Academic literature on the topic 'North Africans France Social conditions'

The growing interest in migration issues in the EU has not affected the analysis of African migrants. The focus is on social and political issues, while the economic issues studied are primarily related to the assessment of the reasons for the arrival of Africans in the EU, the trajectory of their movement, as well as the scale of remittances to their homeland and the conditions for their return back to Africa. The article focuses on the main features of African migrants’ economic activity in the EU. Instead of the traditional consideration of only one or several diasporas in a single country or a generalized analysis of the entire EU, we compare the specifics of immigrants from different African countries in the 4 largest EU member states (including the UK, which left the integration project in 2020). Our article begins with a review of studies that contain information on the economic activities of migrants from African countries. Then, based on data from Eurostat and national statistics from Germany, France, Italy and the UK, the role of people from Africa in these countries population is shown. The reasons for the differences between these four countries in the dynamics and structure of immigration from Africa are explained. Statistics of refugees, naturalized persons over the past 10 years, foreign citizens and residents with migration past are considered. France is the leader in the number of migrants, mainly due to people from French-speaking countries of North and West Africa. Italy stands out because it is targeted by many illegal migrant routes due to its geographical proximity to this region. The UK has become a target mainly for residents of former British colonies who are quite successful in naturalization in the United Kingdom (therefore, there are as many Africans without local passports in the UK as in Germany – 0.6 million). Further, it is shown that the key factor for taking a particular economic position in society is the status of migrants, their education also plays an important role (although Africans often work in places where a lower level of qualification is required than they have), as well as language barriers. There are big gender differences. At the end of the article we make conclusions about the problems of African migrants’ adaptation, although the EU countries cannot refuse to employ migrants in unattractive jobs in any case.

AbstractThe article aims to compare the conditions of migrants from Central Asia into Russia with that of migrants from the Maghreb into France. Despite many similarities in conditions (related to the experience of social exclusion), there are deep differences. The precarious legal status of the majority of Central Asian newcomers in Russia has prevented them from embarking on an effective struggle for public recognition; this is in sharp contrast with North African newcomers in France who have been engaged in such struggle since the 1980s. In addition, Islam plays different roles in the migrants’ perceptions by host societies and in identification of the migrants themselves. Whereas Islam has become a marker of overarching collective identity among the Maghreb migrants’ descendants, this is not the case with Central Asians in Russia, for whom Islam remains part of their individual identity, rather than the basis of social consolidation and political mobilization.

This review focuses on the lived experiences of chronic conditions among African communities in the Global North, focusing on established immigrant communities as well as recent immigrant, refugee, and asylum-seeking communities. We conducted a systematic and narrative synthesis of qualitative studies published from inception to 2022, following a search from nine databases—MEDLINE, EMBASE, PsycINFO, Web of Science, Social Science Citation Index, Academic Search Complete, CINAHL, SCOPUS and AMED. 39 articles reporting 32 qualitative studies were included in the synthesis. The studies were conducted in 10 countries (Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, and the United States) and focused on 748 participants from 27 African countries living with eight conditions: type 2 diabetes, hypertension, prostate cancer, sickle cell disease, chronic hepatitis, chronic pain, musculoskeletal orders and mental health conditions. The majority of participants believed chronic conditions to be lifelong, requiring complex interventions. Chronic illness impacted several domains of everyday life—physical, sexual, psycho-emotional, social, and economic. Participants managed their illness using biomedical management, traditional medical treatment and faith-based coping, in isolation or combination. In a number of studies, participants took ‘therapeutic journeys’–which involved navigating illness action at home and abroad, with the support of transnational therapy networks. Multi-level barriers to healthcare were reported across the majority of studies: these included individual (changing food habits), social (stigma) and structural (healthcare disparities). We outline methodological and interpretive limitations, such as limited engagement with multi-ethnic and intergenerational differences. However, the studies provide an important insights on a much-ignored area that intersects healthcare for African communities in the Global North and medical pluralism on the continent; they also raise important conceptual, methodological and policy challenges for national health programmes on healthcare disparities.

Diasporic African communities in France are a byproduct of the demise of the colonial enterprise and the social and economic reconfiguration of France after World War II. Prior to the 1960s, African immigration to France was sporadic, encompassing students, intellectuals, and a small population of workers and war veterans. The 1960 census recorded a total of 18,000 sub-Saharan Africans residing in France (Dewitte 18). By 1982, the African immigrant population had leapt to 127,322 (INSÉÉ, Recensement général). The 1990 census aggregated North and sub-Saharan Africans, for a total population of 1,633,142 (INSÉÉ, Recensement de la population). None of these figures include the substantial and ongoing presence of Afro-Antilleans in France.

