Academic literature on the topic 'Non-governmental organizations Australia'

Modern medical and environmental problems caused by the Australian set two main groups of the negative impact -original natural and climatic factors and the environmental pollution. Much of Australia is desert-dry low landscaping and water scarcity. The bulk of the population lives in cities and the countryside surrounding. Medical and environmental problems in these areas are the air pollution due to emissions of industrial enterprises and motor transport, preservation of safe drinking water, sanitary protection of soil, differentiated collection, removal and decontamination of waste. Issues of sanitary protection of the environment in Australia paid a lot of attention of the Government and non-governmental organizations.

The Australasian section of the Society for Conservation Biology welcomes you to its inaugural meeting ?The Biodiversity Extinction Crisis ? An Australasian and Pacific Response? at the University of New South Wales from July 10?12, 2007. Registration is now open. This will be the first meeting of its kind in the Australasian region and aims to draw together a range of conservation professionals from the greater Australian/Pacific region (including Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea and the Pacific Island Nations). This meeting will be of interest to researchers, students, managers, policy makers, social scientists from governmental and non-governmental organizations. We hope that this meeting will become a regular event on the conference calendar in the Australasian region. Please join us.

The southern states can be regarded as a developing country views of the average income is low, infrastructure that can be said is still relatively underdeveloped, and also the human development index which is less than the northern countries as the developed countries. Here the exception of Australia and New Zealand, despite being located in the southern part, but both countries have been classified into developed countries. Relation to humanitarian cooperation between Australia and Indonesia has been going on for a long time, and this partnership is experiencing bright and dim influenced by the political situation and international relations between the two countries. Leadership change affect the existing cooperation, because both countries still need each other in bilateral relations, although sometimes intervention. The purpose of this study was to see whether the assistance provided by Australia solely for humanitarian or any other purpose. In this article will use qualitative methods and results can be informed or to sharing for students, non-governmental organizations (NGO) and government who have been getting foreign aid from Australia in humanitarian issues, until now the Indonesian government still expect and rely on the Australian government about assistance or cooperation in humanitarian issues.

Abstract The article presents an overview of the certification process by which potential translators and interpreters demonstrate minimum standards of performance to warrant official or professional recognition of their ability to translate or interpret and to practice professionally in Australia, Canada, the USA and Ukraine. The aim of the study is to research and to compare the certification procedures of translators and interpreters in Australia, Canada, the USA and Ukraine; to outline possible avenues of creating a certification system network in Ukraine. It has been revealed that there is great variation in minimum requirements for practice, availability of training facilities and formal bodies that certify practitioners and that monitor and advance specialists’ practices in the countries. Certification can be awarded by governmental or non-governmental organizations or associations of professionals in the field of translation/interpretation. Testing has been acknowledged as the usual avenue for candidates to gain certification. There are less popular grounds to get certification such as: completed training, presentation of previous relevant experience, and/or recommendations from practicing professionals or service-user. The comparative analysis has revealed such elements of the certification procedures and national conventions in the researched countries that may form a basis for Ukrainian translators/interpreters certifying system and make it a part of a cross-national one.

AbstractPrivate nature reserves created by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are increasing, and their growing number and extent means that they can potentially contribute to biodiversity goals at a global scale. However, the success of these reserves depends on the legal, economic and institutional conditions framing their creation and management. We explored these conditions, and the opportunities and challenges facing conservation organizations in managing private nature reserves, across several countries, with an emphasis on Australia. Results from 17 semi-structured interviews with representatives of private conservation organizations indicated that while private reserves may enhance the conservation estate, challenges remain. Legal frameworks, especially tenure and economic laws, vary across and within countries, presenting conservation organizations with significant opportunities or constraints to owning and/or managing private nature reserves. Many acquired land without strategic acquisition procedures and secured funding for property acquisition but not management, affecting the long-term maintenance of properties. Other typical problems were tied to the institutional capacity of the organizations. Greater planning within organizations, especially financial planning, is required and NGOs must understand opportunities and constraints present in legislative frameworks at the outset. Organizations must establish their expertise gaps and address them. To this end, partnerships between organizations and/or with government can prove critical.

Abstract British Commonwealth archives constitite a rich and often under-utilized source of material for understanding the international history of the 20th and 21st centuries. From the late 19th Century onward, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand each enjoyed close and confidential relations with not just Britain, but with each other and increasingly, too, with the United States. They also participated in major international organizations at both an official and non-governmental level. Although or perhaps because each was a “middle” rather than “great” power, as each country developed its own diplomatic bureaucracy, their representatives often had informal and even intimate insights into the policies of a wide range of countries. This article introduces the highlights of each nation’s major archival repositories for materials relating to international affairs. While the holdings of the Library and Archives of Canada in Ottawa, the National Archives of Australia and the National Library of Australia in Canberra, and the National Archives of New Zealand in Wellington all feature prominently, the author casts a wider net and draw researchers’ attention to additional important and often under-utilized collections scattered across the different countries.

