Academic literature on the topic 'Non-white immigrants'
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Journal articles on the topic "Non-white immigrants"
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Akresh, Ilana Redstone, and Reanne Frank. "Differential Returns?: Neighborhood Attainment among Hispanic and Non–Hispanic White New Legal Permanent Residents." City & Community 17, no. 3 (September 2018): 788–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12313.
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We use data from the New Immigrant Survey to examine patterns of residential attainment among Hispanic immigrants who recently became legal permanent residents (LPRs) relative to new LPR non–Hispanic white immigrants. We focus on whether these Hispanic and non–Hispanic white immigrants differ in their ability to transform human capital into residential advantage. Our results suggest that the answer depends on the neighborhood attribute in question. When predicting residence in tracts with relatively more non–Hispanic whites, the answer is yes, with evidence in support of the place stratification model of residential attainment. We find that non–Hispanic white immigrants have access to relatively whiter neighborhoods than their Hispanic immigrant counterparts, irrespective of differences in education levels. When assessing Hispanic immigrants’ ability to enter socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods, however, the differences we observe are mostly accounted for by compositional differences in sociodemographic and acculturation factors. Taken together, our findings suggest that Hispanic immigrants are more similar to their white immigrant counterparts when it comes to converting higher education into higher income neighborhoods than into increased residential integration with whites; although their exposure to more socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods at all levels of education remains lower than that of their white immigrant counterparts.
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Krysa, Isabella M., Albert Mills, and Salvador Barragan. "Canadian immigrant guidelines on how to become productive members of society." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 36, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 482–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-01-2017-0002.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically look at how immigrants to Canada are informed and educated about how to become productive members of society. The authors adopted a postcolonial framework to unveil the underlying assumptions embedded in the messages that are conveyed to “teach” and “prepare” immigrants for the Canadian workplace. In particular, the authors focus on non-white immigrants because they form the majority of immigrants to Canada and at the same time data show that they experience particular socio-economic obstacles in their settlement process that European immigrants did not. Design/methodology/approach The authors apply postcolonialism as the theoretical framework. This approach allows the authors to analyze the relationship between the local subject and the encounter with the non-local other, in this case the immigrant who is from a non-European background. The authors conduct a Foucauldian critical discourse analysis on selected texts that serve as information sources for immigrants. These texts include government documents, immigrant information brochures, and workplace information books and booklets. Findings The analysis shows ideological positions that reveal discursive messages representing the non-white immigrant in binary terms. Such immigrants are represented in opposing (and inferior) terms to the local (largely white) Canadian citizen. By adopting a postcolonial lens, the analysis shows that the messages to acculturate immigrants reveal assimilationist features. Research limitations/implications The authors acknowledge that the authors’ own personal socio-political, intellectual, and ideological locations influence the approach, logic, research process, and the interpretation of the findings. For future research, other textual sources should be analyzed with regard to the messages they convey to immigrants as a form of education to see what kind of acculturation is conveyed. Practical implications This paper sheds light on the necessity to develop policies that not only aim to acculturate immigrants using integration strategies but also to carefully communicate and educate newcomers through messages that that do not stem from colonial assumptions. Originality/value This research points out the taken-for granted and oftentimes invisible forms of discriminatory practices in the workplace that appear non-discriminatory on the surface but are rooted in colonial thinking. Consequently, the authors challenge “mainstream” management theories concerning diversity in the workplace by questioning the underlying messages portrayed to immigrants.
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Lopez, Jane Lilly, Genevra Munoa, Catalina Valdez, and Nadia Terron Ayala. "Shades of Belonging: The Intersection of Race and Religion in Shaping Utah Immigrants’ Social Integration." Social Sciences 10, no. 7 (June 26, 2021): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10070246.
