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Journal articles on the topic 'Nonconformists'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Bernacka, Ryszarda Ewa, Bogusław Sawicki, Anna Mazurek-Kusiak, and Joanna Hawlena. "Conforming and nonconforming personality and stress coping styles in combat athletes." Journal of Human Kinetics 51, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hukin-2015-0186.

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Abstract The main objective of this study was to investigate whether the personality dimension of conformism/nonconformism was a predictor of stress coping styles in athletes training combat sports, and to present the characteristics of this personality dimension in the context of the competitors’ adaptive/innovative sport performance. Scores of 346 males practising combat sports such as kick boxing, MMA, thai boxing, boxing and wrestling were analyzed. The participants completed the Creative Behaviour Questionnaire (KANH III) measuring the conformity/nonconformity personality dimension and the Coping Inventory for Stressful Situations (CISS) measuring stress coping styles. The comparative analyses were conducted only for the groups of conformists and nonconformists. Differences in stress coping styles between conformists and nonconformists training combat sports were found as nonconformists tended to prefer the task-oriented coping style. Conclusively, a higher rate of nonconformity was associated with increasingly frequent occurrence of task-oriented coping and decreasingly frequent emotion-oriented coping.

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2

Mayor, Stephen H. "The Nonconformist and the Roman Catholic Church." Recusant History 19, no. 2 (October 1988): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020239.

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THIS article surveys the attitude of the Nonconformist, the best-known Free Church journal of the Victorian age, to the Roman Catholic Church. It was not necessarily representative of Dissenting opinion in general; indeed there is plenty of evidence that a good number of leading Nonconformists looked on it with disfavour; but clearly it represented one strand, and an important one, in the outlook of Victorian Nonconformity.

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3

Burggren, Warren W. "Aquatic Nonconformists." Science 277, no. 5329 (August 22, 1997): 1056.2–1057. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.277.5329.1056b.

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4

Catterall, Peter. "Morality and Politics: the free churches and the Labour Party between the wars." Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1993): 667–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014357.

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ABSTRACT:The inter-war period saw the decline of the Liberal party, the traditional political ally of the free churches, and the rise of the Labour party. This article traces the responses of the free churches to these developments. The relationship of the free churches with the Labour party in this period is examined at three different levels; that of the free church leadership, that of the chapels and the ordinary people in the pews and that of the nonconformists who became active in the Labour party. Whilst attitudes towards the Labour party changed within free church institutions during the inter-war years they did not become important supporters of the party, or greatly influence it. The number and proportion of individual nonconformists who were active and influential in the party in this period was however considerable. In the process not only did Labour M.P.s become the main carriers of the nonconformist conscience on issues such as drink and gambling. They also made a distinctive and important contribution to the development and ideals of the Labour party.

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5

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "‘Theological Wars’: ‘Socinians’ v. ‘Antinomians’ in Restoration England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 325–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002085.

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This article examines changes in content and tone in some polemical exchanges between Anglican conformists and Nonconformists in the reign of Charles ii. In response to the Dissenters' pleas for comprehension and/or toleration because of shared Protestant beliefs, some conformists accused them of holding an antinomian doctrine of justification that undermined morality and political order – and Dissenters retorted with accusations of Socinianism. The disputes were complicated by divisions over justification within rather than between Anglican and Nonconformist groups, and by the late 1670s the perceived threats from papists brought renewed emphasis on common ground

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6

Thompson, David M. "The Emergence of the Nonconformist Social Gospel in England." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 7 (1990): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001423.

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Anyone who sets out to examine the theology behind Nonconformist social thought and action in the late nineteenth century has to answer two questions: Did such a theology exist? and Was it important? The second question is more fundamental. Twenty years ago John Kent argued that the realities of politics put an increasing strain on the late Victorian claim to a Christian conscience in public affairs, and that in any case Nonconformists did not enjoy a monopoly of moral concern in politics. Like other Liberals, they ‘found themselves trying to reconcile the older Cobden-type ideals of liberty, peace, arbitration and anti-militarism with a new belief in the positive values of an allegedly Christian British Empire’. The result was that ‘the struggle for political power coarsened their moral sensibility’. In such an analysis the emphasis falls on action rather than thought, and in domestic affairs particularly on the political campaigns for social purity, temperance, or against gambling, where they are easily dismissed as the result of evangelical pietism, class moralism, or social reaction. David Bebbington deliberately eschewed theology in his study of the Nonconformist Conscience. ‘Because the focus is on political issues that concerned Nonconformistsen masse’, he wrote, ‘the theological views of their leaders, and even their versions of the social gospel, do not loom large.’ In his thesis he also commented that ‘theology was largely unfashionable, even in sermons’, citing Charles Berry, a leading Congregationalist, as an example. Nevertheless, he did not deny that there was a theology.