Elliott, E. (2014). Australia plays ‘catch-up’ with Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorders. The International Journal Of Alcohol And Drug Research, 3(1), 121-125. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.7895/ijadr.v3i1.177Australians are amongst the highest consumers of alcohol worldwide, and "risky" drinking is increasing in young women. Contrary to the advice in national guidelines, drinking in pregnancy is common. Many women don’t understand the potential for harm to the unborn child and 20% have a "tolerant" attitude to drinking during pregnancy. As attitude, rather than knowledge, predicts risk of drinking in a future pregnancy, this presents a challenge for public health campaigns. Alcohol is teratogenic, crosses the placenta, and contributes to a range of physical, developmental, learning and behavioural problems, including fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASD). As nearly half of all pregnancies in Australia are unplanned, inadvertent exposure to alcohol is common. Good-quality prevalence data on FASD are lacking in Australia, although alcohol use at "risky" levels is well documented in some disadvantaged communities. In the last decade, clinicians, researchers, governments and non-governmental organizations have shown renewed interest in addressing alcohol use in pregnancy and FASD. This has included a parliamentary inquiry into FASD, provision of targeted funding for FASD, and development of educational materials for health professionals and the general public. Key challenges for the future are to prevent FASD and to offer timely diagnosis and help to children and families living with FASD. The implementation of evidence-based interventions known to decrease access to, and excessive use of, alcohol in our society will aid in the prevention of FASD. The development of national diagnostic tools for screening and diagnosis, and the training of health professionals in the management of FASD, are urgently needed.

The author presents the de-classified preliminary findings of the European Commission funded FP7 research project PRIME, dealing with the extremism, radicalization and lone-actor terrorism (also known as “lone wolf terrorism”). The Article provides the partial results of the research devoted to the preparation of portfolio of lone actor extremism counter-measures requirements based on the findings of the review of existing counter-measures used to defend against lone actor extremist events. The Article concludes with a list of recommendations, which shall be considered in order to prevent, interdict and mitigate the threat of lone actor extremism and terrorism and to support public security and safety. These recommendations are based on the extensive consultations with law-enforcement and security services practitioners and Subject Matter Experts of the PRIME Project domain, representing a wide range of areas (police, intelligence, border protection, military, government, civil defence, non-governmental organizations, and the academic community) and different jurisdictions and law practices (several countries of Europe, United States, Canada, India, Japan, Georgia, Mexico, Australia and New Zealand).

Aim. The work has as main objective to present some of the actions of children considered activists to face the climate crisis through social media. Technologies and social mediaallow them a new form of existence and action through their posts, whether is in video,photo or text format, promoting interactions and discussions that captivate hundreds orthousands of followers.Methods. Data collection was carried out from a digital ethnography, analysing thesocial media and linked news in the media of 13 children from different countries (Australia,United States, India, Holland, England, Indonesia, South Africa, Uganda and Sweden) overan 18-month period.Results. To understand the data, digital ethnography was used as a strategy to followthe main interactions and online mobilisations through different social media (Facebook,Instagram and Twitter), as well as linked news in the media about those children, andarticulation of them with governmental, non-governmental organizations and private companies. In relation to the selection of participants, the profi le of a child activist was addedand through the algorithms of these platforms other activists with similar profi les werefound that promote content about climate justice.Conclusions. It was possible to identify that the Internet has enabled the visibility andarticulation of children’s actions on the theme, and how this engagement has promotedawareness and changes to fi ght against the climate crisis. It is worth emphasising theimportance of digital literacy so that access to these spaces is carried out safely and responsibly for this social group.