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Utah, USA, a state with a unique history of immigration and a distinctive religious context, provides a useful setting in which to study the intersection of racism and religious participation with immigrant integration. Utah is one of the Whitest states in the United States, with 4 of every 5 residents identifying as non-Hispanic White. It is also home to the headquarters of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) which, until 1978, explicitly imposed race-based exclusions that prohibited or strictly limited Black members’ participation in church leadership, rituals, and ordinances. The state’s cultural, social, and religious history has contributed to widespread beliefs among modern Utah residents of Whites’ racial supremacy in contexts both mundane and divine. Much of Utah’s population growth since 1960, especially among non-White racial and ethnic groups, can be attributed to immigrants, who today compose nearly 10 percent of the state’s population. Given Utah’s religious, social, and cultural relationship to race, it is an ideal case to study the following question: how do race, religion, and culture shape integration among immigrants? Utilizing interviews with 70 immigrants who have lived in Utah for an average of 13 years, we find that both race and LDS Church membership influence immigrants’ social integration, creating a hierarchy of belonging among immigrants in Utah––with White LDS immigrants reporting the highest levels of integration and non-White, non-LDS immigrants reporting the lowest levels of integration. These findings suggest the power of cultural narratives––beyond explicit institutional policy and practice––in perpetuating racial inequality in society. Thus, efforts to increase integration and belonging among immigrants must not only include work to dismantle legal and structural inequalities but also efforts to actively change the cultural narratives associated with them.
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Lee, Timothy, and Ludwin E. Molina. "“If You Don’t Speak English, I Can’t Understand You!”: Exposure to Various Foreign Languages as a Threat." Social Sciences 10, no. 8 (August 14, 2021): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10080308.
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The number of non-English speaking and bilingual immigrants continues to grow in the U.S. Previous research suggests that about one third of White Americans feel threatened upon hearing a language other than English. The current research examines how exposure to a foreign language affects White Americans’ perceptions of immigrants and group-based threats. In Study 1, White Americans were randomly assigned to read one of four fictional transcripts of a conversation of an immigrant family at a restaurant, where the type of language being spoken was manipulated to be either Korean, Spanish, German, or English. In Study 2, White Americans read the same fictional transcript—minus the Spanish; however, there was an addition of two subtitles conditions in which the subtitles were provided next to the Korean and German texts. The two studies suggest that exposure to a foreign language—regardless of whether they are consistent with Anglocentric constructions of American identity—lead White Americans to form less positive impressions of the immigrant targets and their conversation, experience an uptick in group-based threats, and display greater anti-immigrant attitudes. Moreover, there is evidence that the (in)ability to understand the conversation (i.e., epistemic threat) influences participants’ perceptions of immigrants and group-based threats.
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Gomez Cervantes, Andrea, Daniel Alvord, and Cecilia Menjívar. "'Bad Hombres': The Effects of Criminalizing Latino Immigrants through Law and Media in the Rural Midwest." Migration Letters 15, no. 2 (April 29, 2018): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v15i2.368.
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In this article we explore the policy and legal build-up that led to the 2017 Executive Orders targeting Latino/a immigrant families and communities. We provide a historical backdrop for the merging of criminal and immigration laws that has contributed to the criminalization of the behaviors, bodies, and communities of Latino/a immigrants. We then look at the media narratives that burry immigrants’ complex identities and reproduce daily the demonization of Latino/as as criminals. Together, these factors contribute to socially construct a “Brown Threat” which reproduces anxieties and fears about crime, terror, and threats to the nation, affecting the everyday lives of immigrants and non-immigrants alike, though in different ways. Based on an 18-month ethnography in a small Kansas town carried out before and after the signing of Executive Orders in 2017, we examine the spill-over effects of this environment on Guatemalan immigrant families as well as on non-immigrant Anglo-white residents in a rural community.
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Haan, Michael. "The Homeownership Hierarchies of Canada and the United States: The Housing Patterns of White and Non-White Immigrants of the past Thirty Years." International Migration Review 41, no. 2 (June 2007): 433–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00074.x.
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In this paper two gaps in North American immigrant homeownership research are addressed. The first concerns the lack of studies (especially in Canada) that identify changes in homeownership rates by skin color over time, and the second relates to the shortage of comparative research between Canada and the United States on this topic. In this paper the homeownership levels and attainment rates of Black, Chinese, Filipino, White, and South Asian immigrants are compared in Canada and the United States for 1970/1971–2000/2001. For the most part, greater similarities than differences are found between the two countries. Both Canadian and U.S. Chinese and White immigrants have the highest adjusted homeownership rates of all groups, at times even exceeding comparably positioned native-born households. Black immigrants, on the other hand, tend to have the lowest ownership rates of all groups, particularly in the United States, with Filipinos and South Asians situated between these extremes. Most of these differences stem from disparities that exist at arrival, however, and not from differential advancement into homeownership.
