Relevant bibliographies by topics / North Korea, nuclear problem, politics

Academic literature on the topic 'North Korea, nuclear problem, politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "North Korea, nuclear problem, politics"

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Denisov, V. "Russia and Korean Peninsula in the New International Situation." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-39-48.

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Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author’s opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.
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Lee, Yusin. "Political Viability of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea Gas Pipeline Project: An Analysis of the Role of the U.S." Energies 12, no. 10 (May 18, 2019): 1895. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12101895.

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This study analyzes the political viability of the Russia-North Korea-South Korea (RNS) gas pipeline project. This analysis demonstrates that North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January 2016 changed the dynamic of the project. Before the test, when inter-Korean relations were good, South Korea and Russia could make efforts to secure political support for the project. However, after the fourth nuclear test, this was no longer the case. As North Korea’s nuclear power status became more evident, this nuclear problem began to have profound implications for U.S. security. In response, Washington not only led the UN Security Council to impose very severe sanctions against North Korea, but also placed its own sanctions on the country. These sanctions began to contain provisions that could prevent the implementation of the pipeline project. In addition to these sanctions, the U.S. sanctions against Russia in 2017 over its intervention in the U.S. election and aggression against Ukraine also contained clauses that could hamper it. Therefore, unless the U.S. lifts or eases all of these sanctions, South Korea and Russia are unwilling to take any concrete actions to secure political support for the RNS pipeline project. Based on this analysis, this paper argues that the U.S. now holds the most important key to its political viability.
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Denisov, V. "Home Policy Changes in North Korea and its Possible Impac t on the Situation in North-East Asia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-110-117.

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The article describes main events in the political life of North Korea after Kim Chen-In rise to power, his struggle with military leadership and attempts to strengthen the role of North Korea Labour Party accompanied by further indoctrination of the people. Main problems of economic development and the prospect of market regulation implementation are being assessed. Instability of the regime and attempts of South Korea, Japan and US pressurize North Korea along with nuclear problem being far from settlement is considered as one of main geopolitical threats in the North-East Asia.
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Denisov, Valeriy. "Prospects for North Korean Regime and the Interests of Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2019): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-1-2-16-26.

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The paper deals with the dynamics of home and foreign policy of North Korea under Kim Jong-un leadership, especially in last several years. Analyzed are new trends in and prospects for the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of North Korea transformation into a full-fledged nuclear state. The author considers the return to party-centered political system (instead of total militarization under Kim Jong-il) as well as cautious economic reforms including introduction of some market mechanisms and attempts aimed at formation of basics of innovative economics. Factors hampering the development of the country, in particular, various economic sanctions, are also discussed, as well as prospects for diplomatic dialogue of North Korea with countries on North-East Asia. Contact between the leaders of North Korea and the USA are touched upon. The problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is critically considered. In conclusion, possible directions of cooperation between Russia and North Korea are outlined.
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Revere, Evans J. R. "The North Korea Nuclear Problem: Sailing into Uncharted Waters." American Foreign Policy Interests 32, no. 3 (May 27, 2010): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2010.487388.

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Lee, Jong-Sue. "The EU's Economic Cooperation with North Korea: The Possibility as a Useful Tool to Complement Korea-US Cooperation." International Area Review 12, no. 2 (September 2009): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590901200207.