This research is in response to the current debate on aid in Australia. The debate focuses on the volume of money allocated to aid rather than the impact. While Australian aid is still far from the UN commitment of 0.7 per cent of gross national income, this focus has kept public debate superficial and has deflected attention away from the more important discussion: is aid achieving outcomes and impacting positively in areas identified by developing countries as essential for their sustainable development.
The release of the first Annual Review of Development Effectiveness provided the impetus to investigate whether the newly formed Office of Development Effectiveness (ODE) will introduce changes that will improve Australia’s approach to aid. Framed within national interest, development and aid literature, this research analyses what limitations, if any, there are to reform of aid policies and practices in Australia.
The thesis concludes that the potential for the ODE to significantly improve the effectiveness of Australia aid is limited. It is one of many voices – including the powerful national interest agenda furthered by foreign policymakers – shaping Australian aid policy and practice. However, the furthering of Australian national interest – narrowly defined as security and economic considerations – through the aid program is at the expense of poverty alleviation objectives. This negatively affects how the development ‘problem’ is framed and thus the focus of aid policy. Furthermore, efforts to prioritise national interest considerations undermine the adoption of ‘good’ practice essential for sustainable development.
This is a political reality that is unlikely to change. Thus, the role of the ODE is to provide recommendations within this restricted framework. However, it is only through scrutiny, discussion and debate that the discrepancy between ‘good development’ in theory and in practice can be narrowed. This should also be the role of the ODE.

The institutionalisation of neo-liberalist discourse has significantly changed the way in which the relationship between government and community organisations is described and regulated in Australia. These changes are most clearly articulated in government policy discourse as a move away from ‘funding’ community service organisations, to ‘purchasing’ the delivery of services. Under previous funding models, responsiveness to community need was emphasised. Local knowledge was valued and community organisations were largely viewed as best positioned to assess local needs and to design services to the meet those needs. In contrast, new highly regulated funding models have created a change in discourse that positions the community organisation as a seller of services to the government. In the ‘quasi-market’ the government is usually the only (or main) purchaser of services. As the sole purchaser, the government is now (potentially) responsible for specifying the nature of services that they are prepared to purchase. These changes in positioning have been accompanied by significant devolution of previous government provision of human services to the non-profit sector, and are supplemented by considerable changes in regulation practices. The principal questions asked in this research are: How have the changes in discourse and practice at the government level influenced existing discourse and practices in community organisations? How have changes in discourse and practices within and among community organisations affected their capability to operate in a way that is consistent with the values inherent in community discourse? This research approaches the research questions from a Social Constructionist epistemology informed by the work of Michel Foucault and also neo-institutional theorists. This research implements Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as the methodological framework to draw out and analyse tensions that arise from a contest of the discourses of ‘community’ and ‘managerialism’. This research critically examines emergent structures and practices of community organisations in New South Wales (NSW) through the critical analysis of relevant texts and data from four focus groups and nineteen interviews of management committee members and coordinators from community organisations throughout NSW Australia, with a focus on Greater Western Sydney. The way in which these changes at the government level have been translated in discourse and practice at the organisational level, has resulted in a number of tensions within and among community organisations. The major tensions that emerged, and are discussed and analysed in this research, were: Increased managerialism and the impact on ‘traditional’ beliefs – or the ‘institutional myths’ – of community discourse and practice. Increased reliance by governments on community organisations and the effects of this on organisational capacity: A shift of emphasis in accountabilities coupled with increased ‘professionalisation’ and the impact on ‘community representation’. Need or desire for alliances among community organisations and the impact of this on diversity and individual responsiveness. With these tensions came significant frustration and hardship as traditional strategies became more difficult to action in the quasi-market. Much of this tension was due to the use of one discourse to interpret another. What is required in community organisations is an increase in ‘critical consciousness’ to develop a ‘cultural literacy’. This study identified a number of strategies that were assisting community organisations to re-define their position in the new discursive context.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

