Academic literature on the topic 'Normal narcissism'

Would people still see themselves through rose-colored glasses if they had the same perspective as others do? We contrast predictions from narcissism theory with cognitive-informational accounts of self-perception bias Study I showed that narcissists enjoy situations in which they can view themselves from an external perspective, and report that such situations boost their self-confidence In Study 2, subjects evaluated their performance in a group task from the normal visual perspective of the self and from a “reversed” perspective (manipulated via videotape) Narcissists overestimated their performance, and reversing visual perspective did not reduce this self-enhancement bias Instead, we found a person-situation interaction Narcissists became even more positively biased in the reversed-perspective condition, whereas nonnarcissists showed even less bias Thus, allowing narcissistic individuals to observe themselves on videotape further increased their self-admiration, just as the mythical Narcissus admired his reflection in the pond

Abstract. Research on trait narcissism is hindered by considerable confusion over its underlying structure, especially differences between pathological and normal narcissism, and grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. To address this problem, we describe two studies that examined the factor structure of a broad range of narcissism items and the implications for current narcissism theory. In Study 1, 881 undergraduates completed a scale composed of items taken trans-theoretically from narcissism scales that targeted grandiose, vulnerable, and normal narcissism descriptions. An exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was conducted and construct validity was established. In Study 2, 298 community-based participants were surveyed. Fit indices of a reduced 20-item scale and test-retest reliability were examined. Both studies supported a hierarchical structure of distinct grandiose and vulnerable factors, each with interpersonal and intrapersonal components. Thus, trait narcissism seems best described by grandiose and vulnerable dimensions, each of which can be focused toward the self or others.

This a video is one of the series of lectures about personality disorders. It covers the concept of narcissism and the concept of narcissism personality disorder. The lecture is mainly focused on the differences between normal and pathological narcissism as well as etiology, diagnosis and practical recommendations on treatment of narcissism personality disorder.

This paper represents an attempt to answer some questions that concern pathological narcissism in childhood. Specifically, which are some of the possible causes of pathological narcissism, where are the limits of normal and pathological narcissism, what are the manifestations of its pathological form in childhood and also eventual strategies for its management. Theorists and clinicians in this area agree that the narcissism represent the normal phase in child development. On the other hand, pathological form of narcissism also has its origins in the earliest period of one’s life (even as early as 7 or 8 years of life) and it can be rooted in broad spectre of dysfunctional interactions with parents. Pathological narcissism can be reflected through the idea that child is really superior to others and beyond criticism and failure, grandiose view of himself/herself, through excessive demands that parents cannot meet. One of typical manifestation is inability to sustain efforts at school or during the activities involving learning new skills. Beside parents, teachers can and must be involved in the processes of identification and application of interventions oriented toward correction of problematics behaviour.

The narcissism spectrum model synthesizes extensive personality, social–psychological, and clinical evidence, building on existing knowledge about narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability to reveal a view of narcissism that respects its clinical origins, embraces the diversity and complexity of its expression, and reflects extensive scientific evidence about the continuity between normal and abnormal personality expression. Critically, the proposed model addresses three key, inter-related problems that have plagued narcissism scholarship for more than a century. These problems can be summarized as follows: (a) What are the key features of narcissism? (b) How are they organized and related to each other? and (c) Why are they organized that way, that is, what accounts for their relationships? By conceptualizing narcissistic traits as manifested in transactional processes between individuals and their social environments, the model enables integration of existing theories of narcissism and thus provides a compelling perspective for future examination of narcissism and its developmental pathways.

AbstractLankford shows that suicide terrorists have much in common with maladjusted persons who die by suicide. However, what differentiates suicidal killers from those who “only” commit suicide? A key element may be vulnerable narcissism. Narcissism has been simultaneously linked to interpersonal aggression, achievement, and depression. These traits may explain the paradoxical picture of a person who may appear “normal” in some aspects, and yet hate himself and others so intensely as to seek mutual destruction.

