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1

Song. "Robert C. Neville: A Systematic, Nonconformist, Comparative Philosopher of Religion." American Journal of Theology & Philosophy 40, no. 3 (2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/amerjtheophil.40.3.0011.

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2

Štofaník, Jakub. "The Religious Life of the Industrial Working Class in the Czech Lands?" East Central Europe 46, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04601006.

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The article focuses on the role of religion among working-class inhabitants of two industrial towns in the Czech lands, Ostrava and Kladno, during the first half of twentieth century. It analyses the enormous conversion movement, the position of new actors of religious life, and the religious behavior of workers. Looking at the history of the late nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century, the study understands religion as one of the constituent factors of society and its historic change. Traditional, new, and nonconformist religious actors appear as active agents in the private and public life of industrial towns. They mobilized workers, young people, and women, and they produced the major arena in which social, cultural, and church history come together.
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3

de Krey, Gary S. "Rethinking the Restoration: Dissenting cases for conscience, 1667–1672." Historical Journal 38, no. 1 (March 1995): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016289.

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ABSTRACTOn what religious and political grounds did restoration nonconformists argue for ‘ease to tender consciences’, and what did they mean by conscience? These questions are central to any evaluation of nonconformist political thought in the early restoration. Such dissenting thinkers as Slingsby Bethel, John Humfrey, Philip Nye, John Owen, William Penn, and Sir Charles Wolseley authored arguments for conscience during the intense debate about the restoration church settlement that occurred between 1667 and 1672. This essay outlines four different cases for conscience to which these arguments contributed. Two of these cases reconciled claims for conscience with the ecclesiastical authority of the monarch. Two other cases for conscience challenged the traditional religious authority of the crown.Should any or all of these arguments for conscience be considered radical arguments? The answer to this question requires a definition of the term ‘radical’ – one that is appropriate for the late Stuart period. The grounds upon which early restoration advocates of conscience accepted an indulgence under the royal prerogative in 1672 are also explained.The essay addresses the historiography of the restoration by considering Christopher Hill's and Richard Ashcraft's views about dissenting thought. It also proposes that the 1667–72 debate about the state and religion raised so many critical issues as to constitute an early restoration crisis about conscience.
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4

CAMBERS, ANDREW, and MICHELLE WOLFE. "READING, FAMILY RELIGION, AND EVANGELICAL IDENTITY IN LATE STUART ENGLAND." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 875–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004029.

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In this article we unravel family religion as a crucial strand of evangelical piety in the late seventeenth century. We show how this programme was promoted in print and manuscript by a group of evangelical clergy from both sides of the conformist divide. Using the printed and manuscript memoirs of John Rastrick, a Lincolnshire clergyman, we explore the construction of clerical sociability through the printed text. In particular, we demonstrate that its heart was the communal reading of scripture and religious literature, confirming the household as the key locus for piety in this period. Whereas historians have traditionally been eager to categorize both clergy and laity in this period as either Anglican or nonconformist, we demonstrate that such a divide was often blurred in practice, in particular as represented through family religion. By focusing on issues such as sociability, the formation of identities, and reading practices, we also reconnect the second half of the century with its early Stuart past, suggesting that its influences and refractions fed into a continuity of evangelical identity, stretching from late sixteenth-century puritanism through the Civil War and Restoration to the onset of Evangelicalism in the eighteenth century. Though they were complex, these continuities help to show that a coherent style of evangelical piety was expressed across the ecclesiastical divide throughout the long seventeenth century.
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5

Walsh, Cheryl. "The Incarnation and the Christian Socialist Conscience in the Victorian Church of England." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 3 (July 1995): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386082.