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7

PETERSON, DEREK R. "NONCONFORMITY IN AFRICA'S CULTURAL HISTORY." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000657.

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AbstractThis article uses E. P. Thompson's last book – Witness against the Beast (1993) – as an occasion to claim oddity, peculiarity, and nonconformity as subjects of African history. Africa's historians have been engaged in an earnest effort to locate contemporary cultural life within the longue durée, but in fact there was much that was strange and eccentric. Here I focus on the reading habits and interpretive strategies that inspired nonconformity. Nonconformists read the Bible idiosyncratically, snipping bits of text out of the fabric of the book and using these slogans to launch heretical and odd ways of living. Over time, some of them sought to position themselves in narrative structures that could authenticate and legitimate their dissident religious activity. That entailed experimentation with voice, positionality, and addressivity.

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8

Amit, O. S. "Unconventional Journals: Protect Nonconformists." Science 328, no. 5977 (April 22, 2010): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.328.5977.427-b.

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9

Wakefield, Gordon S. "Book Review: The Nonconformists." Theology 95, no. 763 (January 1992): 64–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9209500127.

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10

K., P. "No Place for Nonconformists." Science 255, no. 5044 (January 31, 1992): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.255.5044.525.

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11

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "The Church of England, the Nonconformists and Reason: Another Restoration Controversy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 3 (August 9, 2017): 531–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917000756.

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This paper (a companion to an article published thisJournallxvii [2016]) considers a twelve-year campaign by some Church of England clergy to discredit Nonconformists as irrational enthusiasts. It began in 1668–9, to discourage concessions to Nonconformists through ‘comprehension’ and to prove the loyalty of men suspected of lukewarm attachment to the Church. Congregationalists responded by accusing the conformists of Socinianism. But Presbyterians were less willing to differ from churchmen, and claimed that orthodox Protestants did not disagree about reason. Any differences were exaggerated for polemical advantage, and the controversy drove conformists and Nonconformists further apart.

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12

Doyle, Barry M. "Modernity or Morality? George White, Liberalism and the Nonconformist Conscience in Edwardian England." Historical Research 71, no. 176 (October 1, 1998): 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00067.

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Abstract This article addresses the debate about the character of the Edwardian Liberal party and the degree to which it had modernized its ideas by the outbreak of the First World War. It employs the concept of a ‘crisis of modernity’ to analyse the politics of the provincial businessman and leading Baptist, Sir George White, Liberal M.P. for North‐West Norfolk, 1900–12 and chairman of the Nonconformist Members of Parliament, 1907–12. It suggests White's views were shaped more by his experience of modernity than his sectarian position and that historians have underestimated the ends nonconformists sought from their traditional politics and the extent of their support for welfare reforms.

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13

Waddell, S. Blair. "Persecution or Prejudice?" Evangelical Quarterly 92, no. 2 (September 20, 2021): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-09202004.

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Abstract In 1811, Lord Sidmouth introduced a bill before the House of Lords which would require new qualifications in the registration of dissenting preachers. While a staunch churchman and typically unsympathetic to dissent overall, Sidmouth saw his bill as being helpful to nonconformists. The purpose of his action was to remove uneducated and unqualified itinerants who had free reign to preach across the countryside. But nonconformists perceived his act as a new avenue of persecution. They saw this measure as a threat to their religious liberties. Dissenters from all ranks rallied together to protest the bill. Such a unified voice was unprecedented among nonconformists and they discovered the might of their political power as the measure was defeated. This article seeks to understand the motivations of Sidmouth’s intentions, whether of persecution or of prejudice.

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Ackers, Peter. "West End Chapel, Back Street Bethel: Labour and Capital in the Wigan Churches of Christ c. 1845–1945." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 2 (April 1996): 298–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080027.

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There is a large and complex literature regarding the part played by working-class Nonconformity in the industrial revolution and the emergence of the English labour movement. For all its nuances, this writing can be separated into two main strands. The first, broadly Marxist, perspective sees working-class Nonconformity primarily as a form of capitalist control, inculcating bourgeois norms of hard work, thrift, respectability and political moderation into the working class. However, even labour historians who subscribe to this view cannot help but be struck by the ubiquitous accounts of lay preachers at the forefront of Victorian labour movement campaigns, especially in the coalfields. Thus, the second view stresses the part played by working-class Nonconformists in leading their class towards political and industrial emancipation. To a considerable extent, the stance taken, particularly on Methodism, depends on whether writers draw their evidence from national, usually middle-class, denominational hierarchies, or from local accounts of working-class religiosity.