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Martinez, Joel E., Lauren A. Feldman, Mallory J. Feldman, and Mina Cikara. "Narratives Shape Cognitive Representations of Immigrants and Immigration-Policy Preferences." Psychological Science 32, no. 2 (January 13, 2021): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797620963610.
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Scholars from across the social and media sciences have issued a clarion call to address a recent resurgence in criminalized characterizations of immigrants. Do these characterizations meaningfully impact individuals’ beliefs about immigrants and immigration? Across two online convenience samples (total N = 1,054 adult U.S. residents), we applied a novel analytic technique to test how different narratives—achievement, criminal, and struggle-oriented—impacted cognitive representations of German, Russian, Syrian, and Mexican immigrants and the concept of immigrants in general. All stories featured male targets. Achievement stories homogenized individual immigrant representations, whereas both criminal and struggle-oriented stories racialized them along a White/non-White axis: Germany clustered with Russia, and Syria clustered with Mexico. However, criminal stories were unique in making our most egalitarian participants’ representations as differentiated as our least egalitarian participants’. Narratives about individual immigrants also generalized to update representations of nationality groups. Most important, narrative-induced representations correlated with immigration-policy preferences: Achievement narratives and corresponding homogenized representations promoted preferences for less restriction, and criminal narratives promoted preferences for more.
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Tong, Yuying, Wenyang Su, and Eric Fong. "Labor market integration of non-Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong from 1991 to 2011: Structure of global market or White privilege?" Chinese Journal of Sociology 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 79–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x17748533.
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Previous studies of Hong Kong immigrants have largely focused on those Chinese from the mainland, and less attention has been paid to non-Chinese immigrants. As exceptions to this, a few studies have focused on the channels of non-Chinese immigrants to Hong Kong, but less research has examined their labor market outcomes. This is partly because theories about immigrants in Asia’s global city are underdeveloped, and the traditional labor market assimilation theory based on the North American and European experience may not easily translate to the case of global cities in Asia. In this research, we examine the employment status, occupational rank, and earnings outcomes of Chinese and non-Chinese immigrants from the perspectives of global economic structure and White privilege. Using 5% Hong Kong census/by-census data from 1991, 1996, 2001, 2006, and 2011, we draw two major conclusions. First, in the Hong Kong labor market, immigrants from more developed countries enjoy a labor market advantage, which demonstrates the advantages of core-nation origin. In contrast, their counterparts from peripheral nations are penalized. The labor market gap between immigrants from core nations and peripheral nations grew at the turn of the 21st century but narrowed in 2006. Second, White immigrants are privileged in the Hong Kong labor market, showing that White privilege has been transmitted to a non-White-dominant society.
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Chavez, Leo R., F. Allan Hubbell, Shiraz I. Mishra, and R. Burciaga Valdez. "Undocumented Latina Immigrants in Orange County, California: A Comparative Analysis." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (March 1997): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100105.
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This article examines a unique data set randomly collected from Latinas (including 160 undocumented immigrants) and non-Hispanic white women in Orange County, California, including undocumented and documented Latina immigrants, Latina citizens, and non-Hispanic white women. Our survey suggests that undocumented Latinas are younger than documented Latinas, and immigrant Latinas are generally younger than U.S.-citizen Latinas and Anglo women. Undocumented and documented Latinas work in menial service sector jobs, often in domestic services. Most do not have job-related benefits such as medical insurance. Despite low incomes and likelihood of having children under age 18 living with them, their use of public assistance was low. Undocumented and documented Latina immigrants lived in households that often contained extended family members; they were more likely than other women in the study to lack a regular source of health care, to utilize health clinics, public health centers, and hospital emergency rooms rather than private physicians or HMOs, and to underutilize preventative cancer screening services. Despite their immigration status, undocumented Latina immigrants often viewed themselves as part of a community in the United States, which significantly influenced their intentions to stay in the United States. Contrary to much of the recent public policy debate over immigration, we did not find that social services influenced Latina immigrants’ intentions to stay in the United States.
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CORBALLY, JOHN. "The Othered Irish: Shades of Difference in Post-War Britain, 1948–71." Contemporary European History 24, no. 1 (January 19, 2015): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000447.
