the most important provisions of this treaty are particularly noted. The Review Conferences of 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2022 are considered sequentially. For each conference, a brief analysis is given of the international situation that had developed by the beginning of the conference, the positions of States on the eve and during the conferences, as well as what was achieved during each of them. Thus, according to the 1995 conference, it is concluded that this conference was of particular importance for the nuclear nonproliferation regime (NWFZ), since the unconditional achievement of the 1995 conference was the indefi nite extension of the NPT, although the fi nal document was not adopted at this conference. Considering the 2000 Review Conference, it is concluded that, despite all the contradictions between the participating countries of the conference, it ended successfully. The OK participants were able to adopt the fi nal document. The statement adopted at the conference was aimed at the practical implementation of the provisions of article VI of the NPT, which contained 13 practical steps for the implementation of this article. With regard to the 2005 OK, a conclusion is made about a signifi cant deterioration of the international situation on the eve of its holding. The analysis of the events that had a negative impact on compliance with the NPT and led to the emergence of new threats is carried out. Ultimately, it is concluded that the 2005 conference ended in failure because States failed to adopt the fi nal document. On the eve of the 2010 conference, a landmark event was the conclusion of the START III Treaty between the Russian Federation and the United States. At the same time, new threats emerged from the nuclear programs of Iran and North Korea. As a result of the conference, no measures were taken to suspend the nuclear programs of Iran and the DPRK, but the participants of the OK managed to form the fi nal document of the conference, which was adopted unanimously. According to the 2015 conference, it is stated that it was considered unsuccessful, since the participants of this conference failed to agree and adopt an IT document. It is noted that the main reasons for this were acute contradictions between Russia and the United States, as well as the tense international situation against the background of the Ukrainian and Syrian military-political crises. According to the tenth Review Conference, which nevertheless took place in August 2022 after its postponement due to the coronavirus pandemic, it is concluded that it also ended in failure, since States could not agree and adopt the fi nal document at it. At the same time, the responsibility for the absence of a fi nal document at the tenth OK lies entirely with the United States and its allies, since the agenda of the NPT Review Conference was interrupted by the Ukrainian issue. In conclusion, the article summarizes some results of the state of the nuclear nonproliferation regime after 50 years of its existence. The forecast estimates of changes in the international situation in the fi eld of nuclear nonproliferation in the period between the last tenth Review Conference and the next one, which will be held in 2026, are given. At the same time, it is predicted that in the next fi ve years, the situation in the fi eld of international relations and nuclear nonproliferation is likely to only become more complicated.
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Frank, Rudiger. "Current Affairs in North Korea, 2010-2017: A Collection of Research Notes." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 235–350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2017-0008.
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Abstract Starting with the public introduction of Kim Jong-un to the public in autumn of 2010 and ending with observations of consumerism in February 2017, this collection of 16 short research notes that were originally published at 38North discusses some of the most crucial issues, aside from the nuclear problem, that dominated the field of North Korean Studies in the past decade. Left in their original form, these short articles show the consistency of major North Korean policies as much as the development of our understanding of the new leader and his approach. Topics covered include the question of succession, economic statistics, new ideological trends such as pyŏngjin, technological developments including a review of the North Korean tablet computer Samjiyŏn, the Korean unification issue, special economic zones, foreign trade, parliamentary elections and the first ever Party congress since 1980.
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DYACHKOV, Ilya Vladimirovich. "UN SANCTIONS AGAINST THE DPRK: AN ASSESSMENT OF EFFICIENCY." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 177 (2018): 173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-177-173-179.
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The last decade and a half we saw the gradual forming of a sanctions regime against the DPRK in connection with Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programs. United Nations Security Council resolutions have disconnected North Korea from the global financial system, cut all foreign military ties with the country, introduced considerable sectoral sanctions on imports and exports, blocked major channels Pyongyang used to acquire foreign currency. Besides, the United States, South Korea and Japan have simultaneously enforced unilateral restrictions. Early 2018 offers an opportunity to solve the Korean Peninsula nuclear problem, and now is the time to assess the sanctions’ efficiency. We analyze the problems with their implementation and describe the means North Korea employs to circumvent the regime. Such measures include building an autarkic economy, ignoring the directives of the United Nations Security Council, deceiving international partners, exploiting the global market and engaging in espionage and diplomacy. These strategies allow the DPRK to support and develop the economy, as well as missile and nuclear programs. Whatever the outcome of the negotiations may be, it is already evident that sanctions cannot efficiently solve the nuclear issue and must give way to dialogue.
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Yang, Haesoo. "A study of the United States of America and China’s new cold war conflicts and the flexible survival strategy for Korean security." Journal of Advances in Military Studies 4, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.37944/jams.v4i3.123.
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China is challenging the hegemony of the United States through its economic power, creating the so-called New Cold War. The consequent conflict between the US and China can cause selective coercion in South Korea. South Korea is highly dependent on the United States militarily and on China economically. In a conflict, if Korea is asked for selective support, there will be a dilemma in policymaking. Accordingly, I studied the geopolitical dilemma in South Korea resulting from the US–China competition and six security issues . I was able to identify six conflict factors related to Korean security: the North Korean nuclear problem, the role of US forces in South Korea, friction due to protectionism, the battle for the semiconductor market, the formation of the Pacific Coast Council, and the discharge of contaminated water from nuclear power plants in Japan. I examined the flexible survival strategies that Korea could choose for each security issue. I expected policy utility by dividing it into military, economic, and diplomatic fields.