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15

Risman, Barbara. "Raising the Visibility of Gender-Nonconformists." Contexts 16, no. 2 (May 2017): 72–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504217714268.

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16

Otroshchenko, Vitaliy. "Ukrainian Archaeologists-Nonconformists of the Totalitarian Era." Arheologia, no. 3 (September 27, 2022): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2022.03.131.

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The article is devoted to the study of manifestations of intellectual resistance of scientists to the ruling regime during 1920—80s, which has signs of non-conformism. The author considers the concept of “non-conformism”, based on the definition of the Russian human rights activist Yu. F. Lukin: in every society there are not only those who support the official policy, indifferent conformists, but also those who disagree, dissidents who oppose the dominant religion, ideology, the existing political system, a way of life. The topic of non-conformism in archaeology was substantiated by Russian thinker L. S. Klein, who included G. A. Bonch-Osmolovskyi, S. M. Zamyatnin, O. M. Rogachev, O. L. Mongait, G. B. Fedorov and A. S. Formozov among them. L. S. Klein should be added to them. Among the Ukrainian archaeologists of the totalitarian era, the personalities of M. O. Makarenko, V. P. Petrov (Domontovych), M. Yu. Braichevskyi, B. M. Mozolevskyi, S. N. Bratchenko attract attention. They represent four generations of native scholars who consistently carried the baton of resistance to the ruling regime until its logical collapse in 1991, which they had foreseen. They deliberately chose public forms of protest through speeches, statements, lectures, creation and distribution of resonant scientific texts in the country and abroad. An important role was played by communication with colleagues and students in the archaeological expeditions they led. In the system of total control created by the authorities, non-conformists quickly became the objects of close attention from the State Security Committee. The declassified archives of the special services shed light on the methods of their work with a contingent of people dangerous to the regime, including: study, recruitment attempts, prevention and repressive forms of influence, up to execution (the fate of M. O. Makarenko). All mentioned researchers had gone through the control system. B. M. Mozolevskyi was saved from arrest thanks to the Pectoral he found. The system did not allow revealing and realizing the powerful creative potential of deviant creators. This did not save it, and irreparable damage was done to science.

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17

Cunniffe, Steve, and Terry Wyke. "Memorializing its Hero: Liberal Manchesters Statue of Oliver Cromwell." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89, no. 1 (March 2012): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.1.8.

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Oliver Cromwells historical reputation underwent significant change during the nineteenth century. Writers such as Thomas Carlyle were prominent in this reassessment, creating a Cromwell that found particular support among Nonconformists in the north of England. Projects to memorialize Cromwell included the raising of public statues. This article traces the history of the Manchester statue, the first major outdoor statue of Cromwell to be unveiled in the country. The project originated among Manchester radical Liberal Nonconformists in the early 1860s but was not realized until 1875. It was the gift of Elizabeth Heywood; the sculptor was Matthew Noble. The project, including its intended site in Manchesters new Town Hall, was contentious, exposing political and religious divisions within the community, reinforcing the view that the reassessment of Cromwells place in the making of modern Britain was far from settled.

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18

Reich, Rebecca. "Inside the Psychiatric Word: Diagnosis and Self-Definition in the Late Soviet Period." Slavic Review 73, no. 3 (2014): 563–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.73.3.563.

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The punitive psychiatric hospitalization of Soviet dissidents and nonconformists spurred the writing and circulation of memoirs of detention, transcripts of conversations with psychiatrists, copies of psychiatric files, handbooks on legal and medical aspects of psychiatric examination, works of fiction, poems, and other related documents. Rebecca Reich draws on this major body of texts to determine how politically unorthodox citizens engaged with psychiatry in life and on the page. Close reading of texts by Vladimir Bukovskii, Semen Gluzman, Aleksandr Vol'pin, and others suggests that unsanctioned accounts of hospitalization did more than expose the abuse of psychiatry; they challenged Soviet psychiatric discourse and promoted inakomyslie, “thinking differently,” as the psychological norm. By depathologizing themselves and pathologizing the state during encounters with psychiatrists and in samizdat, dissidents and nonconformists engaged in self-definition and asserted their own diagnostic authority.

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19

Dodds, Gregory D. "Politicizing Thomas More's Utopia in restoration England." Moreana 54 (Number 208), no. 2 (December 2017): 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2017.0019.

