Relevant bibliographies by topics / North Atlantic Treaty Organization – Europe, Central

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'North Atlantic Treaty Organization – Europe, Central'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization – Europe, Central"

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Epstein, Rachel A. "The Economic Successes and Sources of Discontent in East Central Europe." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v13i2.2619.

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By some measures, the European Union’s Eastern enlargement, and the attendant securitization of East Central Europe through membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, have brought significant economic and welfare benefits to the former Soviet satellites or republics that have joined these organizations. All of their economies are considerably larger than in 1989. Foreign investment has helped fuel significant growth in the region, and financial linkages between East and West had a stabilizing influence during and after the US financial crisis of 2008-09. But economic success in absolute terms has not prevented a sense of disappointment from settling over the region, nor has it forestalled an illiberal backlash in a number of countries, which has had economic, political, and in some cases ethno-populist dimensions. This article examines some of the main economic trajectories around growth, consumption, investment, and finance. It explains why, despite numerous positive measures, both economic and political liberalism are under intensifying scrutiny. Growing inequality within countries, as well as continuing inequality – including power disparities between East and West Europe – have fueled discontent with the terms on which many East Central European states have integrated into the EU.
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Ušiak, Jaroslav, Ľubomír Klačko, and Ivana Šostáková. "Central Europe between the Great Powers: contemporary foreign-policy orientation." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0007.

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Abstract The main aim of this this study was to highlight the relations between the Central European countries (Slovakia, Czechia, Poland and Hungary) and the two great powers—the United States and the Russian Federation. We examined the importance of this region from a geopolitical perspective, analysing the relations between the Central European countries and the great powers through two of their critical manifestations: military bases and energy security. The selection of these themes was justified by the frequent centralisation of the abovementioned topics in political discussions and their role in underpinning the securitisation of political leaders. The analysis of government strategy papers, and politicians’ statements and press releases, which included the views of three international relations experts, revealed diverse interstate relations. Each of the four Central European countries claims to be a responsible and reliable member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization; however, not all of them place the same emphasis on this partnership. Regarding the energy sector, we came to the same conclusion. The countries declare their independence, but the RF continues to have a significant or dominant influence. The geographical position of the four surveyed countries is probably an important factor in this situation and the great powers generally adapt their foreign policy towards them accordingly, as evidenced by the selected topics. The results of the analyses confirmed the importance of this region from a geopolitical perspective.
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Kastrati, MA Bilbil. "Similarities and Differences between NATO and the EU Enlargement." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.45.

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After the end of the Cold War the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) enlargement were two main political processes in the European continent. Both organizations since their inception, promoted the idea of integrated Europe without borders, which meant creating a Europe without divisions and bringing back all Central Eastern European (CEE) countries into the European family where they belong. However, after half a century of isolation in the totalitarian communist system the CEE countries (CEEC) had to undertake fundamental institutional, political, economic, military and other reforms in order to join NATO and the EU. In order to ease the process of accession, both organizations set certain criteria for membership for the CEECs. While NATO’s requirements for membership were more general and flexible, the EU’s requirements, on the other hand, were non-negotiable and closely enforced.Therefore, this article will explore NATO’s and the EU’s enlargement process eastwards, its similarities and differences. In addition, it will analyse the difficulties and challenges with special focus on Russia’s opposition to this process.The author will identify the similarities and differences between NATO and the EU’s enlargement and will argue that the eastern enlargement marked the final end to the Cold War antagonism and it created conducive preconditions for more secure and prosperous Europe.
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Riste, Olav. "“Stay Behind”: A Clandestine Cold War Phenomenon." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 4 (October 2014): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00515.

