Journal articles on the topic 'Non-British Europeans'
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1
Mazumder, Tanmoy. "Exploring the Eurocentric Heart: A Postcolonial Reading of Graham Greene’s The Heart of the Matter." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 3, no. 8 (August 30, 2021): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.8.17.
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A literary text can be a propagator of values- both explicitly and implicitly. As Edward Said claims in his book, Orientalism (1978), for centuries Eurocentrism pervades Western literary pieces; they somehow justify and/or uplift European values and perspectives as superior ones while portraying lands, people and cultures of the colonized nations elsewhere, especially in the East. Sometimes, it may become more oblique as the apparent issues dominating the text seem to be something very different, but the writing, however, in the undercurrent, portrays things in a Eurocentric way, often by “othering” the non-Europeans. Said famously terms, this process of creation of an alter ego of the West in the East as “Orientalism”. Graham Greene’s novel, The Heart of the Matter (1948), set in West Africa’s Sierra Leone, a then British colony during WWII, summons rethinking of its presentation of the non-White people and the land of Africa. This study would like to take the focus away from the dominating themes of religion, sin, pity, mercy, responsibility, love, etc. in this piece of fiction to assess its underlying colonial issues which often go unnoticed. The novel portrays a variety of characters- both the British colonizers and the colonial subjects- though the roles and space occupied by the non-British characters are mostly marginal. The “Whites” are portrayed sympathetically, whereas the “non-Whites” are presented as evil, naïve, weak and mystic. This study, thus, argues that the portrayal of Africa (Sierra Leone), the Africans, and the major “non-White” characters in the novel, in contrast to the empathetic presentation of the major “White” European characters, indicate an obvious “othering” of “non-Whites” and the marginalization of non-Europeans in the narrative of the novel. The paper further opines that this process of “othering” and marginalization underlines the operation of an underlying Eurocentric attitude in the representation of the Europeans and non-Europeans in Greene’s fiction.
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Thrasher, Michael, Galina Borisyuk, Colin Rallings, and Richard Webber. "Candidate Ethnic Origins and Voter Preferences: Examining Name Discrimination in Local Elections in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (June 2, 2015): 413–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000125.
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This article examines the relationship between candidate names as they appear on the ballot paper and voting patterns in British local elections. Specifically, it explores whether some voters favour candidates with British-sounding names over those whose names suggest either European or non-European ethnic origins. Name classification software identifies three categories of candidate: British, other European and non-European. Separate analyses of aggregate voting data are undertaken of multi-member and single-member electoral districts. Data cover the period 1973–2012, and votes for more than 400,000 candidates are examined. In multi-member districts, after comparing within-party slates and finishing order generally, candidates whose surnames suggest a British ethnic origin perform best, while non-Europeans attract fewer votes. The analysis of single-member districts focuses on a party’s vote share after taking into account the pattern of candidate recruitment across electoral cycles. It shows that vote share is adversely affected when British candidates are replaced by those with European and non-European surnames, while the opposite pattern of succession is associated with a boost in votes. It is clear that the outcome of some elections has been determined by the parties’ choice of candidates.
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Alaminos, Antonio, Clemente Penalva, Luca Raffini, and Óscar Santacreu. "Cognitive mobilisation and the dynamics of political participation among EU movers." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 13, no. 2 (December 23, 2018): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2018.13.2.01.
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Non-conventional participation has dramatically spread because of cultural and social change, favouring a deinstitutionalisation of politics. To verify if there is a link between this spread of non-conventional participation and the mobility of Europeans living in other European countries, we have explored the data gathered by the MOVEACT European project, including data on the political behaviour of “old Europeans” (British and Germans), and “new” Europeans” (Poles and Romanians), resident in Greece, France, Italy and Spain. Our analysis has confirmed that a plurality of variables affect the relation between movers and non-conventional participation. There are three relevant dimensions to explain the unconventional political participation of EU movers: social integration, situational context and individual characteristics. On the other hand, the key aspect to understand the non-conventional participation of EU movers is the degree of Cognitive Political Mobilisation, together with other factors such as membership of associations, family socialisation, expectations of living in the country of residence in the future or the political culture in the country of origin.
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Datla, Kavita Saraswathi. "The Origins of Indirect Rule in India: Hyderabad and the British Imperial Order." Law and History Review 33, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000115.