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Following the restoration of the monarchy in 1660, England faced several decades of political and social turmoil. In an era of political questioning, dreams about alternate systems of life and culture were not simply thought-provoking exercises, but were often perceived as being dangerously subversive. Within this context, this essay examines the dominant rhetorical responses in Restoration England to Thomas More's Utopia. Utopia was often brought up in polemics directed against Protestant nonconformists, whom, it was feared, sought the return of an English commonwealth. Nonconformists, alternatively, referred to Utopia in anti-Catholic polemics in an attempt to link English Catholics with the desire to overthrow the monarchy and subvert the English Church. Some Protestant authors went even further and embraced More's Utopia precisely because they were dissatisfied with the restored establishment and hoped to see English society fundamentally reformed.

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20

Cox, Jeffrey. "Were Victorian Nonconformists the Worst Imperialists of All?" Victorian Studies 46, no. 2 (January 2004): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2004.46.2.243.

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21

Cox, Jeffrey. "Were Victorian Nonconformists the Worst Imperialists of All?" Victorian Studies 46, no. 2 (2004): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2004.0081.

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22

Otteson, James R. "Escaping the Social Pull: Nonconformists and Self-Censorship." Society 56, no. 6 (December 2019): 559–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-019-00416-y.

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23

Golovchin, Maksim. "Institutional Roles of Teachers in the Region: between Conformism and Nonconformism." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Political, Sociological and Economic sciences 2021, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2500-3372-2021-6-1-28-38.

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The research objective was to determine the institutional roles chosen by the teachers in the Vologda Oblast, as well as the social and professional phenomena that shape these roles. The study featured the degree of trust that teachers put on local institutions and their participation in the implementation of institutional rules. The agents were clustered according to their institutional roles based on a sociological online survey of the local teacher community. The obtained classification showed that teachers are more likely to choose the role of opportunistic agents that tend to support new institutions but stick to traditions in their professional activities. The formation of such institutional roles as nonconformists, conformists, and opportunists depends largely on the social and professional well-being of the agents, which, in the case of nonconformism, acquires conflict features. The opportunism displayed by the teaching community can be associated with an attempt to avoid conflicts with colleagues and management. Maximum protection from deviant behavior can improve the educational environment if introduced in the process of institutional planning.

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24

Miller, Nicholas J. "The Nonconformists: Dobrica Ćosić and Mića Popović Envision Serbia." Slavic Review 58, no. 3 (1999): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697566.

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There is little to debate about the nature of Serbian political life since the mid-1980s—it has been highly nationalized, to the point that one can argue that a consensus existed among Serbian public figures that the Serbs' very existence was threatened by their neighbors. This consensus links political, cultural, and intellectual elites regardless of their ideological background. It draws together figures representing great diversity in Serbia. This powerful movement has usually been either dismissed or demonized: dismissed as superficial, the product of the cynical adaptation of politicians to new times, or demonized as something inherent in Serbian political culture, a historically predetermined mind-set, ancient and therefore ineradicable. But there is too much evidence that nationalism in Serbia is neither superficial nor ancient. What of the large number of Serbian intellectual and cultural figures who traversed the path from socialism to nationalism after 1945? Were they collectively one of the most cynical generations in any society's modern history, or were they simply possessed by the ancient demons of Serbian nationalism? Neither explanation is satisfying. Instead, postwar Serbian nationalism began as a legitimate and humane movement, neither incomprehensible nor artificial, and it should be understood in the context of communism's effect on Serbian society and its failure to fulfill its own promises, particularly to bring modernization and a universal culture to the peoples of Yugoslavia.

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25

Binfield, Clyde. "The Purley Way for Children." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 461–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001305x.

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The Sunday school was an art form. Its classical age has been explored by T. W. Laqueur and its totality by P. B. Cliff. Like those of great art, its creative moments were the simultaneous issue of evolution, system, and individual genius. Those moments were intensest in their Nonconformist aspect, for Nonconformists, though often thwarted, were born educationists. Their buildings reflected this: theological colleges, for instance, which grew from overgrown houses to imitations of Oxford, and eventually to Oxford itself; or proprietory schools, strait-jacketed between the financial constraints and social aspirations of an enlarged middle class trying to reconcile Manchester’s values with those of Thomas Arnold. And there were the Sunday schools themselves, complexes of hall, parlour, and classroom, enfolding the chapel, reflecting the activity, mentality, and spirituality of a particular society, encompassing therefore a concept of the Church, and designed with considerable ingenuity to meet the needs of a rounded yet carefully graduated community. By the turn of the twentieth century they housed daily activities for all ages. Their influence reached far. Fuelled by the Word proclaimed from the pulpit, and empowered by the decisions of representative meetings taken in hall or vestry, the Sunday school broke chapel bounds to teach more people than could be met with in chapel pews.

