Journal articles on the topic 'North American Free Trade Area'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: North American Free Trade Area.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'North American Free Trade Area.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Gagnon, Mona-Josée. "Trade union cooperation in the NAFTA area." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 1 (February 2000): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600106.
Full textAbstract:
When the plans for a free trade agreement were first discussed, the North American trade unions were unanimous in their opposition to the idea. However, because of the fragmented nature of their action, they were unable to bring any influence to bear on either government action or public opinion. Yet now that trade in North America is becoming liberalised, it is evident that the outcome for trade unions is not as negative as might have been thought: the trade unions are playing an increasingly important role in the development of discussions on free trade, while their organisations have succeeded in reaching closer agreement with each other on these questions and bridges have been built between the unions and numerous forms of pressure group. The discussions on free trade have shaken up and transformed north-south trade union relations. The one-way cooperation between those who give and those who receive is a thing of the past. The trade union movements of north and south have discovered that their interests may lie together, that their needs can be reciprocal and that it is possible, therefore, for them to develop more egalitarian forms of relationship. This article presents, first of all, a review of trade unionism in North America, followed by a summary of the free trade agreements and a description of their application and of anticipated developments. It will then look at how trade union positions have evolved, moving on to an analysis of the power relationship in which the North American trade union movement, and that of the Americas as a whole, has a part to play.
2
Saghafi, Massoud M. "Mexican Maquiladoras and the North American Free Trade Area." Journal of Transnational Management Development 1, no. 2 (May 19, 1995): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j130v01n02_06.
Full text
3
Nemgar, Mojca. "Free trade or people?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 1 (July 1, 2001): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.1.3.
Full textAbstract:
The growth of the GDP seems much more important than overall development of the country. The gap between rich and poor is increasing drastically. Everything that challenges profit e.g. worker's rights, pollution, descreasing absolute poverty is set aside and considered irrelevant. Only few are to decide what the world itself and world economy should be like. G-8, IMF, WB, WTO are deciding about the future of the world in a name of few, as they are deciding about the important matters of humanity away from the eyes of the public. Even the agreement of FTAA (Free Trade Area of Americas) was adopted away from the eyes of the public. Namely FTAA is compromising 34 states of Latin America and North America, although it seems that is only an extension of the NAFTA who has proved to be harmful both for the Mexico, which obviously does not have enough economic power to cope (financial crisis 1995) with thriving American economy, as for Canada, a member of G-8.
4
Shane, Matthew D. "The North American free trade area, Mexican debt constraint and structural reform." North American Journal of Economics and Finance 3, no. 2 (September 1992): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1062-9408(92)90002-9.
Full text
5
Shiells, Clinton R., David W. Roland-Hoist, and Kenneth A. Reinert. "Modeling a north American free trade area: Estimation of flexible functional forms." Review of World Economics 129, no. 1 (March 1993): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02707487.
Full text
6
Yakubovskiy, S., T. Rodionova, and O. Tsviakh. "CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE AREA." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 142 (2020): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.142.1.74-84.
Full textAbstract:
This research aims to analyze current economic state of the North American Free Trade Area and to identify possible prospects for its development. The article explores the prerequisites for the formation of NAFTA, reasons for revising the agreement and compares the differences between the previous and updated agreements, an impact of integration association on the socio-economic status, trade and investment activity of the participating countries, prospects for its development and analysis of its economic cooperation with Ukraine. The empirical analysis shows a significant relationship between the U.S. GDP and foreign trade with Mexico and Canada, unemployment and interest rates. Its results revealed that the U.S. trade with Canada had a positive impact on the U.S. GDP; at the same time the U.S. trade with Mexico had a negative impact on the U.S. GDP, which became the main argument for President Trump in his pressure on Mexico to revise the terms of the NAFTA agreement. The regression analysis also showed that there is an inverse relationship between GDP and interest rate in the United States from 1994 to 2018. It was determined that the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) is not fundamentally different from the previous one, but it can create new opportunities, for example, for workers and farmers in the United States, and new difficulties for Canada and Mexico. This agreement tightens labor standards and protection of intellectual property rights, especially in Mexico, thus, probably decreasing the attractiveness of Mexican economy to foreign investors, that is likely to reduce the U.S. investment in Mexico. Thus, Canada and Mexico are expected to receive less benefit from the USMCA for their economies than the United States.
7
Viegas, Michelle S. "The Development of the Free Trade Area of the Americas: A Guide For Legal Research." International Journal of Legal Information 33, no. 1 (2005): 11–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004637.
Full textAbstract:
At the 1994 Summit of the Americas, leaders of democratic nations in the Western Hemisphere committed to establishing a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) by January 2005. The Declaration of Principles resulting from that Summit called for building on “existing sub-regional and bilateral arrangements in order to broaden and deepen hemispheric economic integration and to bring the agreements together.” Although ambitious, this endeavor was undertaken during a decade marked by an unprecedented proliferation of trade agreements. In 1991, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay agreed to initiate the formation of a common market now known as the MERCOSUR. Then in 1994, Canada, Mexico and the United States signed the North American Free Trade Agreement which replaced the United States-Canada Free Trade Agreement. Later that year, nations around the world formalized the existing General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, creating the World Trade Organization. In 1997, the Andean Community of Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela formalized its plans to establish a common market. Members of the Caribbean Community and Common Market also agreed in several protocols to further their economic and social integration. During the 1990's, numerous other trade agreements were negotiated, and their development continues at the same rapid pace today.
8
Kreinin, Mordechal E., and Michael G. Plummer. "Economic Effects of the North American Free-Trade Area on Australia and New Zealand." Journal of Economic Integration 9, no. 1 (March 15, 1994): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.1994.9.1.1.
Full text
9
Komkova, E. "NAFTA at 20." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2015): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-7-41-52.