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The main problem with the orthodox account of modern world politics is that it describes only one of these patterns of international order: the one that was dedicated to the pursuit of peaceful coexistence between equal and mutually independent sovereigns, which developed within the Westphalian system and the European society of states....Orthodox theorists have paid far too little attention to the other pattern of international order, which evolved during roughly the same period of time, but beyond rather than within Europe; not through relations between Europeans, but through relations between Europeans and non-Europeans. Instead of being based on a states-system, this pattern of order was based on colonial and imperial systems, and its characteristic practice was not the reciprocal recognition of sovereign independence between states, but rather the division of sovereignty across territorial borders and the enforcement of individuals' rights to their persons and property. The American Revolution and the “revolution” in Bengal posed new political questions for domestic British politics and inaugurated a new era for the British empire. As the British committed themselves to the administration of a vast population of non-Europeans in the Indian province of Bengal, and estimations of financial windfalls were presented to stockholders and politicians, the center of the British Empire came slowly to shift toward the East. The evolution of a system of indirect rule in India as it related to larger political questions being posed in Britain, partly because of its protracted and diverse nature, has not received the same attention. Attention to Indian states, in the scholarship on eighteenth century South Asia, has closely followed the expanding colonial frontier, focusing on those states that most engaged British military attention: Bengal, Mysore, and the Marathas. And yet, the eighteenth century should also command our attention as a crucial moment of transition from an earlier Indian Ocean world trading system, in which European powers inserted themselves as one sovereign authority among many, to that of being supreme political authorities of territories that they did not govern directly. India's native states, or “country powers,” as the British referred to them in the eighteenth century, underwrote the expansion of the East India Company in the East. The tribute paid by these states became an important financial resource at the company's disposal, as it attempted to balance its books in the late eighteenth century. Additionally, the troops maintained to protect these states were significant in Britain's late eighteenth century military calculations. These states, in other words, were absolutely central to the forging of the British imperial order, and generative of the very practices that came to characterize colonial expansion and governance.
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Pawelczak, Marek. "British Jurisdiction and Legal Protection of Non-Europeans in the Sultanate of Zanzibar, 1841–1888." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 4, no. 1 (August 18, 2020): 52–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v4i1.71.
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This article addresses the problem of jurisdiction and protection over certain categories of the local population by the British Consulate in the independent Sultanate of Zanzibar. The minorities in question represented various ethno-religious backgrounds and enjoyed different social and economic statuses. They included the British Indian community, whose members belonged to the economic elite of the state and many of whom were British servants: employees of the British Consulate, as well as missions and private companies. The category also included freed slaves and Christian converts. The article examines the motives and conditions that stood behind British legal policies in Zanzibar. It argues that even if the consulate did run its own policy within the limits sketched by the imperial administration, the dynamics of this policy was set by the interaction between the consuls and the groups over which the British claimed jurisdiction. Although the clash of different legal norms and systems occurred as a result of legal pluralism, the real conflicts concerned the limits of British jurisdiction. This paper is based on research in the national archives of Zanzibar, France, Germany and the United Kingdom.
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Clark, Emily. "MOVING FROM PERIPHERY TO CENTRE: THE NON-BRITISH IN COLONIAL NORTH AMERICA." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 903–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008687.
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Life and religion at Louisbourg, 1713–1758. By A. J. B. Johnston. London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1984, paperback edition, 1996. Pp. xxxii+227. ISBN 0-7735-1525-9. £12.95.The New Orleans Cabildo: Colonial Louisiana's first city government, 1769–1803. By Gilbert C. Din and John E. Harkins. London: Louisiana State University Press, 1996. Pp. xvii+330. ISBN 0-8071-2042-1. £42.75.Revolution, romanticism, and the Afro-Creole protest tradition in Louisiana, 1718–1868. By Caryn Cossé Bell. London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997. Pp. xv+325. ISBN 0-8071-2096-0. £32.95.Hopeful journeys: German immigration, settlement and political culture in colonial America, 1717–1775. By Aaron Spencer Fogleman. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996. Pp. xii+257. ISBN 0-8122-1548-6. £15.95.Britannia lost the war of American independence but still reigns over the historiography of colonial North America. This is a problem now that historians of early America have embarked on an attempt to apply an Atlantic world perspective to colonial development. The complex web of human, cultural, economic, and political encounters and exchanges among Europe, Africa, and the Americas spreads well beyond the familiar terrain of Britain and its thirteen mainland colonies. While the histories of Indians and enslaved Africans are beginning to find their way into the historical narrative of early America to challenge the British hegemony, non-British Europeans remain virtually invisible, except as opponents in the imperial wars that punctuated the colonial era. These four books illustrate obstacles that must be overcome to remedy this gap and offer glimpses of the rewards to be gained by drawing the history of continental Europeans previously treated as peripheral into the centre of the major debates currently shaping early American history.
