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1
Epstein, Rachel A. "The Economic Successes and Sources of Discontent in East Central Europe." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v13i2.2619.
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By some measures, the European Union’s Eastern enlargement, and the attendant securitization of East Central Europe through membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, have brought significant economic and welfare benefits to the former Soviet satellites or republics that have joined these organizations. All of their economies are considerably larger than in 1989. Foreign investment has helped fuel significant growth in the region, and financial linkages between East and West had a stabilizing influence during and after the US financial crisis of 2008-09. But economic success in absolute terms has not prevented a sense of disappointment from settling over the region, nor has it forestalled an illiberal backlash in a number of countries, which has had economic, political, and in some cases ethno-populist dimensions. This article examines some of the main economic trajectories around growth, consumption, investment, and finance. It explains why, despite numerous positive measures, both economic and political liberalism are under intensifying scrutiny. Growing inequality within countries, as well as continuing inequality – including power disparities between East and West Europe – have fueled discontent with the terms on which many East Central European states have integrated into the EU.
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Ušiak, Jaroslav, Ľubomír Klačko, and Ivana Šostáková. "Central Europe between the Great Powers: contemporary foreign-policy orientation." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0007.
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Abstract The main aim of this this study was to highlight the relations between the Central European countries (Slovakia, Czechia, Poland and Hungary) and the two great powers—the United States and the Russian Federation. We examined the importance of this region from a geopolitical perspective, analysing the relations between the Central European countries and the great powers through two of their critical manifestations: military bases and energy security. The selection of these themes was justified by the frequent centralisation of the abovementioned topics in political discussions and their role in underpinning the securitisation of political leaders. The analysis of government strategy papers, and politicians’ statements and press releases, which included the views of three international relations experts, revealed diverse interstate relations. Each of the four Central European countries claims to be a responsible and reliable member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization; however, not all of them place the same emphasis on this partnership. Regarding the energy sector, we came to the same conclusion. The countries declare their independence, but the RF continues to have a significant or dominant influence. The geographical position of the four surveyed countries is probably an important factor in this situation and the great powers generally adapt their foreign policy towards them accordingly, as evidenced by the selected topics. The results of the analyses confirmed the importance of this region from a geopolitical perspective.
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Kastrati, MA Bilbil. "Similarities and Differences between NATO and the EU Enlargement." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.45.
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After the end of the Cold War the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) enlargement were two main political processes in the European continent. Both organizations since their inception, promoted the idea of integrated Europe without borders, which meant creating a Europe without divisions and bringing back all Central Eastern European (CEE) countries into the European family where they belong. However, after half a century of isolation in the totalitarian communist system the CEE countries (CEEC) had to undertake fundamental institutional, political, economic, military and other reforms in order to join NATO and the EU. In order to ease the process of accession, both organizations set certain criteria for membership for the CEECs. While NATO’s requirements for membership were more general and flexible, the EU’s requirements, on the other hand, were non-negotiable and closely enforced.Therefore, this article will explore NATO’s and the EU’s enlargement process eastwards, its similarities and differences. In addition, it will analyse the difficulties and challenges with special focus on Russia’s opposition to this process.The author will identify the similarities and differences between NATO and the EU’s enlargement and will argue that the eastern enlargement marked the final end to the Cold War antagonism and it created conducive preconditions for more secure and prosperous Europe.
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Riste, Olav. "“Stay Behind”: A Clandestine Cold War Phenomenon." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00515.
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This article gives an overview of what we now know from trustworthy sources about the origins, character, and development of the “stay-behind” networks established in Western Europe during the early Cold War in preparation for a possible Soviet invasion and occupation. The article critically examines and refutes several notions about Stay Behind that have tended to dominate writings on the subject, such as allegations that the networks in Italy and other West European countries were mere creations of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the British Secret Intelligence Service; that they were controlled by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as its “secret army”; and that in at least some countries they pursued terrorist activities directed against left-wing groups suspected of working to overthrow the established order.
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POPKO, Serhii. "THE INFLUENCE OF RUSSIAN MILITARY AGGRESSION ON THE INTENSIFICATION OF COOPERATION BETWEEN NATO AND UKRAINE (2014 – 2018)." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-68-77.
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The military-political aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2014 – 2018 were examined, the alliance's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the military-political organization's readiness to further develop political dialogue and practical cooperation were emphasized. The specifics of the relations between Ukraine and NATO in the circumstances of the modern Russian-Ukrainian war are analyzed, the priority tasks of bilateral relations, their influence on ensuring the national security of Ukraine and stability in Central and Eastern Europe, in general, are determined. The accent is placed on the fact that the events of 2014 (Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation, support for separatist movements in the eastern regions of Ukraine, etc.) consolidated Ukrainians. According to surveys, the vast majority of Ukrainians, for the first time since Ukraine's independence, advocated for our country's membership in NATO. It is noted that the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance strongly condemned the invasion of Russian troops into the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and, during 2014-2018, provided systemic assistance to Ukraine through various programs of the Trust Funds. The dynamic of the military-political dialogue between Ukraine and NATO in recent years is considered. The author emphasizes the need to implement by the higher authorities those measures that will ensure Ukraine's membership in the North Atlantic Alliance as soon as possible is emphasized. Keywords NATO, Ukraine, military-political dialogue, Russian-Ukrainian war, national security.
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Krzymowski, Adam. "The importance of Ukraine’s political and economic relationship with the United Arab Emirates for the Lublin Triangle." Economic Annals-ХХI 184, no. 7-8 (September 10, 2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v184-02.