Full textAbstract:
2014 marked the 20th anniversary of the entry into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which created the world’s largest free trade area. Now it links 470 million people producing more than 19 trillion USD worth of goods and services. The article addresses five issues: the international importance of NAFTA; the economic transformation that has occurred in the USA, Canada and Mexico since the advent of the NAFTA; a “thought experiment” on what American, Canadian and Mexican performance might have been without the NAFTA; the detrimental effect of 9/11 on the North American economic integration; and what’s next? At the time of its signing, NAFTA in many ways was considered a “gold standard” in terms of international free trade agreements. For the first time ever a free trade agreement brought together both developed and developing countries. It also broadened the scope of traditional FTAs by embracing services, foreign investments and property rights, and recognized the importance of workers' and environmental rights and issues. In terms of trade and investment NAFTA has been an undisputed success. Canada ranks as the United States’ largest export market, while Mexico is its second-largest export market. Today – thanks to NAFTA – North Americans not only sell more goods to one another, they also make more things together. For every dollar of goods that Canada and Mexico export to the USA, there are 25 cents’ worth of US inputs into Canadian goods and 40 cents’ worth into Mexican ones. Regardless of the impressive economic record, NAFTA has its critics. The agreement has not underwent a major update since its inception in 1994, i.e. prior to the rise of electronic commerce and, digital services, advanced manufacturing and many other innovative features of the global economy. As far as there is no political appetite to update NAFTA directly, indirect route is a subject of wide speculation. Canada, the USA and Mexico are negotiating partners to the Trans-Pacific Partnership and any benefits conferred by the TPP that go further than NAFTA would take precedence. It is assumed that the TPP should help to modernize NAFTA commitments and upgrade the North American trade and investment.
10
DAWAR, KAMALA. "Government Procurement in the WTO: A Case for Greater Integration." World Trade Review 15, no. 4 (January 5, 2016): 645–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745615000592.
Full textAbstract:
This article assesses the regulation of government procurement in the WTO, specifically under the WTO Government Procurement Agreement (WTO GPA), the General Agreement on Tariffs in Trade (GATT), the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM). It compares these findings from leading regional trade agreements (RTAs) with government procurement regulation, most notably the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU).
11
Kostyunina, G. M. "North American Integration after 20 Years." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-152-162.
Full textAbstract:
Formation of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) among the three countries - the U.S., Canada and Mexico is the most striking example of successful development of integration processes in the Western Hemisphere. This year NAFTA marks the 20th anniversary of its foundation (1994). NAFTA covers trade in goods, services and movement of capital, intellectual property rights, environmental cooperation and labor cooperation. Its main advantages for member countries related to the dynamic growth of regional trade and investments, promoting the growth of industrial production (capital-intensive and high-tech industries in the U.S. and Canada, and labor-intensive industries in Mexico), increase the investment attractiveness of the economies of member countries and the promotion of employment. But there are costs, both general and specific to the individual member countries. Common costs are primarily asymmetrical level of economic interdependence, where mutual economic relations are the most developed between the U.S. and Canada, the U.S. and Mexico, and the least developed between Mexico and Canada due to historical conditions. Other costs are the differentiation in the levels of economic development, in volumes of overall GDP and per capita, population and size of the territory. But despite the costs, integration processes are successfully developed and repeatedly raised the issue of deepening economic integration between the U.S., Canada and Mexico. So, in 2000, there was put forward the concept of creating the North American community as an economic and security community by 2010, and in 2005 proposed the idea of a common currency called the Amero. But these proposals did not come true. On the agenda - the possibility of signing a new, more expanded NAFTA+, and even in the last year - the possibility to form a customs union under NAFTA.
12
Veroneau, John K., and Catherine H. Gibson. "Presidential Tariff Authority." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 4 (October 2017): 957–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.69.
Full textAbstract:
As part of the “America First” agenda discussed in his inaugural address, President Donald J. Trump promised that “[e]very decision” on trade, among other areas, would be “made to benefit American workers and American families.” During its first months, the Trump Administration made a number of trade moves apparently in connection with this “America First” trade agenda, including initiating national security investigations into steel and aluminum imports under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 and preparing an “omnibus” report on trade deficits. The Trump Administration also took steps to alter U.S. treaty relationships, by withdrawing from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, announcing the renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement, and requesting a special session of a joint committee created under the United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement. In August 2017, President Trump continued this course—and indicated a willingness to take unilateral action against U.S. trading partners—by signing a presidential memorandum directing the United States Trade Representative to determine whether China's treatment of U.S. intellectual property warranted investigation under Section 301 et seq. of the Trade Act of 1974.
13
Viano, Emilio C. "AN AMERICAN DILEMMA: THE FLOW OF TRADE VERSUS THE FLOW OF PEOPLE IN NAFTA." Denning Law Journal 22, no. 1 (November 26, 2012): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v22i1.355.
Full textAbstract:
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994 aims at creating the legal, political, and business conditions for a freer circulation of goods, capitals and services in North America. However it gives scant attention to the mobility of workers. The basic premise of this paper is that globalisation of trade and the universal diffusion of human rights have evolved and progressed side by side, even though with difficulty and reluctantly, and that the regional liberalisation of trade must be deeply interwoven with issues related to socio-economic rights to be ultimately and durably successful. This paper’s major questions are: How does NAFTA address labour mobility? Does NAFTA neglect, oppose or support the free movement of people across its borders? Does the agreement deal with labour mobility in a clear and definite manner or does it ignore it and give it short shrift? Should NAFTA support the liberalisation of immigration within its area as a long term objective, as part of a deeper and broader regional integration, conditioned on considerable reforms by its Member States, especially Mexico’s legal system, and energy, tax and banking policies, among others? Is the free movement of people needed to be truly successful and provide economic security, survival and prosperity for its member countries in view of vastly changed economic and trade conditions since its inception? This paper first traces the history of the drafting of NAFTA. Then it examines what NAFTA means for labour mobility within the complex interaction between an economic colossus like the United States and a developing country like Mexico, also taking into account current migration trends. In this section, the paper also covers the liberalisation of the mobility of labour (albeit limited) brought about through administrative regulations. Interspersed with this there is a discussion of what should be a mutually reinforcing relationship between international free trade and social policy.
14
Benton, L. M. "The Greening of Free Trade? The Debate about the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Environment." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 28, no. 12 (December 1996): 2155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a282155.