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26

de Krey, Gary S. "Rethinking the Restoration: Dissenting cases for conscience, 1667–1672." Historical Journal 38, no. 1 (March 1995): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016289.

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ABSTRACTOn what religious and political grounds did restoration nonconformists argue for ‘ease to tender consciences’, and what did they mean by conscience? These questions are central to any evaluation of nonconformist political thought in the early restoration. Such dissenting thinkers as Slingsby Bethel, John Humfrey, Philip Nye, John Owen, William Penn, and Sir Charles Wolseley authored arguments for conscience during the intense debate about the restoration church settlement that occurred between 1667 and 1672. This essay outlines four different cases for conscience to which these arguments contributed. Two of these cases reconciled claims for conscience with the ecclesiastical authority of the monarch. Two other cases for conscience challenged the traditional religious authority of the crown.Should any or all of these arguments for conscience be considered radical arguments? The answer to this question requires a definition of the term ‘radical’ – one that is appropriate for the late Stuart period. The grounds upon which early restoration advocates of conscience accepted an indulgence under the royal prerogative in 1672 are also explained.The essay addresses the historiography of the restoration by considering Christopher Hill's and Richard Ashcraft's views about dissenting thought. It also proposes that the 1667–72 debate about the state and religion raised so many critical issues as to constitute an early restoration crisis about conscience.

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27

Serebryakova, Elena G. "The “Human Rights Activist” Identity in the Axiology and Social Practice of Alexander Esenin-Volpin." Observatory of Culture 17, no. 1 (February 27, 2020): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2020-17-1-48-60.

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The object of the research is the social position and personal axiology of the poet, philosopher and mathematician Alexander Esenin-Volpin. From the second half of the 1960s to the mid-1980s, the human rights movement constituted the core of the Soviet dissidence, and an analysis of the personal axiology and social position of the movement founder permits to understand the specifics of collective identity and of the “human rights activist” behavior model. The purpose of this work is to identify the origins and specificity of the “human rights activist” behavioral pattern, which gradually replaced the “defender” model from nonconformist rhetoric and social practice, and to characterize the axiology and typology of human rights protection. The Legal Note and the Free Philosophical Tractate by Volpin served as the material for this study.The author claims that the “human rights activist” model of social behavior emerged in the practice of nonconformists during the Sinyavsky—Daniel trial. It differs from the “defender” model implemented by the liberal intelligentsia in the Brodsky case. The “defender” is guided by the absolute value of the individual, invites the authorities to take into account personal characteristics of the defendant when sentencing, which means a selective approach to the law. For the “human rights activist”, the law is universal; compliance with the law not only by citizens, but also by the state is the guarantee of justice.Volpin laid several theses on the basis of the ideology and axiology of human rights protection: the state is a subject of law, obliged not only to formulate laws for citizens, but also to comply with the prescribed norms itself; Soviet laws are designed to limit the dictates of the state and to protect the citizens; the citizens have legal rights to defend themselves against illegal actions of the state.The first practical implementation of these ideas — the “glasnost meeting” — showed that the authorities were not prepared for the proposed model of behavior. However, the motivation of the meeting participants mostly fit into the “defender” paradigm; the human rights logic of action and rhetoric were adopted by the community gradually. The Legal Note was written by Volpin to educate nonconformists and popularize human rights ideas.The article concludes that, thanks to Volpin’s activities, appealing to the rights and the law gradually became the usual rhetorical method in literary and journalistic statements and social actions of dissidents.

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Wolf, Brian, and Phil Zuckerman. "Deviant Heroes: Nonconformists as Agents of Justice and Social Change." Deviant Behavior 33, no. 8 (July 3, 2012): 639–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2011.647587.

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29

Mayes, David. "Heretics or Nonconformists? State Policies toward Anabaptists in Sixteenth-Century Hesse." Sixteenth Century Journal 32, no. 4 (2001): 1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3648989.

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30

POE, WILLIAM A. "Conservative Nonconformists: Religious Leaders and the Liberal Party in Yorkshire/Lancashire." Nineteenth Century Studies 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45196640.

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31

POE, WILLIAM A. "Conservative Nonconformists: Religious Leaders and the Liberal Party in Yorkshire/Lancashire." Nineteenth Century Studies 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/ninecentstud.2.1988.0063.