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Among the churches of nineteenth-century Britain, the Anglican Church held a unique, and somewhat embarrassing, position. It was, of course, the established Church of England—an arm of the state, assigned the honor and duty of serving as the focus and guide of the nation's spiritual life. Its position was embarrassing by the mid-nineteenth century because it obviously was not fulfilling its ostensible role. The increasingly secular nature of industrial society on the one hand, and the Christian challenge of Nonconformity on the other, cost the Church membership among all classes of people. That loss significantly undermined the Anglican claim that the established Church served the religious needs of the whole nation, and it led to persistent Nonconformist cries for disestablishment. Furthermore, Christianity's appeal to its traditional following, the poor and lowly, seemed to evaporate in the industrial environment of the Victorian city. Not only did typical urban workers not go to church (or chapel, for that matter), they were generally rather hostile to organized religion and particularly to the Anglican Church. In the Church of governors and employers, where services and sermons often could appeal only to the educated, workers felt, not unjustly, uncomfortable and unwelcome.There were several internal impediments to increasing the popularity (and thereby the social influence) of the Anglican Church, not the least of which was the dominant theology of early Victorian England. During what Boyd Hilton has called the “Age of Atonement” (roughly the first half of the nineteenth century), evangelical thought both shaped and justified the economic and social assumptions which underlay the policies of competitive capitalism.
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6

Sprunger, Keith L. "Puritan Church Architecture and Worship in a Dutch Context." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169631.

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English Puritans have only a small reputation for aesthetic contributions to architecture. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they worshiped God without making a show of buildings or beautiful ceremonies; consequently, there are few grand Puritan architectural monuments. Nonseparating Puritans, blending into the larger church, put their emphasis on the pure preaching and practice of biblical religion, not on outward appearances. And the Separatists, the strictest of the Puritans, gathered in disguised house-churches. Because of this artistic silence it is easy to downplay the importance of architectural concerns in the early history of Puritanism. Whenever historians mention “Puritan” architecture or “nonconformist” architecture, they are likely to describe it as simple, plain, functional, humble, austere, and practical. While true as far as it goes, this description is not the whole story. An examination of Puritan discussions about architecture in early seventeenth-century Netherlands reveals the interplay of theological and practical factors in creating the “proper” church architecture.
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7

McLeod, Ken. "Space oddities: aliens, futurism and meaning in popular music." Popular Music 22, no. 3 (October 2003): 337–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143003003222.

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Despite the rampant popularity of space, alien and futuristic imagery in popular culture, little scholarship has recognised the impact of such themes on popular music. This article explores the complex relationship between the numerous uses of space, alien and techno futuristic themes in popular music and the construction of various marginalised identities. Arranged roughly chronologically from early 1950s rock and roll to late 1990s techno, I discuss how many artists, such as Bill Haley, David Bowie and George Clinton, have used such imagery to promote various nonconformist ideologies and identities ranging from African-American empowerment to Gay and Lesbian agendas. This article also relates developments in scientific space research and popular science fiction culture to corresponding uses of space and alien imagery in various forms of popular music. In general, popular music's use of futuristic space and alien themes denotes a related neo-Gnostic withdrawal and alienation from traditionally dominant cultural structures in an attempt to unite us with a common ‘other’ that transcends divisions of race, gender, sexual preference, religion or nationality.
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8

Brown, Kenneth D. "College Principals — a Cause of Nonconformist Decay?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 2 (April 1987): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690002306x.

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Nonconformity was one of the major formative influences on Victorian society in Britain. The census of 1851 revealed that of seven million worshippers attending service on census day roughly half were counted in a nonconformist chapel. Even the Victorian who failed to attend service regularly found it difficult to evade the influence of nonconformity — and the Evangelicalism with which it was most closely —identified — in a society whose very customs, attitudes and even political life were so largely moulded by it. The main physical manifestation of this pervasive influence was the ubiquitious chapel, its most obvious human expression the professional minister. Of the leading nonconformist denominations the Congregationals were served by some 1,400 full-time men in 1847 while the Wesleyan, Primitive, New Connexion and Association Methodists had respectively 1,125, 518, 83 and 91 ministers in 1851.
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9

Maynard, W. B. "The Response of the Church of England to Economic and Demographic Change: the Archdeaconry of Durham, 1800–1851." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 3 (July 1991): 437–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900003389.