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The presented research paper demonstrates the dynamic development of political and economic relations between Ukraine and the United Arab Emirates as well as their importance for projects involving the implementation of the Lublin Triangle. The results and findings of the research show that without taking into account the state-owned company from Dubai DP World, the success of the strategic cooperation between Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania in transportation, as well as in the energy sector, will be limited. For this reason, it is necessary to include the Emirate company in some projects of the Lublin Triangle. Moreover, strategic alliances of the United Arab Emirates with states and international organizations of the Euro-Atlantic community, including the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, should be noted. In this context, the strategic importance of the UAE’s partnership with Central and Eastern Europe should be taken into account. Moreover, a close, deep alliance with the United Arab Emirates will contribute to increasing the impact of the Lublin Triangle states on transatlantic partners. In addition, the UAE, being an economic and trade hub where the interests of Europe, the United States of America, the Middle East, Africa and Asia intersect, can contribute to increasing the role of Central and Eastern Europe in the global dimension. The Emirati company DP World is one of the largest global corporations, with around 150 branches in the world and working for seaports, terminals, industrial parks, logistics and economic zones. So, this Emirati economic entity has great potential in ensuring Central and Eastern Europe an effective supply chain and stable development of trade in the upcoming increasingly aggressive economic wars.
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Nekola, Peter. "Padraic Kenney, Rebuilding Poland: Workers and Communists, 1945–1950. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997. xv + 360 pp. $42.50 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901224533.
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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Poland, one of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's newest members and poised to enter the European Union sometime in the next few years, has begun perhaps one of its most stable periods in recent history. Divided for centuries between Russian, Prussian, and Austrian empires, Poland was able to preserve its language and cultural identity until its independence in 1918. Of nations involved in the Second World War, Poland was perhaps the most thoroughly devastated by that conflict, emerging only to be locked under the strict gaze of Moscow until the beginning of the last decade. In the wake of 1989 and the opening of borders and archives across Central and Eastern Europe, the experience of Poland has much to teach us.
8
Goldgeier, James. "The State of the Transatlantic Alliance." European Foreign Affairs Review 21, Issue 3 (August 1, 2016): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2016027.
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has much to be proud of since the end of the Cold War more than a quarter century ago, including enlargement across Central and Eastern Europe, the protection of the Kosovar Albanians, counterterrorism missions in the Mediterranean, the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Indonesia after the tsunami, and counter-piracy operations in the Indian Ocean. The operations in Afghanistan and Libya ultimately did not produce desirable outcomes after achieving their initial goals, but both of those endeavours demonstrated the strong intra- Alliance collaboration as well as cooperation with external partners. The main causes of concern for the Alliance have been the continued low levels of defence spending by Canada and most European allies, the renewed threat posed by the Vladimir Putin regime in Russia, and the refugee crisis that has divided Europe and decreased the sense of security across the continent. Despite the crises and the sense of doom that pervades United States and European capitals, the transatlantic Alliance is likely to endure. There are enough shared values and interests to provide a strong foundation for close relations in the face of the enormous political, economic, and social turmoil that will continue to confront decision makers. In many ways, the United States and Europe have no choice but to maintain an Alliance that has served them so well.
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Spohr, Kristina. "Precluded or Precedent-Setting? The “NATO Enlargement Question” in the Triangular Bonn-Washington-Moscow Diplomacy of 1990–1991." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (October 2012): 4–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00275.
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Controversy arose in the mid-1990s when Russian officials accused Western governments of reneging on binding pledges made to Moscow in 1990 during German unification diplomacy. According to the allegations, Western leaders had solemnly promised that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would never expand beyond Germany into Central and Eastern Europe. Were such pledges ever made? Was the Soviet Union betrayed, and if so, by whom, how, and when? Or have various tactical comments been misinterpreted in hindsight? This article seeks to offer new answers to these questions by exploring not simply U.S.-Soviet-West German triangular diplomacy in 1990 but also the evolution of different approaches, ideas, and visions regarding Germany's security arrangements and the wider European security architecture. These ideas were floated publicly and privately, at home and abroad, by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, and other senior West German officials. In showing how ultimately a “unified Germany in NATO” came about after months of intense diplomacy in 1990 to resolve the “German question,” this article refutes the recently made claim that the extension of full membership to the whole of Germany was a precedent-setting expansion of NATO.
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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. "German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.
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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
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Duffield, John S. "International regimes and alliance behavior: explaining NATO conventional force levels." International Organization 46, no. 4 (1992): 819–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033269.
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With the end of the cold war, the military posture of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has entered a period of profound change. Prior to the recent dramatic political events in Europe, however, NATO conventional force levels in the Central Region had been remarkably stable for some three decades. This article seeks to explain this record of stability in terms of three widely used theories of international relations. It argues that balance-of-power theory and public goods theory cannot alone provide a satisfactory account. Rather, these traditional approaches for understanding alliance behavior must be supplemented by regime theory, which emphasizes the constraining effects of enduring institutional factors even in the face of structural change. Specifically, it shows how an international regime has influenced the provision of conventional forces in the Central Region by alliance members. More generally, this analysis seeks to contribute to the literature on international regimes in three ways. First, it demonstrates that regimesdomatter by providing an example of their importance for explaining state behavior and international outcomes. Second, it extends regime theory to relations among military allies. Third, it elaborates a comprehensive model for understanding why states actually comply with regime injunctions. The model stresses both the ways in which regimes effectively modify the international environment within which states operate, altering the costs and benefits associated with different courses of action, and the ways in which participating states may internalize regime norms and rules, thereby making compliance increasingly automatic.
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Bartosh, Alexander. "What is happening in NATO and with NATO." Diplomatic Service, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2001-03.
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Serious changes in the military and political situation in Europe and the world are pushing the leadership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to find new ways to adapt the Alliance to the realities of today.