Drawing on trait interaction theory and personality disorder subtypes, we examined narcissism-by-trait interactions (e.g., narcissism × antisocial tendencies) for predicting leadership performance in four independent archival samples ( Ns = 285, 120, 106, 559). This study extends research on multiplicative effects of normative leader characteristics to consider how narcissism becomes particularly disruptive when combined with other extreme interpersonal tendencies. Moderated multiple regression results show interactions involving selected trait pairs varied across samples. Pooled analyses showed (a) differential generalizability across trait pairings and (b) that lower tiered managerial roles and weaker industrial contexts may release such effects. Inconsistencies suggest the need to consider sample-specific trait demands in future trait interaction research, normal, or maladaptive. All told, findings suggest that subclinical personality interactions might accelerate leader derailment, offer unique insights into leader competence, and extend trait interaction research to aberrant tendencies.

Titel: Normal narcissism och personlighetsegenskapers inflytande i yrket som fastighetsmäklare – En fingervisning av de mest fördelaktiga egenskaperna hos svenska fastighetsmäklare  Nivå: Examensarbete på Grundnivå (kandidatexamen) i ämnet företagsekonomi Författare: Henric Mattsson och Louise PedersenHandledare: Dr. Jonas KågströmDatum: 2021 – Juni  Syfte: Många fastighetsmäklare väljer att sluta inom yrket de första åren, vilket bidrar till en stor kostnad för företagen. Normal narcissism har tidigare studerats som oberoende variabel till ett flertal organisatoriska faktorer, men få studier finns angående dess påverkan på motivation. Vidare används ofta personlighetsegenskaper för att förklara psykologiska faktorer inom organisationer. Syftet med denna C-uppsats är därför att mäta hur normala narcissistiska drag respektive personlighetsegenskaper påverkar motivation, prestation och avsikten att lämna arbetsplatsen hos svenska fastighetsmäklare.  Metod: Ett deduktivt tillvägagångssätt har applicerats på studien, där enkätundersökning är den valda datainsamlingsmetoden. Dataanalysen utfördes i statistikprogrammet “JASP”, där primärt bivariata korrelationsanalyser utförts. Populationen i studien är fastighetsmäklare inom Stockholms kommun.  Resultat och slutsats: Data samlades in från 204 respondenter. Resultatet visar starka relationer mellan normal narcissism och alla typer av motivation. Big Five- egenskaperna å andra sidan kan endast förklara inre motivation. Inga samband återfinns till vare sig prestation eller avsikten att lämna arbetsplatsen. En viktig slutsats i studien är att normal narcissism är fördelaktigt i yrket som fastighetsmäklare.  Examensarbetets bidrag: Teoretiskt bidrar studien till att normal narcissism har en stark inverkan på inre- och yttre motivation hos svenska fastighetsmäklare. Praktiskt bidrar studien till kunskap som är användbar för främst ledare inom branschen, där det är viktigt att låta fastighetsmäklarna vara autonoma och få chans till att utvecklas inom yrket.  Förslag till vidare forskning: Eftersom personlighetsegenskaper har en låg förklaringsgrad till fastighetsmäklares motivation, prestation och avsikten att lämna arbetsplatsen - bör andra oberoende variabler undersökas. Ett förslag är därför att undersöka kulturen på kontoret, och hur denna påverkar motivation.  Nyckelord: The Big Five, personlighetsegenskaper, normal narcissism, inre motivation, yttre motivation, prestation, avsikten att lämna arbetsplatsen, fastighetsmäklare
Titel: The influence of normal narcissism and personality traits in the profession as a realtor - A hint of the most beneficial characteristic of Swedish realtors Level: Student thesis, final assignment for Bachelor Degree in Business Administration Authors: Henric Mattsson and Louise PedersenSupervisor: Dr. Jonas KågströmDate: 2021 - June  Aim: Many realtors choose to quit the profession in the early years, which is a great cost to companies. Normal narcissism has previously been studied as an independent variable to several organizational factors, but few studies exist regarding its impact on motivation. Furthermore, personality traits are often used to explain psychological factors within organizations. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to measure how normal narcissistic traits and personality traits affect motivation, performance and turnover intention on Swedish realtors.  Method: A deductive approach has been applied to the study, where a survey is the chosen data collection method. The data analysis was performed in the statistical program “JASP”, where primarily bivariate correlation analyzes were performed. The population in the study is realtors in Stockholm County.  Result and conclusion: Data were collected from 204 respondents. The results show strong relationships between normal narcissism and all types of motivation. Personality traits, on the other hand, can only explain intrinsic motivation. No correlations were found to either performance or turnover intention. An important conclusion in this study is that normal narcissism is beneficial in the profession as a realtor.  Contribution of the thesis: Theoretically, the study contributes to the fact that normal narcissism has a strong impact on intrinsic- and extrinsic motivation among Swedish realtors. In practice, the study contributes to knowledge that is useful mainly for leaders in the industry, where it is important to let realtors be autonomous and have a chance to evolve in their profession.  Suggestions for future research: Since personality traits appear to be a poor predictor of the dependent variables in this study, other independent variables should be investigated. One suggestion is therefore to examine the culture in the office, and how this affects motivation.  Key words: The Big Five, personality traits, normal narcissism, intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, performance, turnover intention, realtor