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AbstractThe main goal of this paper is to consider white Irish immigrants within the context of immigration of colour in post-war Britain. It considers the similarities in the imperial-historical reasons for the immigration of mostly poor rural workers from the West Indies, South Asia and Ireland. The discussion explores the experiences of both white and non-white immigrants in London and Birmingham up to 1971, comparing all three groups but focusing on Irish immigrants. I aim to append the Irish experience to analyses of post-war immigration, which tend to focus on non-white Commonwealth immigrants from the West Indies and South Asia. By exploring the Irish experience, I question existing scholarship which suggests Irish immigrants assimilated into post-war Britain free of the ethnic tensions and difficult conditions that migrants of colour indisputably endured. I also demonstrate the degree to which British historians have disregarded the experiences of Irish people in Britain.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Non-white immigrants"
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Iqbal, Humera. "Parenting and child development in multi-ethnic Britain : a study of British Indian, British Pakistani and non-immigrant White families living in the UK." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/245623.
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Past research has neglected second generation onward immigrant families in Britain as they further acculturate into host society culture, as well as the experiences of majority ethnic-group families in relation to second generation immigrant families. The central focus of this study was an in-depth assessment of the similarities and differences in parenting practices, parent-child relationships, child psychological adjustment and parental social experiences in British-born Indian, Pakistani and non-immigrant White mothers with 5-7 year old children living in culturally diverse areas of the UK. This is the first in-depth comparative study focusing on normative second generation families rather than disadvantaged samples. In total, 90 mothers participated, and the study employed a multi-method approach. A range of measurement techniques including standardised interviews, questionnaires, observations of parent-child interaction and a child test were used. The study was organised according to two aspects of family life. A quantitative approach was used to investigate parenting and child adjustment. A mixed-methods approach, using both quantitative and qualitative analyses was used to examine the broader social environment of the mother and child, exploring family life in relation to surrounding cultural and contextual factors in the three ethnic groups. The children showed positive levels of adjustment, with no differences between groups. In terms of parenting, similarities were found between family types for some aspects of parenting as assessed by interview, including maternal warmth, mother-child interaction and maternal control. The differences that were identified generally reflected differences between the Pakistani and White mothers, with the Indian mothers lying between the two. For example, the British Pakistani group showed higher levels of child supervision, child-centredness, and overt discipline compared to White mothers. They were also more likely to be in an arranged marriage and less likely to confide in their partner. Regarding the observational measure of mother-child interaction, there was no difference between family types for the overall construct of mutuality. In relation to cultural and contextual factors, Pakistani mothers were more religious, compared with Indian and White mothers. Overall, both second generation Indian and Pakistani mothers showed a more bicultural identity. Qualitative analysis revealed that a range of ethnic-racial socialisation techniques for discussing race and ethnicity with children were used by mothers from all groups. Pakistani mothers remained more traditional and were most likely to use religio-cultural socialisation whereas Indian and White mothers used egalitarianism more, i.e. teaching children the importance of individual qualities as opposed to membership in their ethnic group. Indian mothers were the most positive about multiculturalism and seemed to face fewer challenges associated with diversity. Both Pakistani and White mothers experienced discrimination. White mothers felt they were still trying to adapt to increased diversity, some believing that their culture was being sidelined and under threat. It was concluded that there were many similarities in parenting practices and family life between British Indian, British Pakistani and non-immigrant White groups, with children from each group showing positive adjustment. However, although all mothers were born and raised in Britain, differences still existed indicating that ethnicity was an influential factor in parenting. The study increases understanding of the extent to which the parenting processes that have been found to be most significant for positive child development can be generalised to other ethnic groups. It also provides information on acculturation patterns in the host society and what it means to be born to second generation parents and live in a multicultural environment in the UK today. The findings have implications for theory and policy development regarding family life in different ethnic groups.
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(14037570), Ayesha E. Hall. "Changing perspectives: Formulations of identity in contemporary Australian literature." Thesis, 2003. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/Changing_perspectives_Formulations_of_identity_in_contemporary_Australian_literature/21443109.
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Questions of identity occupy a central place in the history of the development of Australian literature and its critical construction and reception. The notions of identity appealed to in the various stages of this development have been closely imbricated with prevailing cultural and critical assumptions and practices.