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Wouters, Jan, and Frederik Naert. "How Effective is the European Security Architecture? Lessons from Bosnia and Kosovo." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2001): 540–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.3.540.
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Security (in a broad sense, see infra, II.B) in Europe is the realm of several regional international organisations, mainly the European Union (“EU”), Western European Union (“WEU”), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (“NATO”), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (“OSCE”) and, to a lesser extent, the Council of Europe, creating a patchwork of regional security institutions that is unique in the world. These organisations interact in many ways and claim to be mutually reinforcing. Is that the case? Is there room for improvement?
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Enchev, Yavor, and Tihomir Eftimov. "Bulgarian military neurosurgery: from Warsaw Pact to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." Neurosurgical Focus 28, no. 5 (May 2010): E15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2010.3.focus109.
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After 45 years as a closest ally of the Soviet Union in the Warsaw Pact, founded mainly against the US and the Western Europe countries, and 15 years of democratic changes, since 2004 Bulgaria has been a full member of NATO and an equal and trusted partner of its former enemies. The unprecedented transformation has affected all aspects of the Bulgarian society. As a function of the Bulgarian Armed Forces, Bulgarian military medicine and in particular Bulgarian military neurosurgery is indivisibly connected with their development. The history of Bulgarian military neurosurgery is the history of the transition from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics military system and military medicine to NATO standards in every aspect. The career of the military neurosurgeon in Bulgaria is in many ways similar to that of the civilian neurosurgeon, but there are also many peculiarities. The purpose of this study was to outline the background and the history of Bulgarian military neurosurgery as well as its future trends in the conditions of world globalization.
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Gaffney, Henry H. "Euromissiles as the Ultimate Evolution of Theater Nuclear Forces in Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00435.
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This article builds on the analysis published by Kristina Spohr-Readman in the Fall 2012 issue of the JCWS about the decision in December 1979 by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to deploy intermediate-range nuclear forces in Europe. Spohr-Readman's article drew heavily on declassified documents from NATO countries, but information from those who took part in the deliberations (of whom Gaffney was one) sheds further light on the matter and changes a few aspects of the story, particularly regarding U.S. officials' views of the utility (or lack thereof) of battlefield nuclear weapons.
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Deighton, Anne. "The Last Piece of the Jigsaw: Britain and the Creation of the Western European Union, 1954." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004860.
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By 1955, the formation of a Cold War bloc in Western Europe was complete. The Western European Union (WEU), a redesigned Brussels Treaty Organisation (BTO) within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with West Germany and Italy as members, was created. The 1954 Paris Agreements that established WEU also enabled West Germany to become a virtually sovereign actor, and a member of NATO. The Agreements were effected on the rubble of an acrimonious four-year international debate over a proposed European Defence Community (EDC). This would have created a European army for France, the Benelux countries, Italy and West Germany on the model of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), and a parallel political community for the Six.
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Novak, Jeremiah. "Is NATO Necessary?" Worldview 28, no. 2 (February 1985): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046611.
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Back in 1979 talk began about stationing Pershing missiles in Europe as a way of renewing Washington's time-worn pledge to its NATO allies and of preventing the U.S. from “decoupling” in Europe. This had the effect of opening a lively debate in foreign policy circles about the missiles per se as well as about the three-decade-old North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Congress took a serious interest, as did the peace movement in Europe. Yet not long ago, when the USSR shot down a Korean civilian airliner, the debate stopped. Such underlying issues as whether NATO should continue in its present form or indeed should exist at all never reached public consciousness.
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Iqbal, Sajid, and Sarwat Rauf. "Afghanistan Imbroglio: Impact on the Central Asian States." Central Asia 83, Winter (May 1, 2019): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-83.29.
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This paper attempts to find the dynamism in Afghanistan’s relations with Central Asian states. It is explained that prosperity without security is not possible and ongoing imbroglio in Afghanistan is directly affecting Central Asian states. The Central Asian states are surrounded by China, Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. These states (with significant influence of India and Turkey) are the key regional players and their socio-economic and political interests are converged on various issues. The political conditions in Afghanistan would directly impact the interests of Central Asian states. Drug trafficking, illegal migration, religious extremism, a ramified corrupt network, porous border and terrorism are subverting peace in Afghanistan and its spillover effects are dangerous for Central Asian states. The military and security situation in Afghanistan has a direct impact on the production and transport of energy from Central Asia to the rest of the world. The response of the regional organizations, particularly the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), with certain commonalities, towards these issues often contrasts with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This paper focuses on the efforts of major powers (Russia, China, and the US) along with neighbouring countries in the peacebuilding in Afghanistan to avoid its spillover effects over Central Asian states.
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Taylor, Jeffrey. "Deterring Russian Nuclear Threats with Low-Yield Nukes May Encourage Limited Nuclear War." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 2022, special (January 24, 2022): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.2022sistratcul012.
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Tensions between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Russia have sustained a precarious security environment in Eastern Europe that could quickly escalate to nuclear war. To deter possible Russian nuclear aggression, the United States recently published nuclear policies that called for the deployment of new submarine-launched, low-yield nuclear weapons around Europe. This article highlights how these new U.S. nuclear policies may be reinforcing Russian perceptions and fears of Western aggression. The article suggests that common U.S. characterizations of Russian low-yield nuclear doctrine miss important escalation considerations prominent in Russian military discourse. The article also argues that misalignment between U.S. and Russian officials regarding nuclear intent may increase the likelihood that a miscalculation would escalate to nuclear war.
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Patel, Kiran Klaus. "Who was saving whom? The European Community and the Cold War, 1960s–1970s." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 1 (December 29, 2016): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148116685301.