Spain is more commonly known as Andalusia, the Andalusia comes from the word Vandalusia, which means the country of the Vandals, because the southern part of the Peninsula was once ruled by the Vandals before they were defeated by Western Gothia in the fifth century. This area was ruled by Islam after the rulers of The Umayyah seized the peninsula's land from the West Gothies during the time of the Caliph Al-Walid ibn Abdul Malik. Islam entered Spain (Cordoba) in 93 AH (711 AD) through the North African route under the leadership of Tariq bin Ziyad who led the Islamic army to conquer Andalusia. Before the conquest of Spain, Muslims had taken control of North Africa and made it one of the provinces from the Umayyad Dynasty. Full control of North Africa took place in the days of Caliph Abdul Malik (685-705 AD). Conquest of the North African region first defeated until becoming one of the provinces of the Umayyad Caliph spent 53 years, starting from 30 H (Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan's reign) to 83 H (al-Walid's period). Before being defeated and then ruled by Islam, in this region there were sacs which became the basis of the power of the Roman Empire, namely the Gothic Kingdom. In the process of conquering Spain there were three Islamic heroes who could be said to be the most effective in leading units of troops there. They are Tharif ibn Malik, Tariq ibn Ziyad, and Musa ibn Nushair. Subsequent territorial expansion emerged during the reign of Caliph Umar ibn Abdil Aziz in the year 99 AH/717 AD, with the aim of controlling the area around the Pyrenian mountains and South France. The second largest invasion of the Muslims, whose movement began at the beginning of the 8th century AD, has reached all of Spain and reached far to Central France and important parts of Italy. The victories achieved by Muslims appear so easy. It cannot be separated from the existence of external and internal factors. During the conquest of Spain by Muslims, the social, political and economic conditions of this country were in a sad state. Politically, the Spanish region was torn apart and divided into several small countries. At the same time, the Gothic rulers were intolerant of the religious beliefs adopted by the rulers, namely the Monophysites, especially those who adhered to other religions, Jews. Adherents of Judaism, the largest part of the Spanish population, were forced to be baptized to Christianity. Those who are unwilling brutally tortured and killed. The people are divided into the class system, so that the situation is filled with poverty, oppression, and the absence of equality. In such situations, the oppressed await the arrival of the liberator and the liberator was from Muslims. Warrior figures and Islamic soldiers who were involved in the conquest of Spain are strong figures, their soldiers are compact, united, and full of confidence. They are also capable, courageous, and resilient in facing every problem. Equally important are the teachings of Islam shown by the Islamic soldiers, like tolerance, brotherhood, and help each other. The attitude of tolerance of religion and brotherhood contained in the personalities of the Muslims caused the Spanish population to welcome the presence of Islam there. Since the first time Islam entered in the land of Spain until the collapse of the last Islamic empire was about seven and half centuries, Islam played a big role, both in fields of intellectual progress (philosophy, science, fiqh, music and art, language and literature) and the splendor of physical buildings (Cordova and Granada). The long history passed by Muslims in Spain can be divided into six periods. Spanish Muslims reached the peak of progress and glory rivaled the glory of the Abbasid sovereignty in Baghdad. Abdurrahman Al-Nasir founded the Cordova University. He preceded Al-Azhar Cairo and Baghdad Nizhamiyah.

Abstract In recent years, historians have paid increasing attention to social welfare initiatives undertaken in post-Second World War France to integrate Muslim Algerian migrants into French society and the legacies of these initiatives after decolonization. This article engages with this field of research by focusing on a topic it has largely ignored—the so-called ‘problem' of the integration of Muslim youth. The central point of focus is the Centre d'Accueil Nord-Africain (CANA), a private welfare association founded in Marseille in 1950 that well into the mid-1970s considered the integration of male Muslim North African youth its central objective. In exploring the origins and operations of the CANA over a roughly twenty-five-year period, this article offers new insights into issues of continuity and change related to the target, approach and objectives of integrationist social welfare for Muslim North Africans in France before and after decolonization.