Full textAbstract:
The study of human—nature relationships has long been central to geographic inquiry. Recent attempts to reconcile the growing demands of the international economy with the equally important concerns about environmental protection can be seen as one challenge to the dominant construction of human—nature relationships. Attempts to ‘green trade’ are well illustrated in the debate about the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the environment. This paper presents three arguments. First, the growing influence of the environmental movement in the USA during the past twenty-five years has embedded concern for the environment in political culture. This ‘politics of the environment’ is exemplified in NAFTA's explicit goal of promoting sustainable development. Including sustainable development as a specified goal thus provided environmentalists a legitimate entry into the NAFTA debate over free trade, development, and environmental protection. Second, it is argued that the NAFTA debate highlights several trade—environment dilemmas, dilemmas which must be addressed in order to reconcile economics and the environment. Particular attention will be paid to the debate about NAFTA and environmental sovereignty. Third, the NAFTA debate brought together two distinct communities: free traders and environmentalists. Far from being two exclusive communities, in this paper I assert that economics and the environment must be seen as interdependent forces which will increasingly interact with each other. In the case of NAFTA, these two communities not only interacted with each other, they created a common ground which made supporting NAFTA acceptable to both interest groups. The creation of a common ground took place through negotiation, debate, and compromise, and thus is a fundamental engagement with human—nature constructions. I conclude that we can expect the environmental community to participate in future trade and development issues because environmentalists now see these areas as critical to reconciling economic—environment and human—nature relationships.
15
Dholakia, Nikhilesh. "Integration of Markets and the Interplay of Interests: Understanding the Discourse about North American Free Trade Area." Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences / Revue Canadienne des Sciences de l'Administration 9, no. 2 (June 1992): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1936-4490.1992.tb00584.x.
Full text
16
Bouzas, Roberto. "The "New Regionalism" and the Negotiation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas." International Negotiation 12, no. 3 (2007): 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234007x240664.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the pros and cons of the "new regionalism," with the negotiations for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) taken as a landmark. It summarizes the main features of the "new regionalism" and reviews some of the challenges and opportunities opened by North-South preferential trade agreements (a category that includes many of the new vintage of such agreements). The article also evaluates the record of the FTAA negotiations, emphasizing recent trends and prospects, especially the foundations of the current stalemate.
17
Brox, James. "Academic Research and Canadian Manufacturing Productivity since the Formation of NAFTA." Industry and Higher Education 21, no. 2 (April 2007): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/000000007780681021.
Full textAbstract:
Does academic research have a positive impact on productivity? To examine this question, the paper focuses on national Canadian manufacturing data, using a variable-cost CES-translog cost system. Changes in the elasticities calculated from the estimation results allow the study of the impact of the free-trade agreements on Canadian production and the effects of academic R&D expenditures. The principal finding is that academic research expenditures have had a positive effect on Canadian manufacturing productivity and that this effect of R&D expenditures has become stronger since the formation of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA).
18
Bélanger, Louis. "Governing the North American Free Trade Area: International Rule Making and Delegation in NAFTA, the SPP, and Beyond." Latin American Policy 1, no. 1 (June 2010): 22–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-7373.2010.00003.x.
Full text
19
Tremblay, Rodrigue. "La politique commerciale fédérale et l’économie québécoise." L'Actualité économique 52, no. 4 (June 25, 2009): 459–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800695ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract It is argued in this paper that both normative and objective considerations must be taken into consideration in the formulation of tariff policy. Moreover, it is shown that static and partial equilibrium analyses can be disastrously misleading in guiding the framing of tariff policy. Regarding the regional impact of tariffs, it is shown that within a monetary union, interregional trade flows reflect absolute production and transport cost advantages and that the non-realization of perfect domestic mobility of factors of production entails social and private adjustment costs that must be reckoned with in the cost-benefit analysis of any shift in trade policy. From the standpoint of Quebec, a French-speaking political entity, the Canadian trade area is far from being optimal. The tendency for Canadian market-oriented economic activity to polarize in Ontario behind tariff walls, accompanied by a large movement of foreign enterprises, pushes the Quebec economy towards the least attractive and the most vulnerable industries among those oriented towards the Canadian common market. A rationalization of these laggard Quebec industries and an up-grading of resources-oriented economic activity would then benefit from the removal of both Canadian and American tariffs. Among Canadian trade options, therefore, Quebec would potentially benefit most from a gradual move toward a North-American free trade area, with ad hoc measures for certain industries, but should reject the world-wide free trade and unilateral free trade options because of the serious industrial dislocations and factors of production outflows they would create.
20
Choudry, Aziz. "Struggles Against Bilateral FTAs: Challenges for Transnational Global Justice Activism." Studies in Social Justice 7, no. 1 (November 19, 2012): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i1.1052.
Full textAbstract:
The past decade has seen major movements and mobilizations against the new crop of bilateral free trade and investment agreements being pursued by governments in the wake of the failure of global (World Trade Organization) and regional (e.g. Free Trade Area of the Americas) negotiations, and the defeat of an attempted Multilateral Agreement on Investment in the 1990s. However, in spite of much scholarly, non-governmental organization (NGO) and activist focus on transnational global justice activism, many of these movements, such as the major multi-sectoral popular struggle over the recently-concluded US-Korea Free Trade Agreement, are hardly acknowledged in North America and Europe. With a shift in emphasis pushing liberalization and deregulation of trade and investment increasingly favouring lower-profile bilateral agreements, this article maps the resistance movements to these latest shifts in global free market capitalist relations and discusses the disconnect between these (mainly Southern) struggles and dominant scholarly and NGO conceptions of global justice and the global justice movement as well as questions of knowledge production arising from these movements.
21
Ros, Jaime. "Free Trade Area or Common Capital Market? Notes on Mexico-US Economic Integration and Current NAFTA Negotiations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166029.
Full textAbstract:
This Article addresses some of the key issues involved in understanding current trade negotiations between Mexico and the United States, as well as their significance for the process of economic integration in North America. These issues derive from the new setting produced by (a) Mexico's trade and investment liberalization in the 1980s, (b) the incentives which underlie the drive towards integration, as well as (c) those factors which will condition the final content of the current negotiating process.A free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States could be seen as the logical conclusion of the process of trade and investment liberalization carried out by the Mexican government ever since the mid-1980s. At the same time, it also represents a shift in Mexico's initial trade strategy, from multilateralism to bilateralism, or from globalization to regionalization, as a consequence of the global trend, toward the end of the 20th century, to create large regional economic blocs.
22
Yusminah, Hartati. "Evaluasi Komoditi Ekspor di Bandara Soekarno Hatta." WARTA ARDHIA 36, no. 4 (December 31, 2010): 317–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25104/wa.v36i4.94.317-328.