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This article argues that during the 1960s, the European Community (EC) made little contribution to peace. What peace there was resulted mainly from other factors, most importantly the United States as benevolent hegemon, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and bilateral agreements. European integration under the auspices of the EC presupposed peace rather than contributing to it. At the time, the EC’s main role with regard to peace was at the symbolic level: it started to represent all attempts at peaceful co-operation and reconciliation in Western Europe. It was only in the 1970s, especially with the European Political Cooperation, that the EC began to actively promote peace beyond its borders.
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Vasilyan, Syuzanna. "The External Legitimacy of the EU in the South Caucasus." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 3 (August 1, 2011): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011024.
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This article delves into the external legitimacy of the European Union (EU) in the South Caucasus by analysing the perceptions of the EU's image and role as held by the Armenian, Azeri, and Georgian governments, the public, and political parties. It tests the academic claims regarding the EU's 'difference' by scrutinizing key official documents, drawing on surveys, and relying on in-depth semi-structured interviews. Consequently, it reveals the variations among the three South Caucasian states in terms of their current and potential future visions of the EU. By showing that the Union is seen as comparable to others, like the United States and Russia or intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Council of Europe (CoE), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), this article ponders on the potential future perception of the Union provided the needs, interests, demands, and aspirations of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Most importantly, it probes into the proportionality of the EU's policy in the South Caucasus, ponders on its ramifications as a result of the boost in its external relations foreseen by the Lisbon Treaty, and offers policy advice for the Union to meet the expectations of its 'neighbours'.
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Saldanha-Alvarez, Jose Mauricio. "War in Afghanistan: Europe and America, between Films and Documentaries. 1979-2014." Asian Culture and History 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v9n1p26.
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This research looks at the Afghanistan War from the Soviet invasion of 1979 until the withdrawal of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 2014 through films chosen. This research demonstrates how the Soviets, supported by the USA and the Muslim world, operated on misconceptions during an insurrectional conflict against the Mujahedin. After September 11, the Bush-Cheney administration invaded Afghanistan, restricting the informative role of the corporate media system. According to Kellner, this action triggered a creative revolution in American cinema. Turning to the production of documentaries, directors abandoned large-scale productions, preferring highly dramatically charged narratives of real soldiers and real action. The Afghan war, a fragmented, relentless, and unremitting struggle, is portrayed in 9th Company (Rus), Restrepo (USA). And Armadillo (Denmark); and Kajaki (UK), films that narrates the conflict from the NATO perspective, can not be won.
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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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CHIRIAC, Olga R. "Perception, Cognitive Dissonance and Nuclear Deterrence in the Information Age, Possible Implications for the Euro-Atlantic Security Architecture in the Context of a New NATO Strategic Concept." Romanian Military Thinking 2022, no. 4 (December 2022): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2022.4.01.
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"The February 2022 military aggression on Ukraine has sent shockwaves across European capitals as well as across the Atlantic. This “new normal”, namely a conventional war in twenty-first century Europe, is both hard to process and inherently ominous as to the future of the European security architecture and strategic stability on the continent. The aim of the article is to analyse the combined effects of technological advances in information/computing technologies and human cognition on strategic choices such as nuclear deterrence strategies. The paper is looking to address the proposed research questions through a cognitive psychology lens, with a particular focus on perception and cognitive dissonance. The plasticity of both the geopolitical environment and the information space present the optimal conditions for propagation of cognitive errors in human decision-making. The article is taking a closer look at what said vulnerability means for the Euro-Atlantic security architecture, most specifically for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization."
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Wojciechowski, Sławomir. "Military Security in Central and Eastern Europe – from overarching principles to current NATO perspectives." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 193, no. 3 (September 16, 2019): 547–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5009.
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This year, NATO is celebrating its 70th anniversary and the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty. The Alliance was founded in the early days of the Cold War, but found itself in a new geopolitical situation after the col-lapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the bipolar world. The organi-zation has been transforming ever since and over time this transfor-mation has included both expansion and adaptation to new circum-stances. With the return of Russian neo-imperial ambitions in the re-cent years, NATO has been given new impetus. Emerging threats and challenges, which are mainly of a military nature, have been addressed by NATO through further recent adaptation processes which were based on the return to the core role of the Alliance, namely collective defense and deterrence. This, in turn, has created a boost of NATO ac-tivity on the ground, which means that improvement with regard to interoperability and integration is now in high demand.
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Dragomir, Isabela Anda. "Expressions of Relational Power in Nato Discourse: Cooperation with Former Adversaries." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 282–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0103.
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Abstract The dissolution of the Soviet Empire in 1991 has challenged the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to grapple with an issue that had been avoided and postponed during the Cold War - how to give specific and practical content to the Alliance’s long-standing vision of a peaceful political order in Europe. This paper examines the galvanizing role of language in forging a solid discourse aimed at initiating and consolidating cooperation between the Alliance and its former adversaries in the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse. Drawing on discourse analysis as a method of qualitative investigation, the present linguistic exploration of military discourse focuses on a number of NATO official documents that reify the Alliance’s determination to contribute to the construction of a more secure transatlantic environment
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Schilde, Kaija E. "Cosmic top secret Europe? The legacy of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and cold war US policy on European Union information policy." European Security 24, no. 2 (May 12, 2014): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2014.911175.
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Alessandri, Emiliano, and Riccardo Alcaro. "Engaging Russia: Prospects for a Long-Term European Security Compact." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 2 (May 1, 2010): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010015.