Immigrations resulting from decolonization challenge the ability of researchers to track accurately the incorporation of the second generation through classifications based on country of origin. This article considers a classic example of such an immigration - from North Africa to France at the time of and after the independence of Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia. This immigration was ethnically complex, composed - to take a rough cut - of the former colonists of European background (the pieds noirs) and low-wage laborers belonging to the indigenous population (the Maghrebins). A historical review indicates that the key to distinguishing these two groups lies in the exact citizenship status of the immigrants, for the former colonists were French by birth and the others generally were not. Analyzing micro-level data from the censuses of 1968, 1975, 1982, and 1990, we apply this distinction to the family origins of the second generation, born in France in the period 1958–1990. We show that the pied-noir population exhibits signs of rapid integration with the native French, while the Maghrebin population remains apart. A logistic regression analysis reveals that, based on a few characteristics of their parents, one can distinguish the Maghrebin from the pied-noir second generations with a high degree of accuracy. This finding demonstrates the sharp social distinction between the two groups and suggests a method for future research on their incorporation.

This article traces the history of specialized social housing for North African families living in shantytowns in Marseille from the early 1950s to the mid-1970s. During the Algerian War, social housing assistance formed part of a welfare network that exclusively sought to “integrate” Algerian migrants into French society. Through shantytown clearance and rehousing initiatives, government officials and social service providers encouraged shantytown-dwelling Algerian families to adopt the customs of France’s majority White population. Following the Algerian War, France moved away from delivering Algerian-focused welfare and instead developed an expanded immigrant welfare network. Despite this shift, some officials and social service providers remained fixated on the presence and ethno-racial differences of Algerians and other North Africans in Marseille’s shantytowns. Into the mid-1970s, this fixation shaped local social assistance and produced discord between the promise and implementation of specialized social housing that hindered shantytown-dwelling North African families’ incorporation into French society.

In contrast to most literature on cosmopolitanism, which focuses on its elite forms, this article analyzes how ordinary people bridge racial boundaries in everyday life. It is based on interviews with 150 non-college-educated white and black workers in the United States and white and North African workers in France. The comparison of the four groups shows how differences in cultural repertoires across national context and structural location shape distinct anti-racist rhetorics. Market-based arguments are salient among American workers, while arguments based on solidarity and egalitarianism are used by French, but not by American, workers. Minority workers in both countries employ a more extensive toolkit of anti-racist rhetoric as compared to whites. The interviewed men privilege evidence grounded in everyday experience, and their claims of human equality are articulated in terms of universal human nature and, in the case of blacks and North Africans, universal morality. Workers' conceptual frameworks have little in common with multiculturalism that occupies a central place in the literature on cosmopolitanism. We argue that for the discussion and practice of cosmopolitanism to move forward we should shift our attention to the study of multiple ordinary cosmopolitanisms.

This article deals with Islamic postwar immigrants to Western Europe, specifically North Africans—Maghrebis—in France and Turks in West Germany. It explores the relationship between economic status, ethnic consciousness, and religion and discusses the response of the host society to the Islamic reality. In this exploration a comparison is made with the immigration, several generations earlier, of Jews from Eastern Europe. Whereas Jewish immigrants, as individuals, were able more easily to adjust to their new environment and to advance economically, Muslim immigrants have encountered greater difficulties and have tended to remain economically underprivileged much longer. Conversely, it is argued, the Muslim communities have been able more effectively to maintain ethnocultural cohesion and collective political security because of the convergence of a variety of factors: the massive number, and urban concentration, of the postwar immigrants; the spread of pluralist ideology; the continuing connection with, and protection from, homeland governments; and other contextual elements. The article concludes with an evocation of appropriate policy responses by the French and German governments to the Muslim presence.

Dans la majorité des discours qui se tiennent, depuis une quinzaine d’années en France, sur le “problème de l’immigration”, l’on r serve une place tres particulière a la “question des femmes”. C’est-a-dire que les femmes issues de l’immigration, et plus particulièrement les femmes d’origine maghrébine, constituent une sorte d’enjeu pour les acteurs sociaux et politiques, toutes tendances confondues, qui se sentent de près ou de loin concernés par la sauvegarde de l’identité nationale et/ou culturelle. A droite come à gauche, du côté maghrébin comme du côté français “dc souche”, et dans la rue comme à la Faculté, l’on insiste, parfois lourdement, sur l’importance du role joué par “les femmes immigrées” et surtout par les “beurettes” dans l’une des plus grandes transformations sociales de cette fin de siècle en France.

Version remaniée de : Thèse de doctorat : ? : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill : 1996 : Multiculturalism in contemporary France : cultural productions from the North African immigrant community.
Bibliogr. p. [201]-211. Index.