Full textAbstract:
Seeing of free trade in several continental markets such as of the establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC). The Asian Pacific Economy (Pasific Economy Community) NORTH America Free Trade Are (NAFTA), ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), ASEAN free market with China is indirectly effect on determination of Indonesian strategy in exploting oppurtunities commodities what can penetrate the international market.With the opening of free markets Asean plus China which commenced in the year 2010 was the air transport sector has an important role in supporting efforts to increase exports, especially in the provision of adequate transport service.Soekarno Hatta airport is one of the airport that serves as the gates way of trade via air transport network, that plays an important role in supporting and smoth export and import of commodities.
23
Jamieson, Ruth, Nigel South, and Ian Taylor. "Economic Liberalization and Cross-Border Crime: The North American Free Trade Area and Canada's Border with the U.S.A. Part I." International Journal of the Sociology of Law 26, no. 2 (June 1998): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijsl.1998.0065.
Full text
24
Jamieson, Ruth, Nigel South, and Ian Taylor. "Economic Liberalization and Cross-Border Crime: The North American Free Trade Area and Canada's Border with the U.S.A. Part II." International Journal of the Sociology of Law 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 285–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijsl.1998.0066.
Full text
25
Manzetti, Luigi. "The Political Economy of MERCOSUR." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 35, no. 4 (1994): 101–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165956.
Full textAbstract:
Recent literature on regional integration has stressed the key role that emerging trading blocs will have in shaping the world economy of the 21st-century. With the end of the Cold War, policymakers have refocused their attention on economic issues. Economic trends — such as rapid changes in research, technology, capital flow, and trade patterns — have assumed a new importance. Increasing competition in world markets has induced industrialized countries to cluster together in regional economic blocs. This has been the case with the European Community (EC), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) signatories (the United States, Canada, and Mexico), and possibly Japan and its East Asian neighbors. However, these experiments in regional integration differ appreciably in nature. For instance, the EC explicitly seeks an economic and political union, whereas the NAFTA is simply a free trade area whose goal is the eventual elimination of restrictions on investment flows.
26
Hualde, Alfredo, and Miguel Angel Ramírez. "The impact of the NAFTA treaty on wage competition, immigration, labor standards and cross-border co-operation." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 7, no. 3 (August 2001): 494–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890100700312.
Full textAbstract:
The signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1993 led to the formation of a social and economic area characterized by marked asymmetry between its members: the USA, Mexico and Canada. Seven years later the results in terms of salaries, employment and labor standards are not very positive, although they have not produced the catastrophic results foreseen by some. In Mexico several hundred thousand jobs were created, especially in the maquiladora export industry, but this has been associated with falling living standards and rising poverty. Migration from Mexico to the USA has increased. Poor labor standards and illegal employment have led to collaboration between NGOs and trade unions on both sides of the frontier.
27
Barbier, Edward B., and Joanne C. Burgess. "Economic analysis of deforestation in Mexico." Environment and Development Economics 1, no. 2 (May 1996): 203–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x00000590.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis paper uses panel analyses to estimate relationships for agricultural planted area and beef cattle numbers at the state level in Mexico during the period 1970–85, in order to determine the main factors affecting forest land conversion. Of the key policy variables, maize and fertilizer prices appear to be the main influences on the expansion of planted area, whereas beef prices and credit disbursement influence cattle numbers. Population growth also affects both livestock and agricultural activities, and income per capita is positively correlated with cattle expansion. These estimated relationships are used to examine the effects both of agricultural and livestock sectoral policy changes and of trade liberalization in Mexico resulting from the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). To avoid any unintended impacts of NAFTA on deforestation, it may be necessary for Mexico to make complementary investments in land improvements, especially for existing cultivation on rainfed land.
28
Latulippe, Jean-Guy. "Le traité de réciprocité 1854-1866." L'Actualité économique 52, no. 4 (June 25, 2009): 432–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800694ar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract "Reciprocity is a relation between two independent powers, such that the citizens of each are guaranteed certain commercial privileges at the hands of the others". The arrangement obtained under the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 might perhaps be appropriately described as a partial "free-trade area" rather than as a "customs union" since the United States and the British North American Provinces were not assumed to draw up a common tariff schedule for their imports from the outside countries. Each participant maintains its own duties against other countries or even colonies. The Reciprocity Treaty permitted free access in the coastal fisheries to Americans and abolished duties on a wide range of natural products (grain, flour, fish, livestock, coal, timber and other less important natural produce). At the same time, American vessels were admitted to the use of Canadian canals on the same terms as British and colonial vessels. Reciprocity was to apply to Canadian vessels going to United States. In the late 1840's the B.N.A. Provinces were faced by that policy which the literature has called "Little Englandism". When Britain repealed the corn laws and gradually the preferential tariffs on timber the B.N.A. Provinces were shocked to be left on their own. A new commercial system had to be developed: reciprocity was the answer. But, it could have been something else: protection or annexion. The direction of the external trade changes with the Reciprocity Treaty. Before 1851, Britain was Canada's main partner (59% of Canada's Exports). But a decade later, the United States was both Canada's major supplier and its best customer. Neither the Treaty nor the loss of preference in the British Market succeeded in destroying the Trade of B.N.A. Provinces with the United Kingdom. In fact, trade with Britain was greater in 1865 than in 1854. Later, in 1870, Britain took back its leading position. What we see is a diversion of trade from Britain to the United States and back to Britain where the basic commercial connections were well established. The Treaty was disappointing for the "dream" of using the St. Lawrence as the main route to capture the trade of the West did not materialize. The consequence of abrogation was less unfortunate than had in some quarters been anticipated. The Treaty came late after the abolition of the preferential tariffs, and it was disturbed by major events (the crisis of 1857; the American Civil War). After the treaty, recovery of the American currency reconstruction, proximity of the two countries, a new boom in foreign investment in Canada, etc., combined to reduce considerably the potential blow to Canada of the Abrogation. The agreement lasted for twelve years and was finally overwhelmed by the rising tide of protectionism and commercial jealousies and political hostilities of the time. Reciprocity, Confederation, the Nation Policy, the St. Lawrence Seaway (1840/1950), the National Corporations, the pipelines are all the elements of the same continuum: economic and political integration of isolated markets in North America.