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32

Boyd-Rush, Dorothy A. "Enemies under His Feet: Radicals and Nonconformists in Britain, 1664–1677." History: Reviews of New Books 19, no. 3 (January 1991): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1991.9949259.

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33

Atkins, Jonathan M. "Calvinist Bishops, Church Unity, and the Rise of Arminianism." Albion 18, no. 3 (1986): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049982.

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According to Nicholas Tyacke, the doctrine of predestination worked as a “common and ameliorating bond” between conformists and nonconformists in the late Elizabethan and Jacobean Church of England. Anglicans and Puritans both accepted Calvin's teachings on predestination as a “crucial common assumption.” Puritans were stigmatized either because of their refusal to conform to the church's rites and ceremonies or because of their rejection of the church's episcopal government, but their agreement with the episcopacy on predestinarian Calvinism imposed “important limits” on the extent of persecution. The Synod of Dort, a Dutch conference held in 1619 which included several English representatives, repudiated Arminianism and affirmed the Calvinist view of salvation, Tyacke calls “an event which has never received the emphasis it deserves from students of English religious history,” because the Synod “served to emphasize afresh the theology binding conformist and nonconformist together, and the limits which that common bond imposed on persecution.” The rise of Arminianism broke this common bond and contributed to the causes of the Civil War. To the Arminians, Puritans were those who opposed the new religious policies of King Charles I and archbishop William Laud. The Arminians' elimination of Calvinist influence in the church and at court, along with intensified persecution of Puritans, “generated a Puritan militancy” that erupted in 1640. By that date, Tyacke concludes, predestinarian Calvinism had been “transformed with relative ease into a call for ‘root and branch’ remedies”; at the same time, presbyterianism emerged as “the cure of Arminian disease.”

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Grote, Jessica, Dagmar Krysciak, and Wolfgang R. Streit. "Phenotypic Heterogeneity, a Phenomenon That May Explain Why Quorum Sensing Does Not Always Result in Truly Homogenous Cell Behavior." Applied and Environmental Microbiology 81, no. 16 (May 29, 2015): 5280–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aem.00900-15.

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ABSTRACTPhenotypic heterogeneity describes the occurrence of “nonconformist” cells within an isogenic population. The nonconformists show an expression profile partially different from that of the remainder of the population. Phenotypic heterogeneity affects many aspects of the different bacterial lifestyles, and it is assumed that it increases bacterial fitness and the chances for survival of the whole population or smaller subpopulations in unfavorable environments. Well-known examples for phenotypic heterogeneity have been associated with antibiotic resistance and frequently occurring persister cells. Other examples include heterogeneous behavior within biofilms, DNA uptake and bacterial competence, motility (i.e., the synthesis of additional flagella), onset of spore formation, lysis of phages within a small subpopulation, and others. Interestingly, phenotypic heterogeneity was recently also observed with respect to quorum-sensing (QS)-dependent processes, and the expression of autoinducer (AI) synthase genes and other QS-dependent genes was found to be highly heterogeneous at a single-cell level. This phenomenon was observed in several Gram-negative bacteria affiliated with the generaVibrio,Dinoroseobacter,Pseudomonas,Sinorhizobium, andMesorhizobium. A similar observation was made for the Gram-positive bacteriumListeria monocytogenes. Since AI molecules have historically been thought to be the keys to homogeneous behavior within isogenic populations, the observation of heterogeneous expression is quite intriguing and adds a new level of complexity to the QS-dependent regulatory networks. All together, the many examples of phenotypic heterogeneity imply that we may have to partially revise the concept of homogeneous and coordinated gene expression in isogenic bacterial populations.

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35

Spicer, Andrew. "Archbishop Tait, The Huguenots and the French Church at Canterbury." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002151.

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Archibald Campbell Tait was enthroned as archbishop of Canterbury in February 1869. It was an inauspicious time to assume the primacy of the Church of England, which was riven by internal conflicts and religious differences. Furthermore, Gladstone had recently swept to power with the support of the Nonconformists. The new prime minister had a mandate to disestablish the Irish church and his political supporters sought to challenge the privileges and status of the Church of England. As primate, Tait attempted to defend the Church of England as the established church and restrict those parties that held particularly narrow and dogmatic beliefs, regardless of whether they were Evangelicals or Ritualists. The archbishop strove to straddle these religious differences and to achieve his aims through a policy of compromise and tolerance, but some of his actions served to cause further divisions within the Anglican church. Tait’s efforts to restrict elaborate ceremonial and services through the Public Worship Regulation Act (1874) alienated the Ritualists, for example. Many more clergy were opposed to his concessions to Nonconformists in the Burials Bill (1877), which would have allowed them to be interred in parish churchyards. Amidst the wider religious tensions and political conflicts that marked his primacy, the archbishop also took a close interest in the French Protestant Church at Canterbury, whose history he regarded as reflecting some important attributes of the Church of England, its past, and its current status in the world.