An Action Research approach to supporting change management and associated governance strategies in a community services organisation. Following a report on the Civil Society in the New Millennium Project, which was based upon the responses of citizens from forty-seven Commonwealth countries, a Compact Approach involving the state, intermediary organisations and citizens was developed in 1999, as a framework to enhance civil society. A literature review indicated that there was no research in Australia, as well as internationally, that had investigated the efficacy of this formalised agreement or Compact, particularly in a practical setting. The researcher had been working in the community services sector and had an interest in supporting community services organisations to meet the impact of change, particularly in response to government policy reform agendas. The Compact Approach was identified as a model to navigate change and develop partnerships with a civil society organisation operating in environments characterised by certainty as well as uncertainty. The researcher made himself available to a case study organisation to support change and to investigate the Compact Approach by undertaking Action Research as a participant observer. This exploratory research involved two main reference groups, board and staff, in planning, acting, observing and reflecting. A large amount of data was generated and a need was identified for it to be collated and simplified for further analysis. A new methodology was developed drawing upon the traditions of case study method and story-telling to represent the research themes of: the Compact Approach; change management; and, governance. With the Compact Approach what was found was evidence of some degree of civil society enhancement, particularly at the individual organisation level. As the study was undertaken from an organisation’s perspective the other dimensions of civil society and government had been underrepresented. It was found that government policy of promoting the market meant that competition was overshadowing co2 operation in the case study organisation. For community services organisations the main partner is government and policy frameworks need to support partnerships and civil society beyond current contractual agreements. Carver’s (1997) Policy Governance framework was partially implemented to assist with infrastructure development. However there was a lack of time and a commitment from the board and senior staff. Not all governance responsibilities can be met through such a framework and community organisations need to be mindful of its limitations, particularly for those connected to civil society. There were mixed results with Action Research being used as a change management tool. The dominance of power by those in ‘control’ highlighted management styles, but they also overshadowed group processes. Action Research methodology was also complemented by Stacey’s (1996) ordinary and extraordinary management framework. It was found that when applied to the Action Research cycle of planning, acting, observing and reflecting; that the process of reflecting was particularly supported by such conceptual mapping. What was also highlighted was the need for professionals to undertake ����in the field���� Action Research but also to draw upon their professional or technical expertise, using participant-observer-consultant modes. The capacity for a small community services organisation to change can be based upon levels of infrastructure, governance skills, available resources and level of development to operate at an associative level with other stakeholders. The viability of these smaller organisations is being challenged by the ‘managerialist’ business paradigms of government policy where the fabric of civil society has not been incorporated within accountability frameworks. Here there is a challenge for new frameworks such as the Compact Approach, to lead the way as formalised agreements with government, to enhance the role of civil society in the delivery of community services in countries such as Australia.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter explores the influence of private actors—such as non-governmental organizations, journalists, academics, and defence lawyers—through an examination of bilateral cooperation relating to detained nationals. It focuses on cases of Indonesian nationals detained in Australia for people smuggling, and Australian nationals detained in Indonesia for drug offences. These cases reveal how private actors are able to shape the cooperative relationship by contributing to its underlying political and policy debates. The chapter also suggests that private actors are more likely to influence the cooperative relationship when they coordinate with, or coopt, other actors in ‘webs of influence’. These webs are particularly effective when they cross national borders.

This chapter examines the organizational and geopolitical rivalries that gave rise to IWY. It considers how long-simmering ideological tensions between the International Council of Women (ICW) and the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF)—dubbed WINGOs (women’s international non-governmental organizations)—fostered competing visions for IWY. While the WIDF and its allies saw IWY as linking women’s issues with human rights, their Cold War rivals linked IWY humanitarian concerns and development strategies. Australia provides a case study of the growing rift in civil society between WINGOs and feminists and the tensions between those working within the rules of the game to those who wanted to change the game entirely. The chapter examines the Australian case to demonstrate the ways that IWY highlighted generational differences, particularly between younger women’s liberationists and older, more establishmentarian activists.

This chapter explains how Latin American feminists pushed women’s rights into the United Nations Charter at the 1945 United Nations Conference on International Organization (UNCIO) in San Francisco. Bertha Lutz and a number of Latin American feminists with whom she collaborated–Minerva Bernardino from the Dominican Republic, Amalia de Castillo Ledón from Mexico, and Isabel Pinto de Vidal from Uruguay–as well as Jessie Street from Australia, were responsible for pushing women’s rights into several parts of the UN Charter and for proposing what became the UN’s Commission on the Status of Women. They did this over the express objections of the U.S. and British female delegates to the conference who believed that women’s rights were too controversial or not important enough to include. These Latin American women also worked alongside representatives from “smaller nations” and from U.S. non-governmental organizations like the NAACP to push “human rights” into the Charter. At the UNCIO, the racism that Lutz experienced from U.S. and British delegates, lack of U.S. and British support, and overweening power of the "Big Four" in the constitution of the United Nations, caused her to turn away from her long-time Anglo-American-philia and identify as a "Latin American."

Many states commit to uphold human rights either through domestic legislation and/or through international treaties. In doing so they may adopt forms of cosmopolitan extraterritoriality whereby they can extend the criminal liability of their own citizens and corporations, for their actions abroad. Utilizing Linklater’s work on conceptualizing and classification of harm, the chapter analyses the domestic motivations for the implementation of Australia’s extraterritorial child sex tourism (CST) laws in 1994, and explores the actual implementation of laws via a review of selected prosecutions from 1995 to 2014, as well as international cooperation efforts that have evolved over time. The account presented here is not that the Australian state is a unitary cosmopolitan actor. Rather, it argues that under certain circumstances, the state is willing to partner with non-governmental organizations and responsive citizens (domestic and international) to be a vehicle for realizing cosmopolitan values in some policy realms/areas of interest. The chapter provides a theoretically informed empirical account of why extraterritorial law was enacted, which agents supported it and why, and how it has been mobilized over time by a ‘disaggregated’ Australian state.