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The history of the Established Church from the 1740s to the 1830s is viewed as a period of inertia and complacency. Failure to respond to the exigencies of the economic and demographic revolutions resulted in the increasing weakness of the National Church when compared with extra-establishment religion. In the face of increasing pastoral responsibilities, the Church was slow to augment its existing accommodation, or to respond to the challenge of modifying the ancient parochial structure in the face of patron and incumbent interest, and increasing Nonconformist hostility. The resulting decline of the Church from its near monopoly position in 1800, to that of a minority Establishment by 1851, is well documented. Yet while the general pattern of Church extension is known, there have been few studies of the Anglican decline at the diocesan level. Of the twenty-seven dioceses in existence in 1800 one is of particular importance – the diocese of Durham, ‘where the Church was endowed with a splendour and a power unknown in monkish times and in Popish countries’. Here the Church possessed its greatest concentration of resources; here also it was to suffer its greatest reverses.
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10

YALDEN, PETER. "Association, Community and the Origins of Secularisation: English and Welsh Nonconformity, c. 1850–1930." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 2 (April 2004): 293–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904009923.

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The revisionism which has marked the secularisation debate in recent decades has modified in various respects the traditional view that Christianity in Britain has been in almost constant decline for at least the last century or so. As a contribution to the debate, this article revisits the changes which developed in the internal dynamics of English and Welsh Nonconformity during the period from about 1850 to 1930. It argues that the secularisation of Nonconformity at the institutional level was primarily due to the fact that it became more associational and less communal in character. Indeed, Nonconformist Churches almost certainly contained the seeds of secularisation from their inception, as they were the first widespread voluntary associations in Britain with the concept of formal membership.
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11

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "‘Theological Wars’: ‘Socinians’ v. ‘Antinomians’ in Restoration England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 325–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002085.

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This article examines changes in content and tone in some polemical exchanges between Anglican conformists and Nonconformists in the reign of Charles ii. In response to the Dissenters' pleas for comprehension and/or toleration because of shared Protestant beliefs, some conformists accused them of holding an antinomian doctrine of justification that undermined morality and political order – and Dissenters retorted with accusations of Socinianism. The disputes were complicated by divisions over justification within rather than between Anglican and Nonconformist groups, and by the late 1670s the perceived threats from papists brought renewed emphasis on common ground
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12

Ackers, Peter. "West End Chapel, Back Street Bethel: Labour and Capital in the Wigan Churches of Christ c. 1845–1945." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 2 (April 1996): 298–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900080027.

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There is a large and complex literature regarding the part played by working-class Nonconformity in the industrial revolution and the emergence of the English labour movement. For all its nuances, this writing can be separated into two main strands. The first, broadly Marxist, perspective sees working-class Nonconformity primarily as a form of capitalist control, inculcating bourgeois norms of hard work, thrift, respectability and political moderation into the working class. However, even labour historians who subscribe to this view cannot help but be struck by the ubiquitous accounts of lay preachers at the forefront of Victorian labour movement campaigns, especially in the coalfields. Thus, the second view stresses the part played by working-class Nonconformists in leading their class towards political and industrial emancipation. To a considerable extent, the stance taken, particularly on Methodism, depends on whether writers draw their evidence from national, usually middle-class, denominational hierarchies, or from local accounts of working-class religiosity.
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13

Johnson, Dale A. "Fissures in Late-Nineteenth-Century English Nonconformity: A Case Study in One Congregation." Church History 66, no. 4 (December 1997): 735–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169211.

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Recent study of English Nonconformity in the nineteenth century has focused upon issues in the integration of a small culture of Dissent into the larger Anglican-dominated culture, issues such as politics, education, and advancement in the general society. Little attention, by contrast, has been given to theological questions or developments. As a result, the impact of some major shifts in theological thinking within denominational traditions has not been carefully pursued; more seriously, such changes have been frequently characterized as illustrations of theological decline. Greater perspective, however, would be gained by locating instances of theological contention and setting them in the larger framework of cultural and religious change. The following exploration of a theological dispute in one Nonconformist congregation is such an attempt.
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14

Tarusarira, Joram. "When Piety Is Not Enough: Religio-Political Organizations in Pursuit of Peace and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 9, 2020): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050235.