The model of identity that was appealed to in earlier periods of Australian literature and its academic criticism was understandably circumscribed by the Anglo-centric prescriptions of the Colonial Convict period, embellished but not significantly changed by the influence of the Bush Pioneers and a growing Nationalist sentiment enhanced by the spirit of the first world war Anzacs. While, as with all identity models, this one suffered its own ambiguities and slippages, it did successfully exercise a hegemony, reinforced by the then dominant academic practices, that largely excluded the identity experiences of Indigenous people, non-white immigrants, women and those whose sexual orientations lay outside of the parameters of heteronormativity.
The Identities that have subsequently been articulated by such previously excluded groups and taken up by those within the academy influenced by developments in postcolonial, feminist, poststructural and postmodern (including Queer) theory have effectively functioned to dismantle the hegemony exerted by earlier unitary and reductive notions of Australian identity.
Previously neglected areas of Australian writing such as Indigenous, multicultural and youth literature, as representations of minority identities have articulated often oppositional conceptions of identity to those formulated within the former orthodoxy. Such texts, most particularly those more recent ones which engage with radical rearticulations of sexual identity, have increasingly moved towards fluid conceptions of identity which ultimately serve to pose the question of the usefulness of the unqualified notion The Australian Identity as a meaningful category of analysis for the literature now being produced within Australia.
Books on the topic "Non-white immigrants"
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Billingsley, Brenda. Non-white women's place: Visible minority women in a metropolitan labour force: final report, submitted to Women's Bureau, Labour Canada. [Toronto]: Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1985.
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Schor, Paul. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199917853.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book’s main themes. This book examines the population categories constructed and utilized every ten years by the US census. Approaching these categories from a historical perspective rather than a strictly sociological or political one permits their analysis as sites of internal and external mobilization. It also reveals the hidden evolutions by which the contents of seemingly stable categories changed while the definitions remain the same. Long-standing categories of race, such as white or black, have varied dramatically across periods and regions. Based on distinctions of origin and status—between free and slave, white and non-white, native-born Americans and immigrants or children of immigrants—over a period of a century and a half, from the creation of the federal census in 1790 to the 1940s, this study retraces the genealogy and evolution of these categories.
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Blankenship, Anne M. Asian American Religions from Chinese Exclusion to 1965. Edited by Paul Harvey and Kathryn Gin Lum. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190221171.013.16.
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This chapter charts the religious lives of South and East Asian Americans during the era of Asian exclusion—from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 to the implementation of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965—and those of non-Asians who adopted elements of Asian religions to shape new approaches to those traditions. Religious organizations provided immediate social aid and fellowship, leadership opportunities, and a connection to immigrants’ homelands. Religious beliefs provided strength to Asian immigrants by helping them cope with discrimination, while social realities in America reshaped many of those traditional beliefs and practices. White sympathizers reimagined aspects of Asian religions and utilized them in new ways. The chapter follows four major themes: adaptation of religious minorities from Asia, the experiences of Christian Asian immigrants, Asian American religious responses to discrimination, and the ways in which non-Asians were drawn to Asian religions prior to 1965.
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Esteves, Olivier. The 'desegregation' of English schools. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526124852.001.0001.
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In 1960–62, a large number of white autochthonous parents in Southall became very concerned that the sudden influx of largely non-Anglophone Indian immigrant children in local schools would hold back their children’s education. It was primarily to placate such fears that ‘dispersal’ (or ‘bussing’) was introduced in areas such as Southall and Bradford, as well as to promote the integration of mostly Asian children. It consisted in sending busloads of immigrant children to predominantly white suburban schools, in an effort to ‘spread the burden’. This form of social engineering went on until the early 1980s. This book, by mobilising local and national archival material as well as interviews with formerly bussed pupils in the 1960s and 1970s, reveals the extent to which dispersal was a flawed policy, mostly because thousands of Asian pupils were faced with racist bullying on the playgrounds of Ealing, Bradford, etc. It also investigates the debate around dispersal and the integration of immigrant children, e.g. by analysing the way some Local Education Authorities (Birmingham, London) refused to introduce bussing. It studies the various forms that dispersal took in the dozen or so LEAs where it operated. Finally, it studies local mobilisations against dispersal by ethnic associations and individuals. It provides an analysis of debates around ‘ghetto schools’, ‘integration’, ‘separation’, ‘segregation’ where quite often the US serves as a cognitive map to make sense of the English situation.