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This article gives an overview of what we now know from trustworthy sources about the origins, character, and development of the “stay-behind” networks established in Western Europe during the early Cold War in preparation for a possible Soviet invasion and occupation. The article critically examines and refutes several notions about Stay Behind that have tended to dominate writings on the subject, such as allegations that the networks in Italy and other West European countries were mere creations of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency and the British Secret Intelligence Service; that they were controlled by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as its “secret army”; and that in at least some countries they pursued terrorist activities directed against left-wing groups suspected of working to overthrow the established order.
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POPKO, Serhii. "THE INFLUENCE OF RUSSIAN MILITARY AGGRESSION ON THE INTENSIFICATION OF COOPERATION BETWEEN NATO AND UKRAINE (2014 – 2018)." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-68-77.

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The military-political aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2014 – 2018 were examined, the alliance's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the military-political organization's readiness to further develop political dialogue and practical cooperation were emphasized. The specifics of the relations between Ukraine and NATO in the circumstances of the modern Russian-Ukrainian war are analyzed, the priority tasks of bilateral relations, their influence on ensuring the national security of Ukraine and stability in Central and Eastern Europe, in general, are determined. The accent is placed on the fact that the events of 2014 (Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation, support for separatist movements in the eastern regions of Ukraine, etc.) consolidated Ukrainians. According to surveys, the vast majority of Ukrainians, for the first time since Ukraine's independence, advocated for our country's membership in NATO. It is noted that the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance strongly condemned the invasion of Russian troops into the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and, during 2014-2018, provided systemic assistance to Ukraine through various programs of the Trust Funds. The dynamic of the military-political dialogue between Ukraine and NATO in recent years is considered. The author emphasizes the need to implement by the higher authorities those measures that will ensure Ukraine's membership in the North Atlantic Alliance as soon as possible is emphasized. Keywords NATO, Ukraine, military-political dialogue, Russian-Ukrainian war, national security.
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Krzymowski, Adam. "The importance of Ukraine’s political and economic relationship with the United Arab Emirates for the Lublin Triangle." Economic Annals-ХХI 184, no. 7-8 (September 10, 2020): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v184-02.

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The presented research paper demonstrates the dynamic development of political and economic relations between Ukraine and the United Arab Emirates as well as their importance for projects involving the implementation of the Lublin Triangle. The results and findings of the research show that without taking into account the state-owned company from Dubai DP World, the success of the strategic cooperation between Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania in transportation, as well as in the energy sector, will be limited. For this reason, it is necessary to include the Emirate company in some projects of the Lublin Triangle. Moreover, strategic alliances of the United Arab Emirates with states and international organizations of the Euro-Atlantic community, including the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, should be noted. In this context, the strategic importance of the UAE’s partnership with Central and Eastern Europe should be taken into account. Moreover, a close, deep alliance with the United Arab Emirates will contribute to increasing the impact of the Lublin Triangle states on transatlantic partners. In addition, the UAE, being an economic and trade hub where the interests of Europe, the United States of America, the Middle East, Africa and Asia intersect, can contribute to increasing the role of Central and Eastern Europe in the global dimension. The Emirati company DP World is one of the largest global corporations, with around 150 branches in the world and working for seaports, terminals, industrial parks, logistics and economic zones. So, this Emirati economic entity has great potential in ensuring Central and Eastern Europe an effective supply chain and stable development of trade in the upcoming increasingly aggressive economic wars.
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Nekola, Peter. "Padraic Kenney, Rebuilding Poland: Workers and Communists, 1945–1950. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997. xv + 360 pp. $42.50 cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901224533.

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At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Poland, one of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's newest members and poised to enter the European Union sometime in the next few years, has begun perhaps one of its most stable periods in recent history. Divided for centuries between Russian, Prussian, and Austrian empires, Poland was able to preserve its language and cultural identity until its independence in 1918. Of nations involved in the Second World War, Poland was perhaps the most thoroughly devastated by that conflict, emerging only to be locked under the strict gaze of Moscow until the beginning of the last decade. In the wake of 1989 and the opening of borders and archives across Central and Eastern Europe, the experience of Poland has much to teach us.
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Goldgeier, James. "The State of the Transatlantic Alliance." European Foreign Affairs Review 21, Issue 3 (August 1, 2016): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2016027.