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In post-independence Zimbabwe, religion has been associated with piety and acquiescence rather than radical confrontation. This has made it look preposterous for religious leaders to adopt seemingly radical and confrontational stances in pursuit of peace and reconciliation. Since the early 2000s, a new breed of religious leaders that deploy radical and confrontational strategies to pursue peace has emerged in Zimbabwe. Rather than restricting pathways to peace and reconciliation to nonconfrontational approaches such as empathy, pacifism, prayer, meditation, love, repentance, compassion, apology and forgiveness, these religious leaders have extended them to demonstrations, petitions and critically speaking out. Because these religious leaders do not restrict themselves to the methods and strategies of engagement and dialogue advocated by mainstream church leaders, mainstream church leaders and politicians condemn them as nonconformists that transcend their religious mandate. These religious leaders have redefined and reframed the meaning and method of pursuing peace and reconciliation in Zimbabwe and brought a new consciousness on the role of religious leaders in times of political violence and hostility. Through qualitative interviews with religious leaders from a network called Churches in Manicaland in Zimbabwe, which emerged at the height of political violence in the early 2000s, and locating the discussion within the discourse of peace and reconciliation, this article argues that the pursuit of peace and reconciliation by religious actors is not a predefined and linear, but rather a paradoxical and hermeneutical exercise which might involve seemingly contradictory approaches such as “hard” and “soft” strategies. Resultantly, religio-political nonconformism should not be perceived as a stubborn departure from creeds and conventions, but rather as a phenomenon that espouses potential to positively change socio-economic and political dynamics that advance peace and reconciliation.
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15

Morgan, John. "Henry Jacob, James I, and Religious Reform, 1603–1609: From Hampton Court to Reason-of-State." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 695–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001305.

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At the beginning of James I's reign, a petition campaign, the Hampton Court conference, numerous tracts, and considerable effort in Parliament all failed to overcome the king's adamant defense of the forms and practices of his episcopal church. In a milieu of deprivations and perception of declension, Henry Jacob, one of the organizers of the petitioning, denounced the illegitimacy and dangers of prelatical church government in several tracts between 1604 and 1609, advocated congregationalism, and outlined the basis for a second conference to bring continuing religious disputes to a close. In 1609, having achieved no success, Jacob turned away from scriptural arguments for reform and instead boldly adopted the novel reason-of-state political language to request “toleration” for politically loyal nonconforming Protestants. Jacob relied on “axioms of pollicie” and recent examples to demonstrate that necessity sometimes determined that toleration, while unpalatable, was the most prudent political course (as the new language had it). James's handwritten marginalia on this tract reveal his continuing antipathy toward any reform he believed derogated from his monarchical “interest.” The variety of arguments Jacob employed illustrates both the difficulties facing early Jacobean reformers and the often-unrecognized degree of flexibility and development in their thought and tactics. In asking for toleration as a royal favor, Jacob also illustrates the seventeenth-century nonconformist dilemma of achieving desired ends through doubtful means.
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16

Wakefield, Gordon S. "Book Review: The Nonconformists." Theology 95, no. 763 (January 1992): 64–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9209500127.

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17

Greaves, Richard L. "Radicals, Rights, and Revolution: British Nonconformity and Roots of the American Experience." Church History 61, no. 2 (June 1992): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168261.

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The bicentennial of the American Bill of Rights offers an appropriate occasion to reassess its intellectual heritage. British radicals, I will argue, had a major impact on the principles enunciated in the Bill of Rights, including the rarely cited ninth amendment, so crucial for the resolution of such sociolegal issues as the rights to life and privacy and the place of religion in society. By radicals I mean those who sought fundamental changes in politics, religion, society, or the economy by striking at the root of contemporary assumptions and institutions.
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18

Wolffe, John. "Book Review: Culture and the Nonconformist Tradition." Theology 103, no. 811 (January 2000): 61–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0010300121.

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19

Chapman, Mark D. "Book Review: Philosophy and Ethics in Nonconformity; Philosophy, Dissent and Nonconformity." Expository Times 116, no. 4 (January 2005): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460511600417.

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20

Crome, Andrew. "Seductive Splendour and Caricatured Simplicity." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 97, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.97.1.8.