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Edwards, Huw. "On the Trail of 'Ginshop Jones': Welsh Nonconformists in Eighteenth-Century London." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 28, no. 3 (June 1, 2017): 470–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.28.3.3.

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37

정혜연. "The Peripatetic Nonconformists of Colonial America: Mary Rowlandson and Sarah Kemble Knight." English & American Cultural Studies 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15839/eacs.8.3.200812.221.

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38

Rutland, Adam, Dominic Abrams, and Lindsey Cameron. "Children's attitudes towards nonconformists: Intergroup relations and social exclusion in middle childhood." International Journal on School Disaffection 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18546/ijsd.04.2.08.

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39

Marshall, John. "The Ecclesiology of the Latitude-men 1660–1689: Stillingfleet, Tillotson and 'Hobbism'." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 3 (July 1985): 407–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900041178.

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When the redoubtable Presbyterian Richard Baxter came to write his engagingly biased autobiography he distinguished three broad categories of conformists to the Restoration Church Settlement of 1662. There were those who had been forced to conform out of need, or had casuistically placed their own meaning on the words of the Subscription; next there were the Latitudinarians, who were ‘mostly Cambridge-men’ and of ‘Universal Principles and free’; and then there were those of the ‘high and swaying Party’ who were ‘desirous to extirpate or destroy the Nonconformists’.

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Jasper, Cynthia R., and Mary Ellen Roach-Higgins. "ROLE CONFLICT AND CONFORMITY IN DRESS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 16, no. 2 (January 1, 1988): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1988.16.2.227.

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This study proceeded from the general theoretical position that dress is a significant element in role enactment and addressed the specific question of why there is apparent conflict regarding what form of dress is appropriate to enactment of the role of the Roman Catholic priest. Data analyzed were drawn from a study of 5,475 American Catholic priests. Priests who conformed to church regulations regarding dress differed from nonconformists in their beliefs about their roles as priests and in their opinions of church reform, commitment to the priesthood, feelings of anomie, rank within the priesthood, and age.

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BEBBINGTON, DAVID W. "The Mid-Victorian Revolution in Wesleyan Methodist Home Mission." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917001816.

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Wesleyan Methodists in Victorian Britain are supposed to have been hampered by traditional methods of mission. From the 1850s onwards, however, they launched a strategy of appointing home missionary ministers. Although Wesleyans adopted no new theology, left structures unchanged and still relied on wealthy laymen, they developed fresh work in cities, employed paid lay agents, used women more and recruited children as fundraisers. Organised missions, temperance activity and military chaplaincies bolstered their impact. District Missionaries and Connexional Evangelists were appointed and, in opposition to ritualist clergy, Wesleyans increasingly saw themselves as Nonconformists. They experienced a quiet revolution in home mission.

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KAYE, ELAINE. "Heirs of Richard Baxter? The Society of Free Catholics, 1914–1928." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58, no. 2 (March 28, 2007): 256–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906008177.

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The Society of Free Catholics was founded in 1914 by a small group of Unitarian ministers, who, inspired by Richard Baxter, James Martineau, F. D. Maurice and the Catholic Modernists, sought to combine historic Catholic sacramental and devotional practice with theological freedom, and to unite all Christians in a Free Christian Church. The members included Anglicans, Nonconformists and a few Roman Catholics. The two main leaders of the society were J. M. Lloyd Thomas of the old Meeting, Birmingham, and W. E. Orchard of the King's Weigh House, London. Their chief legacy was a series of prayer books for public worship.

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Thompson, David M. "The Great Ejection of 1662: Memories, Interpretations and Justifications within Protestant Dissent, 1662-2012." Ecclesiology 9, no. 2 (2013): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-00902003.

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The Great Ejection of 1662 has been variously remembered by English and Welsh nonconformists in the 350 years since. But the process reveals a shift away from the issues of the mid-seventeenth century to first, a remembrance of suffering, and then a generalisation of the issues in terms of political freedom and liberty of conscience. Furthermore, the question of whether groups are prisoners of their collective memories or may be released to act differently by acts of mutual forgiveness is a pressing contemporary ecumenical issue. It is therefore suggested that historical sensitivity is an indispensable adjunct to effective ecumenical agreement.