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North Korea conducted 2nd nuclear test on May 25, 2009. It made a vicious circle and continued military tension on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea regime got a question on the effectiveness of the six party talks and ‘security-economy exchange model’. In addition, the North Korea probably disappointed about the North Korea issue has been excluded from the Obama administration's policy position. So the dialogue or relationship recovery with the United States and North Korea through six-party talks or bilateral talks will be difficult for the time being. This paper examines the EU policy on North Korea. Based on the results, analyzes the EU is likely to act as a balancer on the Korean Peninsula. Through the procedure of deepening and expanding the economic and political unification, the EU utilizes their cooperative policies towards North Korea as an ideal opportunity to realize their internal value and to confirm the commonness within the EU members. The acceleration of the EU's unification, however, began to focus on human rights, and this made their official relationship worse. Yet, the EU is continuously providing food as wells as humanitarian and technological support to North Korea regardless of the ongoing nuclear and human rights issues in North Korea. Also, the number of multinational corporations investing in North Korea for the purpose of preoccupying resources and key industries at an individual nation's level has been increasing. The European Union has unique structure which should follow the way of solving the problem of member states like subsidiary principle. It appears to conflict between normative power of the European Union and strategic interests on member states. This paper examines if the European Union is useful tool to complement Korea-US cooperation in the near future.
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Davydov, O. "The North Korean Nuclear Issue after Administration Change in the White House: New Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 3 (2022): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-3-52-62.

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The article provides an analysis of the USA policy with regard to the DPRK under President Joe Biden administration. The issues related to transformation of American approaches are examined against the background of the President Trump failure to reach a Grand Bargain with Kim Chong Un on the nuclear problem. The peculiarity of the situation on the Korean Peninsula is that over the past quarter of century a variety of avenues and modalities have been explored and applied by the United States and other parties concerned to approach the resolution of nuclear problem. However, all of those attempts have proved to be unsuccessful so far. Although the Biden administration rolled out its North Korea policy review still in April 2021, the White House has yet to chart its clearly articulated strategy aimed at breaking the current crisis around nuclear issue. While distancing itself from the previous course for achieving final and comprehensive resolution of the nuclear problem, nowadays Washington is aiming at addressing more limited but practical goals related to ensuring the security concerns of both the United States and its Asian allies like Japan and South Korea. Particular attention is given to the new concepts of “arms control” and “risk management” in tackling nuclear issue which are gaining some popularity and have been broadly discussed by American academic community. The author argues that any move to accept directly or indirectly North Korea’s nuclear status and deal with it as nuclear power may have profound and negative impact on security situation on the Korean Peninsula and North East Asia as a whole. The only acceptable goal is to achieve nuclear disarmament of North Korea with proper verification measures although move forward towards that goal would require time and energy.
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Lee, James Jungbok. "“Treating Allies with Respect: U.S.-rok Alliance and the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis, 2002–2006”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 165–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02602004.

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This article examines the reasons why the level of alliance cohesion between the United States and the Republic of Korea (rok) was suboptimal during the Second North Korean Nuclear Crisis (2002–2006). Existing studies on this phenomenon primarily attribute its causes to factors like the rise of anti-Americanism in the rok and/or the increasing divergence in the two nations’ respective threat perceptions of the North Korea and their resulting policy preferences. However, these explanations are partial at best. The main finding here is that one should understand the frictions in the U.S.-rok alliance in terms of the rok’s status concerns. In particular, the rok, with a sense of entitlement to its solid middle power status, had set out to cooperate closely with the United States in seeking to answer the nuclear problem, based on the spirit of horizontal, equitable alliance relations. However, the United States failed overall to reciprocate, thereby leading the rok to boldly pursue its own set of policies at the expense of eroding alliance cohesion. These events demonstrate that (dis)respect for status concerns in international politics can make a major contribution towards facilitating (or impeding) interstate cooperation.
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DiFilippo, Anthony. "History, Ideology, and Human Rights." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.

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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles a liberal democracy. Although supported by much of the international community, including the United States' South Korean and Japanese allies in Northeast Asia, Washington's North Korean policy has remained ineffective, as Pyongyang has continued to perform missile testing and still possesses nuclear weapons.
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Dyachkov, Ilya V. "Korean nuclear problem in 2019: challenges for the region and for Russia." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 184 (2020): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-184-201-208.