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This article examines English Evangelical novels focused on the conversion of Jewish characters, published from the 1820s to the 1850s. It concentrates particularly on the way these novels emphasised the importance of the Church of England in constructing national and religious identity, and used Jewish conversion as a way to critique Catholicism and Nonconformity. Jewish worship, rabbinic authority and Talmudic devotion were linked to Roman Catholic attitudes towards priesthood and tradition, while Jews were also portrayed as victims of a persecuting Roman Church. Nonconformity was criticised for disordered worship and confusing Jews with its attacks on respectable Anglicanism. As a national religion, novelists therefore imagined that Jews would be saved by a national church, and often linked this to concepts of a national restoration to Palestine. This article develops and complicates understandings of Evangelical views of Jews in the nineteenth century, and their links to ‘writing the nation’ in popular literature.
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21

Robbins, Keith. "Culture and the Nonconformist tradition. Edited by Jane Shaw and Alan Kreider. (Religion, Culture and Society.) Pp. xi+187. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1999. £25 (cloth), £14.99 (paper). 0 7083 1532 1 Doctor of souls. A biography of Dr Leslie Dixon Weatherhead. By John Travell. Pp. 327." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 2 (April 2000): 366–461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690094363x.

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22

Rogers, Nicholas, and James Bradley. "Religion, Revolution and English Radicalism: Nonconformity in Eighteen-Century Politics and Society." Labour / Le Travail 29 (1992): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143598.

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23

Jacob, Margaret C., and James E. Bradley. "Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism: Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 1 (1993): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205111.

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24

Horwitz, Henry, and James E. Bradley. "Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism: Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164595.

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Innes, Joanna, and James E. Bradley. "Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism: Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society." William and Mary Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 1992): 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947121.

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26

Pope, Robert. "Book Reviews: History of Nonconformity." Irish Theological Quarterly 71, no. 3-4 (August 2006): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00211400060710031211.

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27

Allen, David. "John Milton — A Noble Nonconformity." Expository Times 120, no. 9 (April 28, 2009): 436–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609105733.

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28

Rack, Henry D. "Book Review: Nonconformityand Culture, Culture and the Nonconformist Tradition." Expository Times 111, no. 3 (December 1999): 102–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469911100318.

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29

Davie, Donald. "NONCONFORMIST POETICS: A RESPONSE TO DANIEL JENKINS." Literature and Theology 2, no. 2 (1988): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/2.2.163.

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30

Brown, Kenneth D. "An Unsettled Ministry? Some Aspects of Nineteenth-Century British Nonconformity." Church History 56, no. 2 (June 1987): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165503.

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As befits its importance in the nineteenth century, British nonconformity has attracted a lot of attention from scholars. Eminent personalities and denominational development or doctrine tend to dominate the earlier writing, while another long-established genre which is still producing fruitful work has been the analysis of the impact of nonconformity in society at large, for example in national or local politics, trade unionism, and education.
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Urdank, Albion M. "Religion and Reproduction among English Dissenters: Gloucestershire Baptists in the Demographic Revolution." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 3 (July 1991): 511–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017151.

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The growth of English Nonconformity during the era of the demographic revolution (circa 1750–1850) has long been regarded as an impediment to the reconstruction of reproductive behavior. Historical demographers have relied heavily on Church of England registers of baptisms, burials, and marriages, while treating Protestant dissenters from the Church of England secondarily, as a factor of underestimation in the Anglican record. Such treatment suggests that religious culture played no independent role in determining population growth. This assumption seems problematic, however, considering the central role that social historians have assigned evangelical dissent to the emergence of modern English society and the somewhat greater place that religion has occupied in demographic studies of populations in continental Europe, the United States, and the third world.
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32

Wilson, Linda. ""Constrained by Zeal": Women in Mid-NineteenthCentury Nonconformist Churches." Journal of Religious History 23, no. 2 (June 1999): 185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.00081.

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33

Stanwood, P. G., and Kristen Poole. "Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 1 (2002): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144273.

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34

Arnold, R. "Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England." Literature and Theology 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 102–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/16.1.102.

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35

Lucas, Scott, and Kristen Poole. "Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 33, no. 4 (2001): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052908.

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36

FIELD, CLIVE D. "Counting Religion in England and Wales: The Long Eighteenth Century,c.1680–c.1840." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 4 (September 17, 2012): 693–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046911002533.