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Abstract. Europe’s still-evolving post-Cold War security system is at the origin of the recurrent tensions and disagreements between the West and Russia. Although rejecting the notion of spheres of influence as a relic of the past, the United States and European countries have kept conceiving of Europe’s security as centred on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). And yet, a stable security order for Europe in the twenty-first century can hardly be achieved without involving Russia as one of its constitutive parts. This implies envisioning a system that is not NATO-centric but ‘multi-pillar’ and thus able to reflect the plurality of actors – the United States, NATO, Russia, and the European Union – and the variety of security and security-related interests currently existing in the European space. The vision informing such a system is that of a Europe as a ‘single security space’ where all parties behave as responsible stakeholders even though they do not share the same values.
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Betts, Richard K. "Conventional Deterrence: Predictive Uncertainty and Policy Confidence." World Politics 37, no. 2 (January 1985): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010141.
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For over three decades the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has based its deterrent on the principle that the United States would retaliate with nuclear weapons if a Soviet conventional attack against Western Europe succeeded. This notion has long troubled most strategic analysts. It remained generally acceptable to political elites, however, when U.S. nuclear superiority appeared massive enough to make the doctrine credible (as in the 1950s); when the conventional military balance in Europe improved markedly (as in the 1960s); or when détente appeared to be making the credibility of deterrence a less pressing concern (as in the 1970s). None of these conditions exists in the 1980s, and anxiety over the danger of nuclear war has prompted renewed attention to the possibility of replacing NATO's Flexible Response doctrine (a mixture of nuclear and conventional deterrence) with a reliable conventional deterrence posture that might justify a nuclear no-first-use (NFU) doctrine.1
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Čižik, Tomáš. "Baltic States - How to React to “New Warfare” in the Context of the Article V?" Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0008.
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Abstract Hybrid warfare represents new security challenge for whole Europe. However, hybrid warfare cannot be considered as new phenomenon, Russian aggressive exercise of hybrid warfare (annexation of Crimean Peninsula) took all European states by surprise. It consists of effective combination of tools, such as, information warfare, psychological operations, cyber operations and use of special forces. Russian hybrid warfare is designed to directly challenge the cornerstone of the North Atlantic Treaty Alliance, the Article V., because it combines conventional and unconventional measures, which are difficult to predict and counter. NATO and EU member states are forced to develop new capabilities, to build new infrastructure and to strengthen the eastern boundary of the Alliance to successfully deter potential Russian aggression in its close neighbourhood. It is also very important to build inner resilience of the member states against Russian propaganda that has massively spread throughout Eastern and Central Europe.
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Kelly, Michael J., and Sean Watts. "Rethinking the Security Architecture of North East Asia." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 41, no. 2 (August 2, 2010): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v41i2.5229.
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In the aftermath of the Cold War, many began to question the continuing efficacy, or at least call for reform, of collective security structures such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Security Council. Yet, North East Asia never enjoyed a formal, institutionalised collective security structure. As Russia and the United States recede and China emerges in North East Asia, this article questions whether now is the time to consider such an arrangement. Financially, Japan and South Korea are locked into a symbiotic relationship with China (as is the United States), while the government in Beijing continues to militarise and lay territorial and maritime claims to large areas of the region. Moreover, the regime in North Korea, with its new nuclear capabilities, remains unpredictable. Consequently, central components to the question of collective security in North East Asia are the equally vexing questions of what to do about North Korea and whether a new formalised security arrangement would include or exclude the People's Republic of China.
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Vukadinović, Lidija Čehulić, and Monika Begović. "NATO Summit in Wales: From global megatrends to the new Euro-Atlanticism." Croatian International Relations Review 20, no. 71 (October 1, 2014): 11–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0007.
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Abstract Numerous representatives of theories of international relations, security theories or alliance theories have examined the new role of the North Atlantic Alliance or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-bipolar world. Parallel with the theoretical examination of goals and tasks, NATO has transformed itself in practice, following the realities of the contemporary global era. In trying to achieve and keep the primacy of the strongest military- political organization, the Alliance has - especially in the Strategic Concept adopted in Lisbon in 2010-set the normative and institutional foundations of its global engagement, fulfilling the military (hard) and a wide array of non-military (soft) security challenges. This strategy has given rise to "Euro-Atlanticism", as a subsystem of international relations based on strong American-European relations, to fit with the process of regionalization of global politics. However, the 2013-2014 crisis in Ukraine has turned the focus of interest and activities of NATO once again primarily to Europe and it has stressed the importance and necessity of strengthening Euro-Atlantic security and defence ties. The most powerful member of the Alliance, the United States, is again strongly engaged in Europe and Russia, as a kind of successor to the Soviet Union, is once more detected as a major threat to European security. There have been many aspects of theories of international relations that have tried to explain the dynamic of the post-Cold War international community. However, the approach based on neo-realistic assumptions of the role of a security community, collective defence and the use of military force has proved to be dominant. NATO will continue to work on its political dimension as an alliance of the democratic world and the September 2014 Wales Summit will certainly mark the return of NATO to its roots, strengthening its security and military dimensions in the collective defence of Europe from Russia.
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Merkushin, V. V. "International Special Operations: Concept, Problems of International Legal Support, Countering Challenges and Threats to the Security of States." Lex Russica 75, no. 12 (December 22, 2022): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2022.193.12.112-129.