This thesis examines the American novelist Norman Mailer’s relationship to the 20th century avant-garde. Mailer is often remembered as a pioneer in the new documentary modes of subjective non-fiction of the sixties. Looking beyond the decade’s themes of fact and fiction, this thesis opens up Mailer’s aesthetics in general to other areas of historical and theoretical enquiry, primarily art history and psychoanalysis. In doing so, it argues that Mailer’s work represents a thoroughgoing aesthetic and political response to modernism in the arts, a response that in turn fuels a critical opposition to postmodern aesthetics. Two key ideas are explored here. The first is narcissism. In the sixties, Mailer was an avatar of what Christopher Lasch called the “culture of narcissism”. The self-advertising non-fiction was related to an emerging postmodern self-consciousness in the novel. Yet the myth of Narcissus has a longer history in the story of modernist aesthetics. Starting with the concept’s early articulation by Freudian psychoanalysis, this thesis argues that narcissism was for Mailer central to human subjectivity in the 20th century. It was also a defining trait of technological modernity in the wake of the atom bomb and the Holocaust. Mailer, then, wasn’t just concerned with the aesthetics of narcissism: he was also deeply concerned with its ethics. Its logic is key to almost every major theme of his work: technology, war, fascist charisma, sexuality, masculinity, criminality, politics, art, media and fame. This thesis will also examine how narcissism was related for Mailer to themes of trauma, violence, facing and recognition. The second idea that informs this thesis is the theoretical question of “the real”. A later generation of postmodernists thought that Mailer’s initially radical work was excessively grounded in documentary and traditional literary realism. Yet while the question of realism was central for Mailer, he approached this question from a modernist standpoint. He identified with the modernist perspectivism of Picasso and his eclectic “attacks on reality”, and brought this modernist humanism to a critical analysis of postmodernism. The postwar (and ongoing) debates about postmodern and realism in the novel connect in Mailer, I argue, to what Hal Foster calls the “return of the real” in the 20th century avant-garde. This thesis also links Mailer to psychoanalytical views on trauma and violence; anti-idealist philosophy in Bataille and Adorno; and later postmodern art historical engagements with realism and simulation. Mailer’s view was that a hunger for the real was an effect of a desensitising (post)modernity. While the key decade is the sixties, the study begins in 1948 with Mailer’s first novel The Naked and the Dead, and ends at the height of the postmodern eighties. Drawing on a range of postmodern theory, this thesis argues that Mailer’s fiction sought to confront postmodern reality without ceding to the absurdity of the postmodern novel. The thesis also traces Mailer’s relationship to a range of contemporary art and visual culture, including Pop Art (and Warhol in particular), and avant-garde and postmodern cinema. This study also draws on a broad range of psychoanalytical, feminist and cultural theory to explore Mailer’s often troubled relationship to narcissism, masculinity and sexuality. The thesis engages a complex history of feminist perspectives on Mailer, and argues that while feminist critique remains necessary for a reading of his work, it is not sufficient to account for his restless exploration of masculinity as a subject. In chapter 7, the thesis also discusses Mailer’s much-criticised romantic fascination with black culture in the context of postcolonial politics.