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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization has much to be proud of since the end of the Cold War more than a quarter century ago, including enlargement across Central and Eastern Europe, the protection of the Kosovar Albanians, counterterrorism missions in the Mediterranean, the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Indonesia after the tsunami, and counter-piracy operations in the Indian Ocean. The operations in Afghanistan and Libya ultimately did not produce desirable outcomes after achieving their initial goals, but both of those endeavours demonstrated the strong intra- Alliance collaboration as well as cooperation with external partners. The main causes of concern for the Alliance have been the continued low levels of defence spending by Canada and most European allies, the renewed threat posed by the Vladimir Putin regime in Russia, and the refugee crisis that has divided Europe and decreased the sense of security across the continent. Despite the crises and the sense of doom that pervades United States and European capitals, the transatlantic Alliance is likely to endure. There are enough shared values and interests to provide a strong foundation for close relations in the face of the enormous political, economic, and social turmoil that will continue to confront decision makers. In many ways, the United States and Europe have no choice but to maintain an Alliance that has served them so well.
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Spohr, Kristina. "Precluded or Precedent-Setting? The “NATO Enlargement Question” in the Triangular Bonn-Washington-Moscow Diplomacy of 1990–1991." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (October 2012): 4–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00275.

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Controversy arose in the mid-1990s when Russian officials accused Western governments of reneging on binding pledges made to Moscow in 1990 during German unification diplomacy. According to the allegations, Western leaders had solemnly promised that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would never expand beyond Germany into Central and Eastern Europe. Were such pledges ever made? Was the Soviet Union betrayed, and if so, by whom, how, and when? Or have various tactical comments been misinterpreted in hindsight? This article seeks to offer new answers to these questions by exploring not simply U.S.-Soviet-West German triangular diplomacy in 1990 but also the evolution of different approaches, ideas, and visions regarding Germany's security arrangements and the wider European security architecture. These ideas were floated publicly and privately, at home and abroad, by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, and other senior West German officials. In showing how ultimately a “unified Germany in NATO” came about after months of intense diplomacy in 1990 to resolve the “German question,” this article refutes the recently made claim that the extension of full membership to the whole of Germany was a precedent-setting expansion of NATO.
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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. "German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.

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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization – Europe, Central"

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OSICA, Olaf. "NATO enlargement and security of Central Europe : a declining security community." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10474.

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Defence date: 4 October 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil (European University Institute) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson (European University Institute) ; Prof. Michael Cox (London School of Economics) ; Prof. Adam D. Rotfeld (Polish Institute for International Affairs)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The central argument of the study is that the NATO enlargement of 1999 failed to meet its strategic purpose. First, it has not removed the ‘eastern security dilemma’ which underpinned Polish, Czech and Hungarian quest for NATO membership. Second, it did not strengthen NATO political cohesion and military effectiveness. To support the argument the study mobilizes the concept of the ‘security community’ developed by Karl Deutsch in 'Political community and North Atlantic Area'. On the account of Deutsch’s concept the study approaches NATO as a security community. It sees therefore the NATO expansion through the prism of extending three features which characterize a security community: the meaning and nature of ‘trust’; ‘security’, and community’s capabilities (i.e. its ‘power’ and ‘responsiveness’). Because of the nature of these constructs, enlargement policy should not been seen as a one way process where candidates simply adjust to NATO practices and implement alliance’s rules and norms, but as a process of mutual learning and socialisation. For that reason NATO enlargement was a process of rebuilding the community; it challenged the community identity, its security concept, relationships among members, and also community capabilities; ‘power’ and ‘responsiveness’. Against this preposition, the study claims that the policy of NATO enlargement created a strategic ambiguity. First, a ‘trusting-relation’ developed only between candidates and community core of strength, that is the US. Second, rather than forge a new ‘concept of security’ the enlarged NATO accommodated competing visions of the alliance security. Third, new members failed to meet enlargement criteria pertaining to NATO capabilities due to the institutional and economic ineffectiveness and flaws in the NATO conditionality policy. As a result of it, NATO enlargement sharpened and multiplied alliance’s problems, weakened its political cohesion, and thus confronted the new members with politically and militarily challenges they were not prepared for. All this seems to contribute to NATO identity crisis and a growing feeling of insecurity among Central European NATO members.
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Švejda, Miroslav. "NATO's global role to what extent will NATO pursue a global orientation? /." View thesis, 2004. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/04Mar%5FSvejda.pdf.