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Carter, Niambi Michele. American While Black. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190053550.001.0001.
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While the Civil Rights Movement brought increasing opportunities for blacks, this period also saw the liberalization of American immigration policy. The same agitation that allowed blacks to vote also made it possible for increasing numbers of non-European immigrants to enter America for the first time. What has an expanded immigration regime meant for how blacks express national attachment? Using quantitative and qualitative data, this book helps us understand the context and constraint of white supremacy on the formation of black public opinion and national attachment. Recent waves of immigration have presented a dilemma for blacks, causing them to reflect yet again on the meaning and depth of their own citizenship, national identity, and sense of belonging in the United States. It is the author’s contention that immigration, both historically and in the contemporary moment, has served as a reminder of the limited inclusion of African Americans in the body politic.
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Whitehead, Andrew L., and Samuel L. Perry. Taking America Back for God. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190057886.001.0001.
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Taking America Back for God conclusively reveals that understanding the current cultural and political climate in the United States requires reckoning with Christian nationalism. Christian ideals and symbols have long played an important role in public life in the United States, but Christian nationalism demands far more than a recognition of religious heritage. At heart, Christian nationalism fights to preserve a particular kind of social order, an order in which everyone—Christians and non-Christians, native-born and immigrants, whites and minorities, men and women—recognizes their “proper” place in society. The first comprehensive empirical analysis of Christian nationalism in the United States, Taking America Back for God illustrates the scope and tremendous influence of Christian nationalism on debates surrounding the most contentious social issues dominating American public discourse. Drawing on multiple sources of national survey data collected over the past several decades and in-depth interviews, Whitehead and Perry document how Christian nationalism radically shapes what Americans think about who they are as a people, what their future should look like, and how they should get there. Regardless of Americans’ political or religious characteristics, whether they are Ambassadors, Accommodators, Resisters, or Rejecters of Christian nationalism provides powerful insight into what they think about immigration, Muslims, gun control, police shootings, atheists, gender roles, and many other political issues—even who they want in the White House. Taking America Back for God convincingly shows how Christian nationalists’ desire for political power, rigid social boundaries, and hierarchical order creates significant consequences for all Americans.
Book chapters on the topic "Non-white immigrants"
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Minteguiaga, Analía, and Valerie Carmel. "Access to Social Protection by Immigrants, Emigrants and Resident Nationals in Ecuador." In IMISCOE Research Series, 109–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51237-8_6.
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AbstractFormal labour and affiliation to Ecuador’s social security system is the main gateway for access to social protection benefits, especially in the case of migrants. However, a large informal labour market and low levels on inclusion in the social security system forces large sectors of society to rely on family and community arrangements for the management of risk and economic uncertainty. The state provides some non-contributory benefits through cash transfer programs but, with the exception of health care, these only cover people living in conditions of extreme poverty. Universal, non-means tested programs are limited to the public health and education systems. Overall, migrants face several obstacles to access social protection benefits. Gaining the right to work legally is mostly reserved for white-collar and highly educated immigrants, excluding impoverished immigrants. Paired to the inability to access labour-related benefits and government programs for the so-called poor, immigrants lack the safety nets provided by extended family and a community setting. Nationals residing abroad have restricted access to social benefits, having access only to the contributory pension system on a voluntary basis. This chapter discusses the social protection system in Ecuador and focuses on eligibility criteria to show the extent of migrants’ access to the social benefits.
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Iqbal, Humera. "Ethnic-Racial Socialisation in the UK: The Use of Egalitarianism Parenting in Explaining Meanings of Race and Ethnicity in Non-Immigrant White and British South Asian Families." In Global Perspectives on Well-Being in Immigrant Families, 135–50. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9129-3_8.
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Berman, Greg, and Aubrey Fox. "The Immigration System’s Hidden Strengths." In Gradual, 113–34. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197637043.003.0007.
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Abstract Chapter 6 looks at one of the most controversial issues in American politics: immigration. The history of immigration policy in the United States is messy, ugly, and rife with racism—for decades, immigrants from “White” countries were explicitly favored over immigrants from non-White nations. Yet, for all of its flaws, American immigration policy has also helped fuel much of the social, cultural, and economic dynamism of the United States. Immigration policy is an example of “hidden incrementalism”: when it has worked best, it has done so out of the spotlight of public and political scrutiny. The American approach is also oriented to immigrant self-selection rather than top-down identification of particularly desirable immigrants, which offers distinct benefits as well.