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Brown, Kenneth D. "College Principals — a Cause of Nonconformist Decay?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 2 (April 1987): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690002306x.

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Nonconformity was one of the major formative influences on Victorian society in Britain. The census of 1851 revealed that of seven million worshippers attending service on census day roughly half were counted in a nonconformist chapel. Even the Victorian who failed to attend service regularly found it difficult to evade the influence of nonconformity — and the Evangelicalism with which it was most closely —identified — in a society whose very customs, attitudes and even political life were so largely moulded by it. The main physical manifestation of this pervasive influence was the ubiquitious chapel, its most obvious human expression the professional minister. Of the leading nonconformist denominations the Congregationals were served by some 1,400 full-time men in 1847 while the Wesleyan, Primitive, New Connexion and Association Methodists had respectively 1,125, 518, 83 and 91 ministers in 1851.

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45

Bokovoy, Melissa. ":The Nonconformists: Culture, Politics, and Nationalism in a Serbian Intellectual Circle, 1944–1991." American Historical Review 114, no. 1 (February 2009): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.1.244.

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RICHARDS, G. "Gandhi and the Nonconformists James D. Hunt, New Delhi, Promilla, 1986. 175 Rupees." Religion 20, no. 1 (January 1990): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(90)90036-6.

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47

Elkin, Judith Laikin. "Latin America's Jews: A Review of Sources." Latin American Research Review 20, no. 2 (1985): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910003452x.

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For the period since independence, Jews do not appear in Latin American history as it is written today. That there are Jews in Latin America we know. But what role have they played in their nations' histories? How have they balanced their inherited tradition with the cultures of the Luso-Hispanic world? What has been the quality of their lives as Jews and as immigrants, nonconformists in societies that exact conformity as the price of acceptance? Most important from the perspective of Latin Americanists, how have Jews been perceived by the majority societies, and what do these perceptions reveal about the nature of these societies?

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VYSHESLAVSKY, Glib. "The simultaneous existence of modernist and neo-avant-garde tendencies in nonconformist art of Ukraine in the 1980s." Contemporary Art, no. 17 (November 30, 2021): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31500/2309-8813.17.2021.248422.

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In the early 1980s, the nonconformist art movement in Odesa, which had been developing since the mid-1950s, was widened by a new generation of artists. Their art searches differed significantly from their senior colleagues, which led to the formation of a separate movement within nonconformism, which later became known as APTART. The differences were mainly in the worldview of artists, aesthetics, themes, artistic techniques. The art of the new generation was closer to the Western neo-avant-garde, while their older colleagues tended toward modernism. The presence of two different well-defined movements within the nonconformism, a phenomenon in itself countercultural to official culture, distinguished the artistic process in Odesa in the 1980s from other cities in Ukraine. It is these features of the artistic life of that time, still insufficiently covered and analysed. The text considers the part of the work of the Odesa APTART artists, which the most clearly displays the elements of neo-avant-garde aesthetics, that, accordingly, affected the artistic means: acts, performances happenings; the differences between the two groups of artists belonging to the nonconformist subculture were analysed. Specific acts, works of the APTART artists opposed to the background of creative activity of their colleagues are considered. The stages of the APTART artists’ creativity development are traced. Within the disclosure of the research theme, the text highlights the processes of nonconformist artistic life in the main cities of Ukraine, traces parallels to similar phenomena in world art. Due to the experience of recent researches, the terms that directly affect the subject of the paper are specified: nonconformism, informal art, avant-garde, modernism, neo-avant-garde.

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SEREBRYAKOVA, E. G. "The Generation of the Sixties: Criteria of Identification of the Generation of Soviet Nonconformists." Personality.Culture.Society 21, no. 1-2 (2019): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30936/1606-951x-2019-21-1/2-153-160.

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50

Richardson, Frances. "Missing from parish records: Anglican and nonconformist occupational differences and the economy of Wales c.1817." Continuity and Change 37, no. 2 (August 2022): 165–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416022000145.

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AbstractRecent studies of male occupations have used Anglican baptisms as a source. However, in areas where nonconformity was strong, a significant proportion of baptisms were missing from parish registers: in Wales, around a quarter of births were to Nonconformist fathers in the years 1813–1820. This study analyses whether there were significant differences between the occupations of Anglican and nonconformist fathers based on a 14 per cent sample of Welsh baptisms. Revised estimates suggest that Anglican data underestimate employment in mining and industry. These estimates are used to give an overview of the Welsh economy c.1817.

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