L’histoire des commerçants « nord-africains » dans le département du Rhône de 1945 à 1985 connaît deux phases chronologiques. Une première allant de 1945 au milieu des années 1960, avec une prédominance des commerçants originaires d’Algérie et un contexte marqué par la guerre d’indépendance algérienne. Une deuxième s’étend du milieu des années 1960 à 1985, avec une diversification des origines nationales et des activités commerciales, dans un contexte post-colonial et post-industriel. Un premier axe traite de l’évolution de leurs statuts et de la législation commerciale. L’analyse porte également sur les pratiques de contrôle et de surveillance pendant la guerre d’Algérie puis après les indépendances nationales. Un deuxième axe s’intéresse aux activités commerciales, à leurs caractéristiques et à leurs évolutions. Le croisement des approches quantitatives et qualitatives permet de distinguer les réseaux à l’œuvre dans l’accès au monde du petit commerce et à certaines spécialisations commerciales. Enfin, un troisième axe s’intéresse à l’étude des trajectoires socioprofessionnelles ainsi qu’à leur implantation spatiale. Quels rôles jouent-ils au sein de leur communauté d’origine et dans la société d’accueil ? Quels étaient leurs fonctions spécifiques ou non ? Peut-on parler d’une certaine « élite » économique, sociale ou même politique ? Existe-t-il une identité spécifique aux commerçants originaires du Maghreb ? Ces questions amènent à interroger les contours d’un éventuel groupe social à part entière ou d’une catégorie sociale spécifique ou non
The history of "North African" traders in the Rhône department from 1945 to 1985 has two chronological phases. The first goes from 1945 to the mid-1960s, with a predominance of traders from Algeria and a context marked by the Algerian War of Independence. A second extends from the mid-1960s to 1985, with a diversification of national origins and commercial activities, in a post-colonial and post-industrial context. A first axis deals with the evolution of their statutes and commercial legislation. The analysis also covers control and surveillance practices during the Algerian war and after national independence. A second axis focuses on commercial activities, their characteristics and their evolution. The crossing of quantitative and qualitative approaches makes it possible to distinguish the networks at work in the access to the world of small-scale trade and to certain commercial specialisations. Finally, a third axis is interested in the study of socio-professional trajectories and their spatial location. What roles do they play within their community of origin and in the host society? What were their specific functions or not? Can we speak of a certain economic, social or even political "elite"? Is there a specific identity for traders from the Maghreb? These questions lead us to question the contours of a possible social group in its own right or a specific social category or not

Globalization in the 21st century was most clearly manifested through terrorism. The visible example of this fact is that more than 200 countries in the world cannot fight against it independently. A series of terrorist attacks shook France in January 2015, claiming the lives of 17 people, including 11 journalists and security personnel at the Paris offices of Charlie Hebdo, a satiric magazine. Most of the population expressed solidarity with France and talked about the future threats that the world should expect from the Islamic State. This study aims to identify the primary roots of Islamic radicalization in France by identifying and analyzing social conditions conducive to Islamist radicalization. France has become a target of extremist groups since the 1950s and now is one of the biggest Western targets of terrorism. According to the results of this study, there is a relatively high concentration of radicalization among migrant communities, especially those of the North African origin.

This chapter builds on the link between French colonial policies and Muslim–Jewish relations in the metropole by tracing how decolonization throughout North Africa changed the way a diverse set of social actors, including French colonial administrators, international Jewish spokesmen, and a wide range of indigenous nationalist groups conceptualized Jewish belonging throughout the region. It argues that the process led to the emergence of the “North African Jew,” a category to which no individual ascribed but that worked rhetorically to unite the diverse Moroccan, Tunisian, and Algerian Jewish populations into a collective often understood to be in conflict with “North Africans,” “Muslims,” or “Arabs.”

Abstract Evangelicalism emerged in the social context of the first British Empire that connected Great Britain with its American and Caribbean colonies. Neither solely the product of a North American context or the extension of a European one, evangelicalism developed amid transatlantic social and cultural commerce. While Restoration policies diminished older forms of religious dissent, the subsequent Glorious Revolution firmly cemented Protestantism in England and created space for new Protestant alternatives. In terms of the broader political context, evangelicalism arose during the Second Hundred Years War (1689–1815) that repeatedly pitted Protestant Britain against Catholic France and fomented the pan-Protestant solidarity that energized evangelical thought and action. These cycles of warfare greatly expanded Britain’s naval and commercial shipping, which created the mechanism for people, goods, and ideas to traverse the Atlantic more regularly. This free circulation of people and ideas through migration and communication networks brought together the German Pietist, Scottish Presbyterian, New England Puritan, and Anglican Methodist strains, which contributed to the birth of a distinct new Protestant movement. Britain’s shipping power also forcibly transported millions of Africans to its colonies in the eighteenth century, making slavery an inextricable part of the social order and adding a population that would make further contributions to evangelicalism. Britain’s expanded shipping and commercial networks in the context of religiously charged warfare created a social context in which the people and ideas of early evangelicalism could emerge simultaneously on both sides of the North Atlantic.