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The problem of the implementation of international legal support of special operations is a natural, historically determined and in fact staying beyond the conventional scope of international law. In fact, this is an emerging international custom based on the practice of states in defending national interests in conditions of competing jurisdiction, the legalization of the resources of the «shadow» economy, the spread of the Darknet, the development of new ways and means of warfare and its propaganda. The transnationalization of organized crime, its links with international terrorism, corruption, cybercrime, attempts to build national security systems at the expense of the security of others, the destructive ideology of national domination, accompanied by the «privatization» of state sovereignty by non-state actors, substantiates the practice of implementing special operations against existing and newly created existential challenges and threats to the security of states.The institutionalization of some types of international special operations is obvious, based on the provisions of the UN Charter, multilateral and bilateral agreements, correlates with the activities of regional security systems (Collective Security Treaty Organization — CSTO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization — NATO, League of Arab States — LAS, Organization of American States — OAS, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe — OSCE, etc.). The uniqueness of special operations in each specific case, the impossibility of their absolute legal settlement, especially in the military-political sphere, raises the question of the need to revise a number of provisions of the UN Charter as ineffective, the formation of new (unipolar) regional mechanisms for monitoring their implementation, the activation of special scientific research in this area.
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Readman, Kristina Spohr. "Conflict and Cooperation in Intra-Alliance Nuclear Politics: Western Europe, the United States, and the Genesis of NATO's Dual-Track Decision, 1977–1979." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 2 (April 2011): 39–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00137.
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On the basis of recently released archival sources from several member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), this article revisits the making of NATO's landmark 1979 dual-track decision. The article examines the intersecting processes of personal, bureaucratic, national, and alliance high politics in the broader Cold War context of increasingly adversarial East-West relations. The discussion sheds new light on how NATO tried to augment its deterrent capability via the deployment of long-range theater nuclear missiles and why ultimately an arms control proposal to the Soviet Union was included as an equal strand. The 1979 decision owed most to West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's political thought and initiative. Intra-alliance decision-making, marked by transatlantic conflict and cooperation, benefitted from the creativity and agency of West German, British, and Norwegian officials. Contrary to popular impressions, the United States did not truly lead the process.
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Selvage, Douglas. "From Helsinki to “Mars”." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 4 (2021): 34–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01039.
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Abstract After the signing of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) at Helsinki on 1 August 1975, the Soviet Union sought to compel the West to accept its vision for détente. This meant, on the one hand, the acceptance of the political and social status quo within the Soviet bloc and, on the other hand, the “completion” of the existing political détente with “military détente”—namely, East-West arms control agreements that preserved or augmented existing Warsaw Pact advantages. To this end, the KGB and its Soviet-bloc partners undertook two parallel campaigns of active measures, “Synonym” and “Mars.” Despite tactical successes, both campaigns failed to achieve their goals. The United States, supported by other Western governments, continued to pressure the Eastern-bloc governments on human rights violations, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) continued to modernize its forces in Europe, most importantly with the stationing of U.S. Euromissiles in 1983 in accordance with NATO's dual-track decision of December 1979.
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Chen, Guanhe. "The Enlightenment and Thinking of the Energy Crisis in European and American Countries." Frontiers in Business, Economics and Management 6, no. 1 (November 7, 2022): 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/fbem.v6i1.2295.
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At present, the international situation is changing rapidly, and NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and the old Warsaw Pact have had disputes over their ownership relations. NATO, led by European and American countries, has reacted strongly and imposed all-round sanctions on Russia, including energy, finance and economy. As an important oil and gas producer in the world, the duration of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, the relationship between Russia and Europe and the United States, and whether the sanctions are upgraded, will all have a profound impact on the oil and gas mark, not only the subsequent impact of the sanctions on the Russian economy, but also the huge negative impact on international oil prices, natural gas prices and inflation in Europe and the United States. In the context of ongoing conflicts and mutual sanctions between Europe and America and Russia, this paper tries to analyze the impact of all countries in the world from the energy aspects, and puts forward suggestions and countermeasures to optimize and improve the energy supply of all countries. We look forward to the cooperation of all countries to strengthen dialogue and the early peaceful development of the world.
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Moro, Nicolae. "Life Cycle of a Military Product." Scientific Bulletin 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsaft-2018-0013.
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Abstract Romania’s membership of the select group of states belonging to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization brings, in addition to the expected security benefits and assurances and commitments and obligations that we have to assume. The participation of politicians, militaries and Romanian experts in the decision-making within the specialized committees of the NATO structures is an extremely important element for the assertion of Romania as a security guarantor in the area, a hypostasis that was only a vision a few years ago. This role of our country must be supported by strong and powerful military capabilities, capabilities that are hard to reach for many of the countries in Eastern Europe. The economically advantageous and technologically viable solution for a period of time is to acquire advanced military technical systems that are equipped with the great economic powers of NATO, systems used and verified by these armies, revitalized and upgraded, a second life goal.
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Klimkin, Pavlo, and Andreas Umland. "Geopolitical Implications and Challenges of the Coronavirus Crisis for Ukraine." World Affairs 183, no. 3 (August 12, 2020): 256–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020942493.
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Among various geopolitical repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic are redefinitions of the short-term priorities of many international organizations. Among others, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are becoming absorbed by new internal challenges, and are thus even less interested in further enlargement than before. Against this background, Kyiv, Tbilisi, and Chisinau, as well as their Western friends, need to seek new paths to increase the three countries’ security, resilience, and growth before their accession to the West’s major organizations. Above all, an alternative way to decrease Ukraine’s current institutional isolation is to develop more intense bilateral relations with friendly states across the globe, including Germany and the United States. In Eastern Europe, moreover, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova should attempt to create new multilateral networks with post-communist member countries of NATO as well as the EU, and try to become part of such structures as the Three Seas Initiative or Bucharest Nine group.
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Oneal, John R. "The theory of collective action and burden sharing in NATO." International Organization 44, no. 3 (1990): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300035335.