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Despite the détente of 2018, the situation remains tense on the Korean Peninsula. Although the United States of America and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea summits have become almost regular, the two countries struggle to move forward with practical diplomatic work of nuclear issue, and their relations slowly creep towards a new crisis. The aim of this study is to describe the state of affairs on denuclearization or autumn 2019 and offer solutions for political progress. Current negotiations on the Korean Peninsula nuclear problem are exclusively bilateral. As a result, the entire region’s security depends on the outcome of Pyongyang and Washington. At the same time, these two players have very disparate goals and, lacking mutual trust, rarely make concessions on principal issues. For almost the entire 2019 the slipping of real negotiations was accompanied by intensive protocol communication between the leaders of North Korea and the USA. Both parties seemingly realize that they will not be able to agree, but they do not want to proceed to an open conflict just yet. Given the situation, other regional countries first and foremost, Russia should not to remain indifferent observers and call for a switch to multilateralism to ensure equal access to constructing common security.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "North Korea, nuclear problem, politics"

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Newland, Amy. "Playing to Constraints: How Domestic Politics Determines the International Policies of North Korea." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24646.

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This thesis refocuses considerations of North Korea to its internal politics, which lack attention as they are commonly perceived as inconsequential, or simply made ad hoc by the reigning supreme leader. Domestic politics however does play the key role in North Korea’s decision making, baring explanation as to why North Korea can give concessions under certain circumstances, or why North Korea otherwise continues to act in a way which provokes further external pressure. Throughout the leadership of the three Kims, the external constraints on North Korea have remained much the same. North Korea finds itself largely without allies outside of China, facing perceived strong and aggressive aversities, a widening material gap between itself and its adversaries and a balance of power that strongly favours the US-South Korean alliance. Yet, North Korean approaches to foreign policies have significantly changed over the years. It is these changes which require a consideration of how internal politics influences change in North Korea and what this means for international engagement.
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Blackstone, Benjamin D. "Strength Through Diplomacy: A Fundamental Review of the Relationship between North Korea and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1793.

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At the time that this thesis is printed, we are reminded of the tumultuous relationship between North Korea and the United States every day. If we follow the mainstream news regularly, it seems like we are on a steady path to war. Ultimately, this paper is centered around the question: what is the best foreign policy strategy for both countries to achieve respective goals, without descending into armed conflict? Specifically, I evaluated the failures of the last three U.S. Presidents and used their shortcomings to explain limitations in current foreign policy strategy. I also attempted to show North Korean concerns and perspectives regarding these issues, as our cultural and national biases often prevent us from seeing this issue with true clarity. For some background, I combined personal experience with a primary source interview. I then used scholarly articles from a variety of ideological lenses to analyze events from multiple viewpoints. Throughout the paper, I try to force readers to think critically about these events, rather than consume them through short headlines on the evening news. I learned that there is major potential for diplomatic alternatives to armed conflict in this relationship. I also learned that the current foreign policy strategies both countries are engaging in do not serve their best interests, or help to achieve foreign policy goals. These ideas are crucial to understand, as the likelihood for war between North Korea and the United States becomes greater each day. Furthermore, this war would result in immense loss of life and the displacement of millions of innocent people.
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Books on the topic "North Korea, nuclear problem, politics"

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute, ed. Understanding the North Korea problem: Why it has become the "land of lousy options". Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2011.

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McCormack, Gavan. Target North Korea: Pushing North Korea to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. Milsons Point, NSW: Random House Australia, 2004.

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Nuclear North Korea: A debate on engagement strategies. New York: Columbia University Press, 2003.

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Chang, Gordon G. Nuclear showdown: North Korea takes on the world. New York: Random House, 2005.

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Foster-Carter, Aidan. North Korea after Kim Il-sung: Controlled collapse? London: Economist Intelligence Unit, 1994.

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No exit: North Korea, nuclear weapons, and international security. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2011.

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Nuclear showdown: North Korea takes on the world. New York: Random House, 2005.

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Nuclear showdown: North Korea takes on the world. London: Hutchinson, 2006.

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North Korea and the bomb: A case study in nonproliferation. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997.