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The statistical analysis of religion in England and Wales usually commences with the mid-nineteenth century. This article synthesises relevant primary and secondary sources to produce initial quantitative estimates of the religious composition of the population in 1680, 1720, 1760, 1800 and 1840. The Church of England is shown to have lost almost one-fifth of its affiliation market share during this period, with an ever increasing number of nominal Anglicans also ceasing to practise. Nonconformity more than quadrupled, mainly from 1760 and especially after 1800. Roman Catholicism kept pace with demographic growth, but, even reinforced by Irish immigration, remained a limited force in 1840. Judaism and overt irreligion were both negligible.
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37

WILLIAMS, GLANMOR. "Sacred place, chosen people. Land and national identity in Welsh spirituality. By Dorian Llywelyn. (Religion, Culture & Society.) Pp. xiii+210. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1999. £25 (cloth), £12.99 (paper). 0 7083 1520 8; 0 7083 1519 4. Image of the invisible. The visualization of religion in the Welsh Nonconformist tradition. By John Harvey. Pp. xiii+218 incl. 75 ills+5 colour plates. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1999. £12.99. 0 7083 1475 9." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 1 (January 2001): 103–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900234751.

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38

Shell, A. "Review: Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England." Notes and Queries 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/49.3.423.

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39

Shell, Alison. "Review: Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England." Notes and Queries 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/490423.

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40

Achinstein, Sharon. "Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England (review)." Shakespeare Quarterly 53, no. 3 (2002): 403–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shq.2003.0001.

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41

Orme, Nicholas. "Church and Chaple in Medieval England." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (December 1996): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679230.

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In Emlyn Williams's play,The Corn is Green(1938), an Englishwoman arriving in Wales is asked an important question: ‘Are you Church or Chapel?’ Since the seventeenth century, when non-Anglican places of worship made their appearance, this question has indeed been important, sometimes momentous. ‘Church’ has had one kind of resonance in religion, politics and society; ‘chapel’ has had another. Even in unreligious households, people may still opt for ‘church’ when the bread is cut (the rounded end) or ‘chapel’ (the oblong part). The distinction is far older than the seventeenth century, however, by at least five hundred years. There were thousands of chapels in medieval England, besides the parish churches, when religion is often thought of as uniformly church-based. Although these chapels differed in some ways from those of Protestant nonconformity, notably in worship, they also foreshadowed them. Locations, architecture, social support and even religious diversity are often comparable between the two eras. Arguably, the creation of chapels by non-Anglicans after the Reformation marked a return to ancient national habits.
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42

Waite, Gary K. "Spiritualism and Rationalism in Early Modern Europe." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 2-3 (July 21, 2021): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10024.

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Abstract Despite his reputation as a narcissistic Anabaptist messiah, after 1544 David Joris became an influential spiritualist who abandoned claims of a unique possession of the Holy Spirit and promoted the Spirit as active within the mind of all believers, just as he had already internalized demons and angels to the inner person. He only fully elaborated his mature pneumatology in the 1550s, and since none of those writings were printed in his lifetime, outside of correspondence and conversation it became known only when printers produced these late works starting in the 1580s. In the Dutch Republic, where spiritualism flowed freely, Joris’s creative approach to the Spirit helped shape discourse on religion and philosophy among nonconformists such as the Doopsgezinden (baptism-minded people, i.e., Mennonites) and Collegiants. These in turn contributed to the conversations of early Enlightenment philosophers, such as Descartes and Spinoza.
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Adams, George. "Review: W. T. Stead: Nonconformist and Newspaper Prophet, by Stewart J. Brown." Nova Religio 24, no. 3 (February 1, 2021): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2021.24.3.154.

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Grieve-Carlson, Timothy. "W.T. Stead: Nonconformist and Newspaper Prophet by Stewart J. Brown." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 16, no. 1 (2021): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2021.0019.

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45

Questier, Michael. "The Politics of Religious Conformity and the Accession of James I." Historical Research 71, no. 174 (February 1, 1998): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00051.