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Mancur Olson's theory of collective action could account for much of the variance in the defense burdens of the allied nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the early years of the Cold War, but the association between economic size (gross domestic product, or GDP) and defense burden (the ratio of military expenditures to GDP) has declined to insignificant levels. Two influences are shown to be important in producing this change: the increased pursuit of private goods by Greece, Turkey, and Portugal and the growing cooperation among the other European allies. Since cooperation in the military realm has not provided the Europeans with credible means of self-defense, it appears to be a consequence of the general growth of interdependence in Europe during the postwar period. NATO is still essentially a uniquely privileged group producing a relatively pure public good. Accordingly, the theory of collective action continues to provide valuable insights into the operation of the alliance.
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Lutsch, Andreas. "West Germany and NATO's Nuclear Force Posture in the Early 1960s (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 4 (2022): 4–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01089.
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Abstract In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) debated whether a counterforce capability of hundreds of mobile medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) under joint command in Europe was needed to reinforce U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. The conventional wisdom about this issue, echoing the official U.S. government position, has long been that deterrence was robust even without a joint missile force. According to this argument, U.S. policymakers tried to reassure NATO allies, particularly the West Germans, that sharing control of strategic nuclear weapons was unnecessary and unwise. The analysis presented here shows that the problem was not so straightforward. Many officials in NATO countries, particularly in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), viewed the MRBM debate not so much as a problem of nuclear weapons control but as a question of extended deterrence credibility and strategic stability, posing an all-or-nothing challenge to NATO.
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Paruch, Waldemar. "Polityka transatlantycka rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (2015–2019): przesłanki (cz. 1)." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 4 (December 2020): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.4.10.
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Law and Justice party was a “Euro-Atlantic” political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008–2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: (1) win the parliamentary elections; (2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian – American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.
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Paruch, Waldemar. "Polityka transatlantycka rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (2015-2019): koncepcja (cz. 2)." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 1 (December 2021): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.1.16.
Full textAbstract:
Law and Justice party was a “Euro-Atlantic” political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008-2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: 1) win the parliamentary elections; 2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian-American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.
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Borowy, Iris. "Before UNEP: who was in charge of the global environment? The struggle for institutional responsibility 1968–72." Journal of Global History 14, no. 1 (February 14, 2019): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000360.
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AbstractMany of the international technical agencies formed after 1945 addressed environmental topics within their specific fields of work. By the late 1960s, a growing awareness of pollution and an emerging environmental movement in Western countries led to a perceived need for more coordinated and institutionalized international cooperation on the environment. Before the landmark United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, held in Stockholm in 1972, and the subsequent creation of the UN Environment Programme, several organizations competed for recognition as principal reference organizations for environmental matters. This article analyses the combination of cooperation and rivalry, involving in particular the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ECE). Among other initiatives, the OECD became the first international organization to establish a permanent committee specifically dedicated to environmental issues and the ECE organized a Conference on Environmental Problems, held in Prague in 1971. Both called for a critical review of the dominant growth-centred economic model. Their analysis adds a neglected dimension to the origins of today’s international structure of environmental cooperation as well as to the long-term evolution of economic environmental thinking.
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Engelbrekt, Kjell. "Beyond Burdensharing and European Strategic Autonomy: Rebuilding Transatlantic Security After the Ukraine War." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Issue 3 (October 1, 2022): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022028.
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The war in Ukraine unleashed in early 2022 may temporarily obscure the long-term trend that the United States is shrinking its military footprint in and around Europe, as the defence posture of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in Central Europe suddenly was bolstered by tens of thousands of additionalUS troops. For as long as the war drags on, certainly, these reinforcements will stay in place. But if, and when, the war ends or shifts to attrition warfare stretching out for years, as was the case after the 2014 annexation of the Crimea, one can easily envisage changes in how European governments manage security and defence issues among themselves and in relation to their North American counterparts.While the debate on transatlantic security so far has played out in two distinct modes, either focusing on the economic side of burdensharing or projecting a vision of European strategic autonomy, there is a need for a more sober understanding of the future division of labour, one that would be grounded in the right blend of economics and deterrence. The main suggestion of this article is that stakeholders on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean ‘split the difference’ and strike a new grand bargain on the basis of their respective strengths.Once key issues of financial equity and military deterrence have been adequately addressed, European governments will still have their work cut out for themselves. They must elaborate solutions to specific challenges at the sub-strategic theatre level and at the same time navigate the complexities of optimizing defence reforms, aligning regional force designs and rendering foreign policy compatible with the strategic priorities of the European Union (EU) and Europe at large. Transatlantic relations, foreign and security policy, burdensharing, strategic autonomy, financial equity, deterrence, nuclear weapons
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Baumann, Florian. "Europe’s Way to Energy Security: The Outer Dimension of Energy Security: From Power Politics to Energy Governance." European Foreign Affairs Review 15, Issue 1 (February 1, 2010): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2010005.
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Abstract. European integration with its common markets for coal and nuclear fuels and, nowadays, ambitions of a comprehensive energy policy makes Europe one of the most interesting regions with regard to energy security. However, not only the European Union (EU) but also the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are or will be relevant actors in the global struggle for affordable, sustainable, and sufficient supplies of energy. All three have developed more or less distinctive instruments to secure their members access to energy. Nevertheless, there are three problems that prohibit the Europeans from being important players in global energy politics. First, the EU Member States do not have sufficient indigenous reserves of energy and thus are dependent on foreign suppliers. Second, Europe and its partners lack, as of yet, a comprehensive strategy for dealing with the external aspects of energy politics, including supply security as well as the political and economic challenges of import dependency and energy cut-offs. Third, only if inner-EU coherence can be established – and later on, regional and global energy governance – will the problem of energy security be resolvable. Finally, a coherent, internal EU position will be necessary to establish regional and global energy governance – the key to stabilizing future energy relations.
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Sebesta, Lorenza. "To Be or Ought to Be: That is the Question of European Security." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 4 (November 1, 2009): 565–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009039.