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Nuclear blackmail: The 1994 U.S.-Democratic People's Republic of Korea agreed framework on North Korea's nuclear program. [Stanford, CA]: Hoover Institution, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "North Korea, nuclear problem, politics"

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Lee, Inyeop. "North Korean nuclear crises." In Politics in North and South Korea, 151–69. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627014-9.

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Haggard, Stephan, and Marcus Noland. "Humanitarian Dilemmas." In Hard Target. Stanford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503600362.003.0004.

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This chapter considers humanitarian dilemmas surrounding aid to North Korea. It provides an overview of the food economy and the recurrence of shortages before turning to the political economy of food aid, which oscillated sharply between periods when aid was extended on both political and humanitarian grounds and periods when it was held in abeyance. The chapter considers the political economy of multilateral assistance and the politics of food aid in the United States, South Korea, and China. The regime’s nuclear priorities and/or acute bargaining problems around the monitoring of assistance resulted in delays in reaching needed agreements, shortfalls in the delivery of assistance, and acute humanitarian distress.
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"7. Is North Korea a Problem Not to Be Solved?" In Nuclear North Korea, 186–214. Columbia University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/cha-18922-011.

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Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. "30. Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction." In The Globalization of World Politics, 473–87. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780192898142.003.0030.

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This chapter focuses on the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). It examines the patterns that can be observed in the spread and use/non-use of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons since 1945, how nuclear weapons have changed world politics, and whether non-proliferation efforts have been successful. The chapter first provides an overview of WMD technology and its spread before discussing biological and chemical weapons. It then considers theoretical debates about nuclear proliferation and the evolution of non-proliferation efforts. Two case studies are presented, one dealing with the nuclear programme of North Korea and the other looking at the nuclear programme in Iran.
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Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. "26. Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction." In The Globalization of World Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198739852.003.0026.

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This chapter focuses on the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). It examines the patterns that can be observed in the spread and use/non-use of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons since 1945, how nuclear weapons have changed world politics, and whether non-proliferation efforts have been successful. The chapter first provides an overview of WMD technology and its spread before discussing biological and chemical weapons. It then considers theoretical debates about nuclear proliferation and the evolution of non-proliferation efforts. Two case studies are presented, one dealing with the Fukushima nuclear disaster and the other with the nuclear programmes of North Korea and Iran. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether the use of chemical weapons in 2013 should have been a red line triggering international intervention in Syria.
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Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. "29. Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction." In The Globalization of World Politics, 466–80. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198825548.003.0029.

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This chapter focuses on the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). It examines the patterns that can be observed in the spread and use/non-use of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons since 1945, how nuclear weapons have changed world politics, and whether non-proliferation efforts have been successful. The chapter first provides an overview of WMD technology and its spread before discussing biological and chemical weapons. It then considers theoretical debates about nuclear proliferation and the evolution of non-proliferation efforts. Two case studies are presented, one dealing with the Fukushima nuclear disaster and the other with the nuclear programmes of North Korea and Iran. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether the use of chemical weapons in 2013 should have been a red line triggering international intervention in Syria.
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Shim, Jaemin. "The Politicization of Social Investment in the Media and Legislature in North East Asia." In The World Politics of Social Investment: Volume II, 231–58. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197601457.003.0010.

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This chapter examines the agenda-setting politics of social investment issues in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan since 1990, based on newspaper articles and bill sponsorship records. The findings reveal that, in all three countries, social investment issues have increasingly gained legislative and media saliency and presented mostly as a problem-driven valence issue, for example, in tackling an aging society and the low-fertility crisis. However, cross-national differences do exist in terms of the primary function that social investment serves as well as the extent to which the legislature mirrors the media. The chapter’s second half examines the effect of partisanship on social investment agenda-setting in the legislature. The results demonstrate that, on the one hand, partisanship is not an important factor in deciding whether a social investment bill is introduced. On the other hand, the effect of partisanship is visibly related to the choice of the type of social investment strategy.
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