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Perry, Leah. "The Borderlines of Family Reunification." In The Cultural Politics of U.S. Immigration. NYU Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479828777.003.0003.
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This chapter explores the importance of family in 1980s immigration discourse. While family reunification has been the primary focus of immigration policy since 1965, in the context of the “immigration emergency,” some lawmakers viewed Asian and Latin American immigrant families as threats to American “family values” and the economy. This chapter traces backlash against multiculturalism and second-wave feminism as it arose in “family values” rhetoric. It also comparatively traces the “nation of immigrants” narrative in television shows that represented white ethnic immigrant families as industrious additions to the nation who overcame poverty with nothing but hard work. While these non-nuclear families sometimes seemed to be queer, the chapter argues that racially differentiated discourses about immigrant families reflected and created a flexible neoliberal narrative of “personal responsibility” that erased or glossed over the racial politics affecting Asian and Latin American immigrants and the global forces underscoring immigration.
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Lin, Tony Tian-Ren. "Changed by the Dream." In Prosperity Gospel Latinos and Their American Dream, 98–120. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658957.003.0004.
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Devotion to Prosperity Gospel beliefs and practices assists these Latino immigrants in pursuing the American Dream and helps them adjust to life in America. This chapter highlights the challenges to assimilation for non-white immigrants and explain how these immigrants are engaging in a new form of assimilation. Like European immigrants from previous generations, these Latin American immigrants are planting roots in America and working hard to succeed in this country. But unlike previous immigrants, they are not completely leaving their old land behind to start anew. In a globalized world where international communication is uninterrupted and the transport of goods is simple, immigrants do not have to leave their home countries behind.
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Dunn, Lindsay Moeletsi, and Glenn B. Anderson. "Examining the Intersectionality of Deaf Identity, Race/Ethnicity, and Diversity Through a Black Deaf Lens1,2." In Deaf Identities, 279–304. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190887599.003.0012.
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The authors of this chapter, a Black Deaf scholar immigrant from South Africa and a Black Deaf academic from the South Side of Chicago, highlight the limited scholarly exploration of Black Deaf lives within the context of the Deaf community. They present what they could extract from existing literature on Black Deaf historical perspectives, the influence of Black American Sign Language, and what it means to be Black and Deaf. In addition, considering the scarcity of research on non-White Deaf communities, they contribute their personal experiences to highlight the transnational identity issues of Black Deaf immigrants and the identity issues of Black Deaf individuals within the context of the United States. This chapter provides a thought-provoking treatise on what it means to be Black and Deaf with unique backgrounds in the United States.
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Beider, Harris, and Kusminder Chahal. "Researching white working‑class communities." In The Other America, 11–26. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447337058.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses the researchers' positionality in relation to the research and the research participants for this study. As two UK-based, non-white, male researchers moving into potentially all-white spaces to undertake qualitative research, they both reflected on their perceived and actual identities and assumptions prior to, entering, and during the fieldwork. The dominant paradigm of the research was evident in their entry into the field. It cut across a highly charged and emotive 2016 US election campaign. Donald Trump's speeches during 2016 were littered with references that cultivated and encouraged differences between groups: describing immigrants as a potential threat to the American people; framing the problems experienced by white working-class Americans as caused by elitist decision-making and a politically correct media and culture that ignores the needs of white Americans; and suggesting that women need protection from foreign “evil” forces. The researchers recognized that Trump's speeches and rhetoric may create a febrile atmosphere, and that they would need to consider their safety and be conscious that, in some situations, conversations with white working-class people may be challenging and possibly unsafe. The chapter then details the methodological approach that led the research team to engage and interview 415 people across five cities. The team was committed to working in partnership with local activists, stakeholders, and residents wherever that was possible and appropriate.
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MODEL, SUZANNE, and GENE A. FISHER. "The New Second Generation at the Turn of the New Century: Europeans and non-Europeans in the US labour market." In Unequal Chances. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263860.003.0014.