29
Calboli, Irene. "The intricate relationship between intellectual property exhaustion and free movement of goods in regional organizations: comparing the EU/EEA, NAFTA, and ASEAN." Queen Mary Journal of Intellectual Property 9, no. 1 (February 2019): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/qmjip.2019.01.02.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the relationship between national rules on the exhaustion of intellectual property (IP) rights and cross-border trade within regional organizations. In particular, this article compares three distinct approaches adopted by: the European Union (EU); the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA); and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Based on this comparison, this article concludes that in order to effectively promote the free movement of goods, members of regional organizations need to consistently adopt national policies on IP exhaustion that support, at least, a system of regional exhaustion such as currently found in the EU. However, this article also posits that different regional organizations may decide to adopt a variety of approaches on IP exhaustion. These variations may be based on the different stages of national development of the various members of a regional organization or the size of national markets and economic strategies, including their current level of international trade and whether this trade is primarily with other members of the same organization or with third countries. With time, different national approaches on IP exhaustion may change and lead to a higher level of harmonization to promote a full-scale free movement of goods within a regional organization.
30
Martin, Philip L. "Trade and Migration: The Case of NAFTA." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 2, no. 3 (September 1993): 329–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689300200306.
Full textAbstract:
Though the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) does not directly address the issue of migration and trade, the effects of NAFTA on Mexican migration to the United States will be closely watched. This article provides background information on NAFTA, reviews data on its economic effects, and summarizes studies and projections of NAFTA's likely effects on Mexico-to-U.S. migration. Migration factors (demand-pull, supply-push, and networks) are examined to determine whether NAFTA's effect on economic development particularly in the border areas will accelerate or retard migration. The conclusion is that NAFTA is likely to produce a temporary migration hump, slightly raising already high migration levels in the 1990s, but reducing the volume of Mexico-to-U.S. migration that would otherwise occur over subsequent decades.
31
Ismanto, Ignatius, and Roy Vincentius Pratikno. "Perubahan Ekonomi Global dan Tantangan bagi Indonesia [Global Economic Change and Challenges for Indonesia]." Verity: International Relations Journal 8, no. 16 (December 1, 2016): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v8i16.726.
Full textAbstract:
The shifting of global political-economy since early 1990s has been followed by the expansion of regional economy cooperation forum establishment, such as: NAFTA (North America Free Trade Area), EFTA (European Free Trade Area) and APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation). Indonesia, together with the other South East Asia countries who join ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asia), is also actively involved in engaging regional economy cooperation forums, such as: ASEAN-China FTA, ASEAN-India FTA, ASEAN-Jepang Economic Partnership, ASEAN Regional Economi Partnership (ARCEP). The establishment of those economic regionalism is apparently a strategy in responding economical globalization. Indonesia’s involvement in those regional economy cooperations has increased its national commitment, both in going through economical liberization as well as in building its national economy competitiveness. This research describes Indonesian political challanges in responding the dynamic changes of that global economy.
32
Markusen, Jim. "Regional Integration and Third-Country Inward Investment." Business and Politics 6, no. 1 (April 2004): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1082.
Full textAbstract:
The paper focuses on how the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which will include both high-income developed and developing countries, will affect the options and investment strategies of multinational firms outside the region. Preliminary sections discuss the strategies open to both insider firms (headquartered with the Americas) and outsider firms, and the characteristics of technologies and countries that determine equilibrium location choices. Then I turn more explicitly to the question at hand, and suggest that a free-trade area of the Americas can be conceptually decomposed into (a) integration among the southern developing countries and (b) integration between the south and NAFTA. The first will give third-country multinationals horizontal investment opportunities to serve the effectively larger southern market with local production to serve the local southern market. The second gives third-country multinationals the opportunity to exploit low labor costs in the south to produce for export to North America (export-platform FDI). While this all sounds attractive for third-country firms, the theory emphasizes that the same advantages of integration are conferred upon U.S. and Canadian firms who have the additional advantage of supplying services and intermediate goods to southern affiliates at lower cost than the third country firms. This competitive effect from insider firms leads the theory to suggest weaker benefits to third-country firms than a simpler approach might predict.
33
Mireles, Luis Ramon. "Occupational Safety and Health on the U.S.-Mexico Border." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 13, no. 1 (May 2003): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/5cdm-pmer-6jd9-952r.
Full textAbstract:
A number of trade agreements were adopted in the 1990s that promised economic growth for Mexico. The most significant was the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which promotes open trade between Mexico, the United States, and Canada. Like WTO, NAFTA focuses on the economic aspects of trade. Occupational safety and health issues were not specifically addressed by NAFTA. Despite the presence of domestic regulatory systems, concerns over working conditions persist on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border and the workforces face similar health problems. The upsurge in trade between the United States and Mexico must be accompanied by an international commitment to occupational safety and health in border areas. If government agencies cannot or will not intervene to reduce rates of workplace injuries and illnesses, civil coalitions must assume this role.
34
Richards, Timothy J., Ignacio Molina, and Osman Hussein. "Welfare Impacts of the Mexico Potato Quarantine." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 41, no. 3 (December 2009): 761–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800003205.
Full textAbstract:
Under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) tariffs on U.S. potato imports to Mexico were phased out by 1993. Citing phytosanitary issues, in 1996, the Mexican government placed quantitative restrictions on U.S. potato imports and restricted their import only to designated border areas. This article estimates the welfare cost of restricting U.S. potato imports into Mexico. We find that removing trade restrictions may lead to over 1.8 million tons of new imports into Mexico, a gain of consumer surplus of 4.0 billion pesos per year, and a loss of 2.9 billion pesos of producer surplus.
35
Remer, Donald S., and Armando P. Nieto. "Comparison of depreciation and corporate tax policies between the countries of the North American free trade area (NAFTA) and the European Community (EC)." International Journal of Production Economics 32, no. 3 (November 1993): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0925-5273(93)90047-o.
Full text
36
Villegas, Bernardo M. "Implications of AFTA on Philippine Labor Export." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 2, no. 3 (September 1993): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689300200304.
Full textAbstract:
After summarizing the major features of the ASEAN labor market and patterns of labor migration in Asia, the article describes the origins and current status of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and its main mechanism, the Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT) Scheme. Projections are offered on the effects on regional trade after AFTA. Though the volume of intra-regional trade may be less significant than in the cases of Europe or North America, AFTA is likely to have a significant effect on promoting a regional division of labor. Although AFTA is limited to the manufacturing sector, in the future the Philippines may find a niche in services requiring “knowledge workers” such as accountants and computer analysts.