The ideology of so-called victim culture casts women who attest to being wronged—especially by privileged male perpetrators of misogyny—as not only epistemically but morally suspect—e.g., as melodramatic, manipulative, and self-pitying. These claims are contested and connected in this chapter with women being designated moral “givers” of, e.g., care, sympathy, and attention. Such obligations debar women from the role of victims in victim/victimizer narratives. The person who occupies the victim position is in the moral spotlight, as the designated recipient of moral attention, for the duration of the narrative. This is contraindicated for women by patriarchal norms, telling her to provide a sympathetic audience and soothing ministrations for the wounds of others. She is supposed to direct her moral energies outward, rather than attracting attention to herself, or even directing her energies to her own person (as in “self-care”). This last often garners suspicions of narcissism and selfishness.

This paper explores challenges to the creation of an egalitarian society from what we know about different types of human society across human history. All human beings originally lived in hunter-gatherer bands, which, along with tribal societies, are remarkably egalitarian. Inegalitarian social forms—rank societies and social stratification—are rooted in the following causes: (1) despotic tendencies rooted in human psychology; (2) esteem competition; (3) descent group closure and ingroup opportunity hoarding; (4) inegalitarian ideology; and (5) the increasing scale of societies, administration of which requires layers of hierarchically organized bureaucracy. Large-scale social organization can deliver dramatically reduced interpersonal violence and increased prosperity and opportunities. Securing the benefits of scale without oppressive social hierarchy requires the institution of checks and norms against bullies and narcissists, reworking the economy of esteem, ending descent group opportunity hoarding, integrating social groups, promoting egalitarian ideologies, and perfecting democratic practices.

After describing New Labour's use of 'the child' as a form of human capital in social investment, and its penal ASBO programme as a breeding ground for childism, the chapter focuses on the government's innovatory ideal of disciplinary governance, encoded in neoliberal practice, to explain how, with reference to parent education, the behavioural approach to child-rearing grew to be regarded as normal and natural. The chapter discusses Supernanny, the reality television show, as an example of how, through the principles of narcissism, behaviourism and childism were popularised. The chapter argues that the effect of the neoliberal parenting industry on parent-child relations has been to negate the 'unconditional' in parental love in preference to a managerial and contractual approach that epitomises the general principles of neoliberalism and the specifics of the narcissistic temperament.

Let Us Move, now, from the otherworldly to the extraterritorial. Until recently, the assimilation of foreigners would not have been considered part of a comparison between Europe and America. America was a land of immigration; Europe was not. That is no longer the case. Overall levels of the foreign-born remain higher in the United States than in all European countries other than Switzerland and Luxembourg (figure 185). The difference is diminishing, however, as increasing numbers of foreigners make Europe their home. But the politics of counting foreigners is curious in Europe. In nations with virulent and powerful anti-foreigner political parties (Denmark, Austria, Norway, the Netherlands, France, and Switzerland) civil servants might wish to downplay the presence of those who could be regarded as an alien element. Bureaucracies in other countries might prefer to upscale the number of foreigners, perhaps to burnish their own multicultural qualifications. Consider the differences between two sets of OECD accounts of foreigners, from 2005 and 2007. The figures in these reports come respectively from 2003 and 2005, though numbers for a decade earlier, i.e., 1993 and 1995, are given as comparisons. As might be expected, in all European countries the number of foreigners increased between 2003 and 2005. But in some nations, the reported number of foreigners grew so startlingly over a two-year period that it must be due to a rejiggering of the figures rather than to any actual inflow. In many cases, too, the numbers for 1995 given in the later publication are higher than those given for 2003 in the earlier one. For example, the Austrian figures for the foreign part of the population in 1995 presented in 2007 are 11.2%, while those for 2003 presented in 2005 are only 9.4%. Similar discrepancies hold for Belgium, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, Norway, and several other nations. The mystery only deepens if we look at what precisely the OECD claims to measure. In 2005, it was Europe’s “foreign population.” Of the nations we are looking at, only the numbers from the United States are for “foreign-born.” In 2007, however, also the European figures are for “foreign-born,” except those for Greece, Italy, and Spain, which are for “foreign.” “Foreign-born” is, of course, a narrower and more precise category than “foreign.” Excepting only lapses of record keeping, “foreign-born” can be determined by standard-issue statistics.