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Kelemen, Tas. "Defense planning and NATO-European Union relations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FKelemen.pdf.

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Jurski, Robert. "The Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty and its contribution to Euro-Atlantic security after 1990." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FJurski.pdf.

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Lázár, Péter. "The Mansfield Amendments and the U.S. commitment in Europe, 1966-1975 /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FLazar.pdf.

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Svarenieks, Edgars. "Eastern Europe and the 2002-2003 Iraq crisis." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FSvarenieks.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): David Yost, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Tsouganatos, Athanasios. "Missile defenses in Europe : requirements and challenges." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FTsouganatos.pdf.

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Mema, Adriatik. "Democratization in Albania the OSCE, NATO and the European Union /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FMema.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. ; Abenheim, Donald. "June 2010." Description based on title screeen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Democratization, international organizations, domestic politics, conditionality, membership criteria, accession. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-108). Also available in print.
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Gutierrez, Brad A. "Defense reform in Central Europe and the challenges of NATO membership : the case of Hungary /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3064457.

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Guerrero, Richard. "The implications of the changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe on NATO-Warsaw Pact relationship and the U.S. Department of Defense budget." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237098.

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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.
Thesis Advisor(s): Jones, L.R. Second Reader: McCaffery, Jerry L. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 24, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Department Of Defense, Military Budgets, National Security, Theses, USSR, Eastern Europe, Military Forces (United States), NATO, Perestroika, Post Cold War Era. Author(s) subject terms: NATO, U.S. DOD Budget, Perestroika, Glasnost, Eastern Europe. Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-126). Also available in print.
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Books on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization – Europe, Central"

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The tenuous balance: Conventional forces in central Europe. Boulder: Westview Press, 1989.

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McInnes, Colin. NATO's changing strategic agenda: The conventional defence of Central Europe. London: Unwin Hyman, 1990.

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Price, Alfred. Air battle Central Europe. London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1986.

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Vilnius, Lithuania) Conference "Central Europe Beyond Double Enlargement" (2003. Central Europe beyond double enlargement. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla, 2004.

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Air battle Central Europe. New York: Free Press, 1987.

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1936-, Howe Robert D., Rand Corporation, Rand Strategy Assessment Center, and United States. Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy., eds. Planning for long-term security in Central Europe: Implications of the new strategic environment. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 1990.

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Setear, John K. Protracted conflict in Central Europe: A conceptual analysis. Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corp., 1989.

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Doel, Theo van den. Central Europe, the new allies?: The road from Visegrad to Brussels. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1994.

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Unterseher, Lutz. Conventional land forces for Central Europe: A military threat assessment. [Bradford, England]: School of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, 1987.

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1950-, Blank Stephen, and Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute., eds. European security and NATO enlargement: A view from Central Europe. [Carlisle Barracks, Pa.]: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "North Atlantic Treaty Organization – Europe, Central"

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Wegener, Henning. "North Atlantic Treaty Organization." In Integration and Security in Wester Europe, 263–69. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429042331-23.

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Kennedy-Pipe, Caroline. "Russia and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." In Russia and Europe: Conflict or Cooperation?, 46–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333978047_3.

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Lysý, Miroslav. "The History of International Cooperation and Integrations in East Central Europe." In Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 147–65. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_7.