37
Sizemore, Mary Hoyte. "Accessibility of Health Care for Elderly Mexicans Living in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico." International Quarterly of Community Health Education 13, no. 3 (October 1992): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/nmn3-ryue-791j-t8d5.
Full textAbstract:
The issue of access to health care for the elderly and the quality of that care is of growing importance not only in the United States but also in less developed nations such as Mexico. An area of special interest is the U.S.-Mexico border region, where an increasing number of people are relocating to seek jobs they believe will open up as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) loosens trade barriers. Workers flocking to the border often bring their families, including elderly relatives. This study examines a sample of lower-middle and mid-middle class Mexicans aged sixty to eighty-nine who reside in the border city of Ciudad Juárez, focusing on the principal ailments which affect these individuals and available treatment. A concluding section makes brief comparative remarks on access to health care for the elderly in Mexico and in the United States.
38
BUREAU, JEAN-CHRISTOPHE, SÉBASTIEN JEAN, and ALAN MATTHEWS. "The consequences of agricultural trade liberalization for developing countries: distinguishing between genuine benefits and false hopes." World Trade Review 5, no. 2 (May 16, 2006): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474560600276x.
Full textAbstract:
Recent analyses suggest that the impact of agricultural trade liberalization on developing countries will be very uneven. The Doha Round focuses on tariff issues, but some developing countries currently have practically duty-free access to European and North American markets under preferential regimes. Multilateral liberalization will erode the benefits of these preferences, which are presently rather well utilized in the agricultural sector. While South American and East Asian countries should benefit from an agricultural agreement, African and Caribbean countries are unlikely to do so. The main obstacles to the exports of the sub-Saharan African and Least Developed Countries appear to be in the non-tariff area (sanitary, phytosanitary standards), which increasingly originate from the private sector and are not dealt with under the Doha framework (traceability requirements, etc.). An agreement in Doha is unlikely to solve these problems and open large markets for the poorest countries. While this is not an argument to give up multilateral liberalization, a more specific and differentiated treatment should be considered in WTO rules, and corrective measures should be implemented.
39
Hurrell, Andrew. "Explaining the resurgence of regionalism in world politics." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1995): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117954.
Full textAbstract:
The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Old regionalist organizations have been revived, new organizations formed, and regionalism and the call for strengthened regionalist arrangements have been central to many of the debates about the nature of the post-Cold War international order. The number, scope and diversity of regionalist schemes have grown significantly since the last major ‘regionalist wave’ in the 1960s. Writing towards the end of this earlier regionalist wave, Joseph Nye could point to two major classes of regionalist activity: on the one hand, micro-economic organizations involving formal economic integration and characterized by formal institutional structures; and on the other, macro-regional political organizations concerned with controlling conflict. Today, in the political field, regional dinosaurs such as the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have re-emerged. They have been joined both by a large number of aspiring micro-regional bodies (such as the Visegrad Pact and the Pentagonale in central Europe; the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in the Middle East; ECOWAS and possibly a revived Southern African Development Community (SADC, formerly SADCC) led by post-apartheid South Africa in Africa), and by loosely institutionalized meso-regional security groupings such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE, now OSCE) and more recently the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). In the economic field, micro-regional schemes for economic cooperation or integration (such as the Southern Cone Common Market, Mercosur, the Andean Pact, the Central American Common Market (CACM) and CARICOM in the Americas; the attempts to expand economic integration within ASEAN; and the proliferation of free trade areas throughout the developing world) stand together with arguments for macro-economic or ‘bloc regionalism’ built around the triad of an expanded European Union (EU), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and some further development of Asia-Pacific regionalism. The relationship between these regional schemes and between regional and broader global initiatives is central to the politics of contemporary regionalism.
40
Niankara, Ibrahim, and Lee C. Adkins. "Youth Awareness and Expectations about GMOs and Nuclear Power Technologies within the North American Free Trade Bloc: A Retrospective Cross-Country Comparative Analysis." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 6, no. 2 (May 2, 2020): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc6020034.
Full textAbstract:
This study reports on the cross-country heterogeneity in youth awareness and expectations about genetically modified organisms (GMOs) and nuclear power technology (NPT) within the North American free trade area (NAFTA). Models are estimated with data on youth respondents from the USA, Canada and Mexico, using seemingly unrelated bivariate weighted ordered probit regression, with maximum simulated likelihood estimation. Our findings show that the diffusion of technology and information within the trade bloc, for the 20 years prior to the 2015 data collection period, did not significantly contribute to cross-country convergence in youth awareness and expectations about GMOs and NPTs. Indeed, with regard to awareness, compared to youth from the USA, those from Canada show 15% (GMOs) and 7.1% (NPT) more awareness, respectively; while youth from Mexico show 34.4% and 19.5% less awareness about GMOs and NPT, respectively. With respect to expectations about future developments of the two technological artifacts, compared to youth from the USA, those from Canada and Mexico are 34.4% and 39.9% more optimistic about GMOs, respectively, while 15% and 49.7% are more optimistic about NPT. Overall, our findings show that the youth population within NAFTA is 2.5% and 6.7% more optimistic about GMOs and NPT for each level of increase in their awareness about the two technologies, respectively. Theoretically, our results seem to reject the hypothesis of NAFTA being a technology convergence country club in the Schumpeterian view, while seemingly supporting the existence of heterogeneous growth regimes within NAFTA.
41
MBAATYO, AKPE, and ROBERT A. BERG. "OPPORTUNITIES FOR ENTREPRENEURS: A TRADE UNION BETWEEN CHINA AND INDIA." Journal of Enterprising Culture 03, no. 03 (September 1995): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218495895000180.
Full textAbstract:
With heated debate on the benefits to business, to labour, and to governments from economic union, many nations commit their people within the European Union (EU), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Australia and New Zealand Closer Economic Relations (CER), and other trade pacts. What if two emerging giants and neighbours, India and China, were to form an economic union? This paper undertakes a preliminary discussion of the viability of a China-India economic integration and recommends further study of the subject. Using Huang and Tu's (1994) revealed comparative advantage (RCA) as a backdrop, this paper discusses areas of possible trade creation (TC) and trade diversion (TD) that will occur should a China-India economic integration take place. The role of the government and information flow as new factors of production have been examined. After considering the history, economic growth zones, economic liberalisation programs in China and India, available resources, and regional and global trade, the paper concludes that a China-India economic integration holds the key to prosperity in the so called "Asian century". This paper suggests that such integration will be economically viable and should be studied and encouraged, both by business and government.