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Abstract. The present article examines the tenets of the present European security strategy, beginning with some considerations on the 2003 document ‘A secure Europe in a better world’. It then discusses the need for an ‘ought to be’, that is a sense of direction, for EU security policy and suggests some alternative visions on the ways to elaborate it. It then resort to a brief historical account of the evolution of Europe, once the arena of dramatic rivalries, into a peaceful international society and suggests some often forgotten explanatory elements, while putting under scrutiny the ‘common knowledge’ about how European security has been achieved, referring, for example, to the ambiguous role played by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in this context. A short analysis of the present debate on the nature and objectives of the EU as an international actor in the security field follows. Academic visions and those of practitioners are analysed and confronted. Contrary to the appearances, some ideas emerging from the scholar debate and mirrored in EU documents on security are considered to be functional to the agenda of many practitioners, focused on answering the internal needs of their governments in terms of legitimation of their military forces and increase in public funding for military firms.
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Bishku, Michael B. "Turkey and Afghanistan: Culture, Security and Economics." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 3 (May 16, 2020): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920921662.
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This is an examination of political, military, economic and cultural relations between Turkey and Afghanistan since 1919. While cultural connections, Turkish security and technical assistance, and bilateral trade have been emphasized throughout this relationship, the closest ties were during the leadership of Turkey’s Kemal Atatürk and the reign of Afghanistan’s King Amanullah when modernization reforms were in vogue in both countries, and more recently since 2002 during the rule of Turkey’s Islam-oriented Justice and Development (AK) Party, which developed an affinity with the leaders of Afghanistan’s Islamic Republic, but kept open connections with the rival Taliban. Both countries included neighboring Iran in their plans for counteracting aggressive moves by the European powers involved in the Middle East, central and south Asia. Since the Second World War, Turkey has been a member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), while except for the Marxist period (1978–1992), Afghanistan has preferred nonalignment. However, it has been Turkey’s connection with NATO that has facilitated close ties with Afghanistan.
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Fellner, Andrzej, and Henryk Jafernik. "Implementation of Satellite Techniques in the Air Transport." Reports on Geodesy and Geoinformatics 100, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rgg-2016-0005.
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Abstract The article shows process of the implementation satellite systems in Polish aviation which contributed to accomplishment Performance-Based Navigation (PBN) concept. Since 1991 authors have introduced Satellite Navigation Equipment in Polish Air Forces. The studies and researches provide to the Polish Air Force alternative approaches, modernize their navigation and landing systems and achieve compatibility with systems of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). Acquired experience, conducted military tests and obtained results enabled to take up work scientifically - research in the environment of the civil aviation. Therefore in 2008 there has been launched cooperation with Polish Air Navigation Services Agency (PANSA). Thanks to cooperation, there have been compiled and fulfilled three fundamental international projects: EGNOS APV MIELEC (EGNOS Introduction in European Eastern Region - APV Mielec), HEDGE (Helicopters Deploy GNSS in Europe), SHERPA (Support ad-Hoc to Eastern Region Pre-operational in GNSS). The successful completion of these projects enabled implementation 21 procedures of the RNAV GNSS final approach at Polish airports, contributing to the implementation of PBN in Poland as well as ICAO resolution A37-11. Results of conducted research which served for the implementation of satellite techniques in the air transport constitute the meaning of this material.
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Zaheer, Dr Muhammad Akram, Dr Muhammad Ikram, Dr Sawaira Rashid, and Dr Gulshan Majeed. "The China-Russia strategic relationship: Efforts to limit the United States' influence in Central Asia." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 3 (January 16, 2023): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17631.1.
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During the post-cold war era, China and Russia have recognized the considerable influence of each other and are making attempts for the protection of their own national interests and manipulated strategic partnership. The Chinese and Russian Strategic partnership is comprehensive because both the states have enhanced coordination in regional and international topical issues. Their joint statements for the bilateral, regional, and international issues and joint military exercises are a signal of increasing geopolitical and security cooperation. This Beijing and Moscow coordination scenario provoked Washington D.C. and her political, economic and security interests in Central Asia. The substance of this China-Russia policy is rooted against United States (US) influence and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) policies in the region. The multifaceted ties between both countries have the potential to limit the US influence in Eurasia. The study evaluates how the China-Russia strategic partnership is fit to key tenets of them and to develop the multi-polarization to counter US hegemonic influence in Central Asia. This paper follows critical look at the open discussion and comparison of both the countries scholars, journalists and experts. The study elucidates that both the Chinese and Russian partnership has certain features and trajectory of their foreseeable future in the region.
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Sarotte, Mary Elise. "Perpetuating U.S. Preeminence: The 1990 Deals to “Bribe the Soviets Out” and Move NATO In." International Security 35, no. 1 (July 2010): 110–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00005.
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Washington and Bonn pursued a shared strategy of perpetuating U.S. preeminence in European security after the end of the Cold War. As multilingual evidence shows, they did so primarily by shielding the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) from potential competitors during an era of dramatic change in Europe. In particular, the United States and West Germany made skillful use in 1990 of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's political weakness and his willingness to prioritize his country's financial woes over security concerns. Washington and Bonn decided “to bribe the Soviets out,” as then Deputy National Security Adviser Robert Gates phrased it, and to move NATO eastward. The goal was to establish NATO as the main post–Cold War security institution before alternative structures could arise and potentially diminish U.S. influence. Admirers of a muscular U.S. foreign policy and of NATO will view this strategy as sound; critics will note that it alienated Russia and made NATO's later expansion possible. Either way, this finding challenges the scholarly view that the United States sought to integrate its former superpower enemy into postconflict structures after the end of the Cold War.