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This chapter is concerned with the development of international relations, international cooperation, and international law in Central Europe from the beginning of the Middle Ages up until present times. The topic encompasses the relationship between international and constitutional law. While the first centuries of the Middle Ages can be characterized as a struggle between imperial universalism (the Frankish empire and the German–Roman empire), beginning in the 12 th century, it was the particularism of Central European countries like Poland and Hungary (and particularism within the German–Roman empire) that set the pace. Various particular units, however, often integrated into larger unions, united as personal or (later) real unions. In the case of Hungary and the Czech lands, the idea of Crown lands was created in order to express unity among various countries with different levels of integration. Among many unions, the Habsburg empire proved to be very successful and viable and led many unification attempts toward the Austrian–Hungarian Compromise of 1867. Dualistic statehood lasted for half a century, and after the First World War, it was replaced by a newly organized Central Europe, with new states, new borders, and a new system of international security. Versailles peace, however, resulted in new controversies and new hostile relations in the late 1930s. After Anschluß of Austria and especially the Munich Treaty (1938), the Versailles system in Central Europe was definitively gone. A new order was set after the end of the Second World War, when Central Europe became part of the Soviet bloc. This lasted until 1989, when the Soviet-controlled regimes in Central Europe ceased to exist and Central Europe started to integrate with structures of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
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Karska, Elżbieta. "International Cooperation : International Organizations." In International Law From a Central European Perspective, 117–32. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ar.ilfcec_6.

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This chapter is devoted to the international organization as the legal form of international coop- eration. It begins with an historical analysis, in which the author refers to the examples of ancient Greece and the local forms of cooperation between city-states, which are considered the precursors of today’s international organizations. The author subsequently discusses the historical changes over the last two centuries that gave rise to contemporary international organizations. Examples cited include universal and regional organizations such as the United Nations, the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The author uses these examples as the basis for examining the goals of international cooperation as well as the principles and axiology of international organizations. Particular attention is paid to the goals of the international community, such as ensuring international peace and security, building common collective security, developing the principles of a democratic state of law, and developing the protection of human rights. In the following part, the author considers the attributes of an international organization that determine effective international cooperation. These include the right to conclude international agreements, the right to send and receive diplomatic representatives, the right to bring international claims, and the obligation to bear international responsibility. Conclusions regarding the role of states in creating international organizations and equipping them with specific competences in the sphere of international relations are important in this respect. This is fundamentally a question about the scope of subjectivity and legal capacity to act in the sphere of international law. In the penultimate part, the author considers the role of the organs of an inter- national organization in making cooperation more effective and introduces categories of organs by dividing them according to various criteria. The paper ends with reflections on the changing needs of states and the international community that affect the goal of international cooperation and the legal form of its implementation, i.e., an international organization.
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Larres, Klaus. "Atlantic Integration and ‘Ever Closer Union’." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 59–81. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.6.

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Abstract This chapter focuses on the unique role of the West German state in international politics and its close relations with both the US and its Western European partners. The US pursued two crucially important objectives regarding the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) during the Cold War era. First, the US pursued the FRG’s firm and irreversible integration with the Western world, including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Second, and perhaps most significantly, West Germany was at the centre and the main reason for the US-inspired European integration process. Both US policy goals overlapped, however, and complemented each other. By the mid-1950s the former objective—the Bonn Republic’s integration with the West—was essentially completed, though quite unwarranted concern about its continued viability arose in the US in the late 1960s and early 1970s in the context of West Germany’s Ostpolitik. The second objective, the European integration and unity process, remained a work in progress throughout the Cold War years and indeed well beyond, until the present day. Initially, it was driven by the US, in cooperation with France and West Germany, before a decisive turning point occurred in the early to mid-1970s, when Washington largely cooled towards the European unity process. From the mid-1970s Washington lost almost all interest in helping and supporting the Europeans to create a united Western Europe.
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Tonra, Ben. "Defence and Foreign Policy." In The Law & Politics of Brexit: Volume III, 179–96. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192848468.003.0009.