To Return To The Bulk of our material in this book, what absolute differences separate the United States from Europe? The United States is a nation where proportionately more people are murdered each year, more are jailed, and more own guns than anywhere in Europe. The death penalty is still law. Religious belief is more fervent and widespread. A smaller percentage of citizens vote. Collective bargaining covers relatively fewer workers, and the state’s tax take is lower. Inequality is somewhat more pronounced. That is about it. In almost every other respect, differences are ones of degree, rather than kind. Oft en, they do not exist, or if they do, no more so than the same disparities hold true within Western Europe itself. At the very least, this suggests that farreaching claims to radical differences across the Atlantic have been overstated. Even on violence—a salient difference that leaps unprompted from the evidence, both statistical and anecdotal—the contrast depends on how it is framed. Without question, murder rates are dramatically different across the Atlantic. And, of course, murder is the most shocking form of sudden, unexpected death, unsettling communities, leaving survivors bereaved and mourning. But consider a wider definition of unanticipated, immediate, and profoundly disrupting death. Suicide is oft en thought of as the exit option for old, sick men anticipating the inevitable, and therefore not something that changes the world around them. But, in fact, the distribution of suicide over the lifespan is broadly uniform. In Iceland, Ireland, the UK, and the United States, more young men (below forty-five) than old do themselves in. In Finland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway, the figures are almost equal. Elsewhere, the older have a slight edge. But overall, the ratio between young and old suicides approximates 1:1. Broadly speaking, and sticking with the sex that most oft en kills itself, men do away with themselves as oft en when they are younger and possibly still husbands, fathers, and sons as they do when they are older and when their actions are perhaps fraught with less consequence for others. Suicide is as unsettling, and oft en even more so, for survivors as murder.

If We Turn to Other forms of Social Policy, how does the United States care for its old, its poor, its unemployed, and its disabled? Here, most outcomes place the United States in the lower half of the spectrum, but within European norms and standards. The primary weakness of American social policy is its reluctance to deal resolutely with poverty. If we measure outcomes before redistribution, the United States starts with an economy that produces less poverty than most European nations. According to one calculation, only Finland and the Netherlands have lower “natural” poverty rates. But after taxes, social benefits, and other mechanisms of redistribution have worked their magic, the American poverty rate (as measured relatively, i.e., as a fraction of median income) is higher than anywhere in Western Europe. We will come back in more detail to the question of poverty and inequality. In what one might call the middle-class entitlement aspects of the welfare state, however, America is less of an anomaly. As is widely known, the American state is more modest in size and scope than its European peers. Yet as an employer of civil servants, it ranks in the middle of the European scale (figure 50). France and Finland employ proportionately more civil servants, but at least five other countries, including Germany, hire fewer. Correspondingly, the percentage of America’s GDP spent on government employee salaries is higher than in six of the nations we are examining. The size of the American state, as measured by government expenditure as a percentage of GDP, also fits into the European span. Ireland and Switzerland spend less (figure 51). For most social policies and benefits— which together make up what is usually called the welfare state—the picture is analogous: the United States ranks low, but within the bottom half of the European spectrum. All figures given here and elsewhere (unless otherwise indicated) are phrased in internationally comparable terms. Sometimes this means benefits rates are measured as a percentage of median income, allowing a sense of what proportion of a standard of living is maintained. Sometimes they are calculated in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) terms, which means that differences between the cost of living in poorer and richer nations have been factored in.

Self-portraiture is a familiar artistic genre, but it involves complex self relations. Normally the individual’s sense of self is borne partly in the reflection of another person’s gaze. In self-portraiture, however, a layering of multiple subjectivities occurs, as the maker grapples with the task of seeing himself/herself first as an externalized other and then as an intimate construction crafted by the active self. Objecthood and subjecthood collapse a little, the one into the other. This Reflection looks at two very different examples from Caravaggio, one where he presents himself as the severed head of Goliath, another where he presents himself as the beautiful Narcissus, arguably the ‘originator’ of self-portraiture.