42
Ashur, Suleiman A., M. Hadi Baaj, K. David Pijawka, and Derar S. Serhan. "Environmental Impact Assessment of Transporting Hazardous Waste Generated by Maquiladora Industry in U.S.-Mexico Border Region." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1602, no. 1 (January 1997): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1602-13.
Full textAbstract:
Hazardous waste shipments from U.S.-owned industries in the northern part of Mexico near the border with the United States are a growing problem. Today, the Mexican Environmental Agency requires all U.S. industries to return the waste produced by their plants to the United States. Currently, there is no database on the amount of hazardous waste transported from these firms, the pattern of shipments (from what origins to what destinations), and the nature of the risks to the population and environment along the shipment routes. In addition, there is a growing need to develop a risk assessment model and framework to focus on the transport of hazardous waste in the United States–Mexico border region, given the anticipated changes resulting from implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Results of the data collection and analysis task and the risk assessment model formulation task are presented. The methodology is demonstrated in a case-study area of the United States–Mexico border region, namely, the Arizona-Sonora border area, and should be a valuable tool for evaluating various transport risk management scenarios of importance to the border area.
43
Gurtner-Zimmermann, A. "Abnehmende Kooperation in der Umweltpolitik trotz zunehmender wirtschaftlicher Integration : das kanadisch-amerikanische Verhältnis im Umweltbereich." Geographica Helvetica 47, no. 3 (September 30, 1992): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-47-112-1992.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. Over the last decades, Canada and Switzerland, countries with "small" economies, when compared with their neighbours, have experienced increasing economic Integration with their main trading partners, the United States and the European Community (EC) respectively. Using a political-economic approach, this article analyzes the effects of growmg Integration for management of transboundary, environmental problems in North America. As well, in view of the Canadian experience, possible implications for Switzerland in its future relationship to the EC are addressed. In the past the Canadian-American debate over transboundary environmental problems has centered around questions of territory. Despite increasing economic Integration, the dominant reaction to ecological interdependence has been reliance on national policies. In accordance with the American, economic leadership in the continental System, the kind of political response to transboundary, environmental Problems is mainly dictated by the importance of the problem in the United States. The Great Lakes are an area of mutual concern and, therefore, an example for limited, environmental Cooperation and the adoption of an environmental advanced Position. In the U. S., the political response to acid rain was reactive and delayed, since only certain regions were concerned. Despite Canadian domestic and international efforts during the 1980s, until recently no significant progress has been made in developing effective measures to abate air emissions. The conclusion of the Canada-U. S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1988 did not change the very nature of the mutual environmental relationship. However, in the corollary to the FTA serious threats to the environment can be identified. Liberalized trade and restrained State Intervention foster the accelerated exploitation of Canada's natural resources and further the harmonization of environmental Standards between the two countries. In view ofthe Canadian experience, the article concludes that for Switzerland an economic agreement with the EC without parallel environmental commitments could have significant, negative consequences.
44
Goldstein, Judith, Miles Kahler, Robert O. Keohane, and Anne-Marie Slaughter. "Introduction: Legalization and World Politics." International Organization 54, no. 3 (2000): 385–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551262.
Full textAbstract:
In many issue-areas, the world is witnessing a move to law. As the century turned, governments and individuals faced the following international legal actions. The European Court of Human Rights ruled that Britain's ban on homosexuals in the armed forces violates the right to privacy, contravening Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia indicted Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic during a NATO bombing campaign to force Yugoslav forces out of Kosovo. Milosevic remains in place in Belgrade, but Austrian police, bearing a secret indictment from the International Criminal Tribunal, arrested a Bosnian Serb general who was attending a conference in Vienna. In economic affairs the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body found in favor of the United States and against the European Union (EU) regarding European discrimination against certain Latin American banana exporters. A U.S. district court upheld the constitutionality of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) against claims that its dispute-resolution provisions violated U. S. sovereignty. In a notable environmental judgment, the new Law of the Sea Tribunal ordered the Japanese to cease all fishing for southern bluefin tuna for the rest of the year.
45
Sidaway, James D. "The (Geo)Politics of Regional Integration: The Example of the Southern African Development Community." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16, no. 5 (October 1998): 549–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d160549.
Full textAbstract:
Although mindful of the context of debates about a global tendency towards the formation of regional communities [of which the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), and the European Union (EU) are examples] the author focuses on the nature of regional integration in Southern Africa. In turn, however, the example of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is used to reflect on a number of broader theoretical issues concerning discourses and processes of regional integration. The author notes how, in the early 1980s, the forerunner to the SADC was born (in part) out of a struggle against the apartheid regime in South Africa. Today, the organisation includes the ‘new’ (postapartheid) South Africa and has accordingly shifted its avowed rationale away from an alliance against apartheid towards a scheme for regional integration, ‘development’, and reconstruction. Moving beyond these claims and drawing on interviews, journalistic sources, and official documentation the author seeks to understand the SADC's role as a diplomatic entity—and as operating within the same logics of power as the postcolonial African state.
46
Aliyeva-Baranovska, Vira, and Olha Sirenko. "Comparative characteristics of trade secret in the legislation of foreign countries and in international law." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 4, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-4-135-149.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to investigate the place of trade secrets in regulations, international treaties, foreign legislation, and key means of protecting trade secrets in accordance with these regulations. A comparative analysis of current norms and provisions of the system of legislation of foreign countries in terms of protection of trade secrets. An analysis is performed of international treaties and the legal framework of foreign countries, namely, the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, the Stockholm Convention establishing the World Intellectual Property Organization of 1967 in terms of protection of trade secrets in order to improve national legislation in this area. It has been emphasized that the definition of trade secrets is similar in the Civil Code of Ukraine and in the TRIPS Agreement, which enshrines three criteria of trade secrets: secrecy, commercial value and taking adequate measures to ensure secrecy. It is noted that legal protection provides for and requires the owner of the commercial secrecy to take appropriate measures to ensure the protection of relevant information from unfair commercial use. Sometimes the misappropriation of a trade secret is the result of industrial espionage, when a person provides classified information to a competitor for monetary or other remuneration. The main provisions of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on trade secrets are analyzed in comparison with the EU legal system, according to which patent law provides additional incentives for the application of the commercial secrecy regime to protect confidential information. Four approaches to understanding this legal regime in the doctrine of Anglo-Saxon legal systems are analyzed: the theory of contractual obligation, the theory of fiduciary (trust) relations, the theory of misappropriation and the theory of unfair competition. It is concluded that the applied criteria for classifying information as a trade secret are similar, in relation to actions that are not appropriation of a trade secret, in particular, in relation to the ‘legalization’ of reverse development, which is relevant for the information technology industry. Ukraine has the prospect of including in its legislation an important legal act – the Law of Ukraine on Trade Secrets, which will have a positive impact on the business climate, promote investment attractiveness, and meet the needs of businesses and the state.