Christa Jones analyses the ideological relationship between soccer, national identity and Islamism in post-riot 1988 Algeria by examining representations of soccer culture and fandom in Francophone literature from North Africa, where sports and politics continue to be intricately linked. After Algeria obtained independence from France, sport clubs were institutionalized and athletic activities (including soccer but also basketball, boxing, handball, track and field, gymnastics, swimming, ping pong and weightlifting) were closely monitored by the F.L.N. (Front de Libération Nationale) until 1989, in accordance with Chadli Bendjedid’s democratization efforts (Fatès 2009). This essay considers representations of soccer, commonly referred to as Kourat el Kadem (ball at foot), in short stories by Yahia Belaskri (‘Blanc et noir’), Anouar Benmalek (‘Le penalty’), and novels by Aziz Chouaki (L’étoile d’Alger) and Rachid Boudjedra (La vie à l’endroit). In these texts, which illustrate how soccer galvanizes crowds, soccer players such as Zidane embody a strong masculinity and essentially positive values such as strength, wealth, success, and a relentless determination to win. In particular, the works analysed by Jones stress soccer’s strong oneiric potential, as an activity that captivates idle or disillusioned youth who are often limited by socio-political conditions that impede their personal and professional development.

This chapter provides a social history of the construction and living conditions of the North African bidonvilles in the mid-twentieth century, their policing, and the creation of state housing schemes to eradicate slums. Based on official reports from the police, the Ministry of Urbanism and Construction, civil society organizations, memoirs of bidonville inhabitants, and the personal papers of the French social worker Monique Hervo, this chapter traces how the French civilizing mission lingered in the post-imperial era. This entailed an attempt to impose French modern life as modern life itself on the colonies and colonial subjects at home. As the bidonvilles came to be perceived as a blight on the landscape of Paris, three major housing schemes were inaugurated by the French state to facilitate the “adaptation” of North Africans to modernity: transit cities, SONACOTRA, and HLMs. In different ways, slum clearance and rehousing took on a police function to deter a drift toward radical politics among migrants from the colonies.

In recent years, we have become increasingly aware of the importance of water as a critical good, and questions of water supply, access, and management, both in quantitative and qualitative terms, have become key issues (Gleick 1993; Postel 1992; Stauffer 1998). The proliferating commodification and privatization of water management systems; the combination of Global Environmental Change with increased demands from cities, agriculture, and industry for reasonably clean water; the inadequate access of almost a billion people on the planet to clean water (over half of whom live in large urban centres); the proliferating geopolitical struggle over the control of river basins; the popular resistance against the construction of new megadams; the political struggles around water privatization projects; and many other issues; have brought water politics to the foreground of national and international agendas (Shiklomanov 1990; 1997; Herrington 1996; Roy 2001). In the twentieth century, water scarcity was seen as a problem primarily affecting developing societies (Anton 1993). However, at the turn of the new century, water problems are becoming increasingly globalized. In Europe, the area bordering the Mediterranean, notably Spain, southern Italy, and Greece, is arguably the location in which the water crisis has become most acute, both in quantitative and qualitative terms (Batisse and Gernon 1989; Margat 1992; Swyngedouw 1996a). However, northern European countries, such as the UK, Belgium, and France, have also seen increasing problems with water supply, water management, and water control (Haughton 1996), while transitional societies in eastern Europe are faced with mounting water supply problems (Thomas and Howlett 1993). The Yorkshire drought in England, for example, or the Walloon/Flemish dispute over water rights are illuminating examples of the intensifying conflict that surrounds water issues (Bakker 1999). Cities in the global South and the global North alike are suffering from a deterioration in their water supply infrastructure and in their environmental and social conditions in general (Lorrain 1995; Brockerhoff and Brennan 1998). Up to 50% of urban residents in the developing world’s megacities have no easy access to reasonably clean and affordable water. The myriad socioenvironmental problems associated with deficient water supply conditions threaten urban sustainability, social cohesion, and, most disturbingly, the livelihoods of millions of people (Niemczynowicz 1991).

English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.