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At the turn of the twenty-first century, more immigrants resided in the United States than at any time in the nation's history. Whereas in the past, most immigrants came from Europe, the bulk of the influx has recently come from Asia and Latin America. This chapter shows that the addition of non-Europeans to the American melting pot has wrought some changes in the traditional ‘assimilation tale’. Ceteris paribus, at the turn of the new century, first-generation non-Europeans do not do as well as their European counterparts. On the other hand, most of the second-generation non-European groups do as well as native-born white people. Most ethnic minorities are vulnerable to unemployment, some face hardships in occupational attainment, and a few incur earnings deficits within occupational categories. In general, women fare better than men, and the second generation better than both the first and the third. The one second-generation group in difficulty is Mexicans, but there is an important gender difference here. Both second- and third-generation Mexican women encounter fewer labour-market difficulties than their male counterparts.
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Maclean, Kama. "Naming Charlie." In Indians and the Antipodes, 94–128. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199483624.003.0004.
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This chapter discusses the racist environment in late nineteenth-century Australia which resulted in the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901 designed to prohibit entry of non-white immigrants from the Commonwealth. The chapter discusses the evolution of various collective terms like ‘alien’, ‘coolie’ or ‘Hindoo’ to identify Indians as the ‘other’ of the national community. From biographical details and photographs in the Certificates Exempting from Dictation Test (CEDTs), which monitored the movement and identities of non-white residents, the chapter reveals how many Indians had undergone a change of name during immigration, an important marker of individual identity. The chapter argues that the most commonly ascribed name ‘Charlie’, was a means of ‘infantilizing and subordinating’ Indian migrants. The CEDT images of migrants in Indian clothes and identified with their new names are seen as locating Indian settlers in early twentieth-century Australia in a position of subordination within the colonial social hierarchy.
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Fernández, Lilia. "Latina/o Immigration before 1965." In The Latina/o Midwest Reader. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041211.003.0006.
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This essay examines the migration of Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and Puerto Ricans to Chicago in the 1940s and 1950s, long before the more widely recognized post-1965 immigration to the U.S. from Latin America. It argues that this pre-1965 migration to the Midwest was significant and played a critical role in establishing communities that would receive later migrants. In fact, by 1970, the city of Chicago officially counted nearly a quarter of a million Hispanics or Latinos in that year’s census. The essay examines how these populations became racialized as “non-white” in employment, housing, and the local enforcement and perceptions surrounding immigration policy.
Reports on the topic "Non-white immigrants"
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Frost, Jennifer J., Jennifer Mueller, and Zoe H. Pleasure. Trends and Differentials in Receipt of Sexual and Reproductive Health Services in the United States: Services Received and Sources of Care, 2006–2019. Guttmacher Institute, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1363/2021.33017.
Full textAbstract:
Key Points Seven in 10 U.S. women of reproductive age, some 44 million women, make at least one medical visit to obtain sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services each year. While the overall number of women receiving any SRH service remained relatively stable between 2006–2010 and 2015–2019, the number of women receiving preventive gynecologic care fell and the number receiving STI testing doubled. Disparities in use of SRH services persist, as Hispanic women are significantly less likely than non-Hispanic White women to receive SRH services, and uninsured women are significantly less likely to receive services than privately insured women. Publicly funded clinics remain critical sources of SRH care for many women, with younger women, lower income women, women of color, foreign-born women, women with Medicaid coverage and women who are uninsured especially likely to rely on publicly funded clinics. Among women who go to clinics for SRH care, two-thirds report that the clinic is their usual source for medical care. Among those relying on both private providers and public clinics, the proportion of women who reported receiving a combination of contraceptive and STI/HIV care increased between 2006–2010 and 2015–2019. Implementation of the Affordable Care Act has likely contributed to some of the changes observed in where women receive contraceptive and other SRH services and how they pay for that care: The share of women receiving contraceptive services who go to private providers rose from 69% to 77% between 2006–2010 and 2015–2019, in part because more women gained private or public health insurance coverage and there was a greater likelihood that their health insurance would cover SRH services. There was a complementary drop in the share of women receiving contraceptive services who went to a publicly funded clinic, from 27% in 2006–2010 to 18% in 2015–2019. For non-Hispanic Black women, immigrant women and uninsured women, there was no increase in the use of private providers for contraceptive care from 2006–2010 to 2015–2019. Among women served at publicly funded clinics between 2006–2010 and 2015–2019, there were significant increases in the use of both public and private insurance to pay for their care.