47
Jacob Kosse, Elijah, Stephen Devadoss, and Jeff Luckstead. "US-Mexico tomato dispute." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 13, no. 2 (June 10, 2014): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-10-2013-0031.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a historical background of the tomato dispute, review the USA trade law and its effect on the tomato trade, discuss the role of the North American Free Trade Agreement and other supply and demand factors on increased tomato imports from Mexico and present a conceptual analysis of the effects of a Suspension Agreement (a form of Voluntary Export Restraint) on the USA and Mexico. In 1996, the USA and Mexico signed the Suspension Agreement which sets a guaranteed minimum price for Mexican tomato imports. Design/methodology/approach – Conceptual analysis graphically illustrates how the Suspension Agreement affects the tomato trade for the USA and Mexico and shows the benefits and losses of consumers and producers in these two countries. Findings – There is no consensus regarding whether Mexico dumps tomatoes onto the US market. However, US trade law favors domestic producers, leading to the signing of the Suspension Agreement. It is shown here that this agreement has substantial welfare effects in both Mexico and the USA. While it was designed to protect US producers, it also aids Mexican consumers and may potentially improve Mexican producer surplus as well. Only US consumers unambiguously suffer a loss. Research limitations/implications – As the theoretical model indicates, the Suspension Agreement’s minimum price does help Floridian farmers but, if the rents are large enough, may also aid Mexican producers. If Mexican producers do gain, then quota rent is shifted from tomato consumers to Mexican producers. On the other hand, US consumers are hurt as well as tomato processing plants because they purchase fresh tomatoes for use as inputs. The higher price minimum after the 2013 agreement will likely intensify the welfare effects, and the addition of different categories with distinct prices is likely to have additional consequences for both welfare and trade distortions. Originality/value – As the USA and Mexico recently signed a new Suspension Agreement, this paper deals with a very timely and contentious trade dispute and contributes to the area of research international trade war. The literature on Suspension Agreements is also expanded by providing welfare analysis of both producers and consumers.
48
Galbraith, John S. "Britain and American Railway Promoters In Late Nineteenth Century Persia." Albion 21, no. 2 (1989): 248–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049928.
Full textAbstract:
Within the last generation there has been a vast outpouring of scholarship on the characteristics of British imperial policy in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The older orthodoxy that the mid-Victorian years were dominated by a commitment to laissez faire and free trade has been demolished. In the new era scholars quarrel over how “imperial” was “informal empire.” This article is not intended to add to this controversy, but rather to provide insight into the character of British policy in one area, Persia, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on American efforts to build railways and British responses to this attempted intrusion into an exclusive British-Russian sphere of influence.For both Russia and Britain Persia had great strategic significance. Like Afghanistan, “the walls of the Indian garden,” Persia was important primarily in relation to the defense of the Indian Empire. Russian expansion to the borders of Persia, a weak state, posed the threat that the country would fall under Russian influence and what had been a buffer would become a menace.British interest in Persia thus involved a strong strategic component which affected economic policy. Unlike Afghanistan it was seen as a promising market for British goods, particularly if transportation to the interior of Persia could be opened up on the Karun River and if British capital could be attracted to build a network of railways which could be a further basis for controlling the Persian economy and thus contributing to British influence at the Persian court. At the same time Britain was determined to thwart Russian plans for railways in the north which could be used to transport troops to the borders of Persia and eventually beyond. Each power assumed the malevolent intent of the other and each was determined to frustrate these foul plans.
49
ZHEN-JIA-LIU. "CROSS-COUNTRY STUDY ON THE DETERMINANTS OF BANK FINANCIAL DISTRESS." Revista de Administração de Empresas 55, no. 5 (October 2015): 593–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-759020150510.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTBank failures affect owners, employees, and customers, possibly causing large-scale economic distress. Thus, banks must evaluate operational risks and develop early warning systems. This study investigates bank failures in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, the North America Free Trade Area (NAFTA), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the European Union, newly industrialized countries, the G20, and the G8. We use financial ratios to analyze and explore the appropriateness of prediction models. Results show that capital ratios, interest income compared to interest expenses, non-interest income compared to non-interest expenses, return on equity, and provisions for loan losses have significantly negative correlations with bank failure. However, loan ratios, non-performing loans, and fixed assets all have significantly positive correlations with bank failure. In addition, the accuracy of the logistic model for banks from NAFTA countries provides the best prediction accuracy regarding bank failure.
50
Segovia, Rafael. "COSTCO in Mexico: What Struggles for a Dignified Life are Set to Be in a Globalised World." Media International Australia 111, no. 1 (May 2004): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411100110.
Full textAbstract:
This article tells the story of a battle in the Mexican city of Cuernavaca between a coalition of civil society groups on one side, and a multinational corporation, its local partner, and entrenched political and economic interests on the other. This battle over the transformation of a former casino and hotel into a supermarket is a story about resistance to the neoliberal paradigm underpinning a trade agreement (in this case, the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA) which privileges the interests of capital and foreign investment over local particularity and cultural and ecological heritage. It is also a story about the politicisation of a cultural NGO, the Civic Council for Culture and the Arts of Morelos (CCCAM), which was founded by an independent group of citizens who were looking for a way to increase and optimise cultural activities in the state. The CCCAM, which was a non-political movement, without any allegiance to any political party, became involved in this struggle against the destruction and loss of an important artistic, archaeological and natural heritage in the downtown area of Cuernavaca, the capital of Morelos state. The organisation didn't go looking for conflict, but organisations such as this — operating in a society lacking democratic mechanisms for conciliation — often naturally become focal points for dissent, and therefore attract conflict. The conflict ended up in repression and abuse by governmental authorities. Eventually, the story raised national and international concern, and has been considered by analysts, politicians and newsmen as one of the most significant civic struggles of modern times in Mexico.