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Abstract The issue of conformity in religion is crucial for historians who want to describe how religion worked politically in the English Church during the period of the Reformation. This article takes one aspect of conformity—the struggle by self‐consciously Protestant authorities to force Catholics in the North of England to conform before and after the accession of James'VI in their country. It appeared to some Protestants (as well as to some Catholics) that James's accession might lead to changes in the established order of religion in England. Some papists in the North were very enamoured of James. Protestants tried to cool their ardour in part by using statutory conformity to emasculate their political activism. Yet some Catholics who expressed their hatred of the Elizabethan regime by and in separation from its Church became less determined to stand out against conformity when James's accession seemed assured. The very mechanism by which papists were to be controlled no longer worked as Protestant activists intended. In short, the politics of conformity explains many of the puzzling features of Catholicism (particularly of ‘church papistry’) at this time and in this region—why some people moved between nonconformity and compliance, and why strict recusancy might not always be an article of faith even for the most belligerent of Roman dissidents.
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Duerden, Richard. "Radical Religion from Shakespeare to Milton: Figures of Nonconformity in Early Modern England. Kristen Poole." Journal of Religion 82, no. 1 (January 2002): 163–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491041.

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47

Wach, Howard M. "Religion, Revolution, and English Radicalism: Nonconformity in Eighteenth-Century Politics and Society. James E. Bradley." Journal of Modern History 64, no. 4 (December 1992): 785–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244569.

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48

Black, Sam. "Toleration and the Skeptical Inquirer in Locke." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 28, no. 4 (December 1998): 473–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1998.10715982.

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It is a noteworthy achievement of Western liberal democracies that they have largely relinquished the use of force against citizens whose lifestyles offend their members’ sensibilities, or alternatively which violate their members’ sense of truth. Toleration has become a central virtue in our public institutions. Powerful majorities are given over to restraint. They do not, by and large, expect the state to crush eccentrics, nonconformists, and other uncongenial minorities in their midst. What precipitated this remarkable evolution in our political culture?The road to toleration originates in the debates provoked by religious dissent in the early modem period. This road was paved in part by a grudging appreciation of the necessity for pragmaticaccommodation. The wars of religion that had devastated the Continent educated the political classes about the costs of persecution. A policy of state-imposed religious intolerance was widely understood to be imprudent.In the early modem period there occurs, however, a shift in the arguments adduced in support of the duty of toleration.
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Schroeder, Nina. "Art and Heterodoxy in the Dutch Enlightenment." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 2-3 (July 21, 2021): 324–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10027.

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Abstract This paper considers the artist Arnold Houbraken (1660–1719) as an unconventional Christian and sheds new light on his representation of artists from religious minority groups in his Great Theatre of Netherlandish Painters and Painteresses (1718–1721). By exploring Houbraken’s years within the Flemish Mennonite milieu in Dordrecht (1660–ca. 1685) and investigating his representation of religious difference in his biographies within The Great Theatre, this study extends scholarship on Houbraken beyond the current focus on his later years as a writer in Amsterdam, and it offers findings on the experience and reception history of nonconformists and religious minority group members, like the spiritualist David Joris and the Mennonite martyr Jan Woutersz van Cuyck (among others), within the Dutch art world. The paper also addresses the historiographical disconnect between literature in the disciplines of art history, intellectual history, and history of religion that persisted until very recently regarding Houbraken’s status as a heterodox Enlightenment thinker.
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QUESTIER, M. C. "LOYALTY, RELIGION AND STATE POWER IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND: ENGLISH ROMANISM AND THE JACOBEAN OATH OF ALLEGIANCE." Historical Journal 40, no. 2 (June 1997): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007176.

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This article explores the Jacobean oath of allegiance as an act of government. It suggests that historians have misread the intentions of the regime in its formulation and enforcement of the oath. Consequently they have underestimated the capacity of the regime to enforce its will on catholic nonconformists. An analysis of contemporary reaction to the oath demonstrates that early modern government could exert its power in ways which revisionist historians have either missed or denied. The oath should be understood as an exceptionally subtle and well-constructed rhetorical essay in the exercise of state power, and this we see in the devastating effect it had on the structure of Jacobean Romanist dissent. The evidence presented here suggests that this statutory oath was not a simple profession of civil allegiance to which English Romanist dissenters responded with a characteristic mixture of paranoia and politically illiterate confusion. Rather it was an exceedingly complex association of religious and political ideas, a diabolically effective polemical cocktail, which did not have to rely merely on the mechanics of a bureaucracy to work its intended course against the Romanist fraction within the English state.
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