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This chapter considers the terms of EU-UK relations in the field of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), another area which is entirely left out of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA). It underlines the exclusion of cooperation in foreign policy and defence as a deliberate UK choice; however, parties still have to work together to counter global challenges. It also explains the central place of the UK in European defence and security, and the absence of any formal defence relationship between these two actors within the framework of the TCA. The chapter clarifies that the absence of defence from the scope of the TCA is a function of the UK’s immediate focus on distancing itself from the EU for largely domestic political reasons. It highlights perceived sovereignty gains and defence policy cooperation on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) framework and bilateral/mini-lateral links.
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Engel, Jeffrey A. "George H. W. Bush." In Rethinking American Grand Strategy, 292–308. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695668.003.0015.

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This chapter evaluates George H. W. Bush as a grand strategist. Determined above all else to preserve the elements of traditional American power amid a tumultuous world and to prevent as much as possible a rapidly transforming world from descending brinto chaos, Bush successfully achieved the markers he set in pursuit of this goal. These included sustaining relations with a reeling China, preserving the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), uniting Germany, negotiating a continental-wide free trade zone designed to counter the rise of Asian and European economic consolidation, and protecting the sanctity of international sovereignty and the import of the United Nations in a post–Cold War world. Ultimately, gauging Bush's success in 1991, or in 2001, or in 2011 produces different answers. A hero in the first instance, perhaps the reason Americans faced problems in the Middle East in the second, he was by the third date largely celebrated for the restraint his son never exhibited. Times changed, his actions in office did not, nor did the central tenets he embraced and embodied as a strategist: he faced instability, believed in the stream of history, and by acting to ensure the American stability he considered paramount to security, helped keep chaos at bay.
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8

Lorenzini, Sara. "Western Alternatives for Development in the Global Cold War." In Global Development, 50–67. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691180151.003.0005.

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This chapter assesses how modernization worked its way into Cold War politics and how it influenced public discourse and foreign policy in the United States during the second half of the 1950s. Between 1957 and 1958, several events prompted the United States to shift toward a more active foreign aid policy. These events brought a consensus that a more vigorous approach to promoting economic growth and development as a way to contain communist influence was needed. The question of improved coordination of development assistance among the Atlantic nations was also a factor. Most of Western Europe shared America's concern about Soviet penetration, and several members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) insisted on activating economic collaboration according to article 2 of the North Atlantic Treaty, using it to provide aid cooperatively. The chapter then considers how, with the presidency of John F. Kennedy, modernization became the representative Western ideology for waging the Cold War, even as other coexisting traditions of imperial origin offered rival methods of using development aid as a tool of foreign policy to face radicalization in the decolonizing world.
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Stuart, Casey-Maslen. "4 Conventional Weapon Regimes." In Arms Control and Disarmament Law. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198865032.003.0005.

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This chapter describes the 1990 Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty as a creature of the Cold War. It compiles the content and effect of the 1992 Open Skies Treaty and the soft-law 2011 Vienna Document, which are both adopted within the auspices of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). It also examines arms control during the Cold War, which focused on the relative numbers of certain conventional weapons between the forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and those of the Warsaw Pact. The chapter elaborates the disarmament by individual States of injurious or indiscriminate conventional weapons, which was not high on the policy agenda of the military bloc. It mentions the achievement of consensus on the elimination of any conventional weapons category, which proved elusive within the United Nations framework.
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Eleni, Methymaki, and Ozcelik Asli. "Part IV Power Politics, International Law, and Global Security, Ch.47 Europe." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0048.

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This chapter discusses the role of Europe as an actor of global (in)security. The place of Europe in the global security landscape is often analysed with a focus on the European Union or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or both. But European States’ security approaches are not subsumed under the policies and politics of these organizations. The chapter looks at the National Security Strategies (NSSs) of nineteen European States to identify the security approaches of European States’ from their national perspectives, inquiring at the same time whether an embryonic ‘European’ security perspective emerges from them. To evaluate whether this is borne out in practice, the chapter then considers two spheres of securitization which, as evident from the NSSs, are perceived as essential to the maintenance of Europe itself: security at its borders and in its wider neighbourhood.
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