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Quayson, Ato. "“I No Be like You”: Accra in Life and Literature." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 122, no. 1 (January 2007): 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2007.122.1.252.
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The sociocultural forms of accra, whose population is now an estimated 2.5 million people, grew form interactions with Europeans from the fifteenth century onward. By the end of the seventeenth century, there were three major European trading outposts on the coast—Ussher Fort (Dutch), James Fort (British), and Christiansborg Castle (Danish). Each European post imparted a particular character to its neighborhood and, more importantly, triggered specific dynamics of social struggle both between the locals and the Europeans and within each local group. Traces of the European influence can also be discerned in some of the street names—Bannerman Road, Hansen Road, Bruce Road, Lokko Road, Rev Richter Road, Joel Sonne Street—which evoke the Euro-African families that formed the earliest local elites. The postmodern maxims that reality is a product of language and that language is essentially unstable and contradictory are by now standard views in critical theory. But I sometimes wonder what conclusion the postmodernists would have come to if for their reflections they had taken not the history of Western philosophy but rather the evolution of the polyglot and hybrid forms of language, ideas, society, and culture that are abundant in the non-Western societies that make up the bulk of the world's population. Accra might have provided a rich site for such reflections.
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BELL, HEATHER. "MIDWIFERY TRAINING AND FEMALE CIRCUMCISION IN THE INTER-WAR ANGLO-EGYPTIAN SUDAN." Journal of African History 39, no. 2 (July 1998): 293–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007221.
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Although the conventional image of the colonial medical encounter in Africa depicts a white, male, European doctor treating a black African patient, most of the actual deliverers of Western medicine in Africa during the colonial period were non-Europeans. In the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, British doctors formed only a small minority of Western medical practitioners. Most often, it was Syrian, Egyptian and Sudanese doctors, and Sudanese assistant medical officers, mosquito men, nurses, sanitary officers and midwives who delivered sanitary and medical services on behalf of the colonial state. Understanding the cultural exchanges, technology transfer and power relations involved in the operation of colonial medicine clearly requires careful study of the training, the role and the experiences of these non-European practitioners of Western medicine.In this paper, one such group of medical practitioners is examined through a study of the Midwifery Training School or MTS, opened in Omdurman, Sudan in 1921. The MTS sought to create a class of modern, trained Sudanese midwives, out of, and in rivalry to, an entrenched class of traditional midwives, known as dayas. The analysis relies heavily on the papers of Mabel E. Wolff, founding matron of the MTS and her sister, Gertrude L. Wolff, who first arrived in Sudan to train nurses. Throughout the discussion, the name ‘Wolff’ alone designates Mabel, whose voice dominates their collective papers.
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Zaini, Mohd Syafiq, Mohd Sohaimi Esa, Saifulazry Mokhtar, and Sharifah Darmia Sharif Adam. "DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPEAN MUSEUM INSTITUTIONS IN AFFECTING THE EXISTENCE OF MUSEUMS IN MALAYSIA." Journal of Tourism, Hospitality and Environment Management 7, no. 29 (September 29, 2022): 260–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/jthem.729018.
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Museums play an important role in preserving and conserving all artifacts related to the past history as well as the heritage and culture of a society's civilization. Malaysia as a country that consists of various races and rich in various heritages and cultures, the museum institution plays an important role in preserving the heritage of knowledge for future generations. Museum institutions have undergone changes over time in producing an excellent management in preserving knowledge of past history. The development of museums at the European level is seen to have influenced the entry of the ideology of the field of museums in Malaysia. This study uses a qualitative method by analyzing the research data on the history of the development of museums in the world until it was brought in by the British colonial to Malaysia before independence. The focus of the study focuses on how and what is the influence brought by the west in museum institutions in Malaysia. The results show that, the Renaissance philosophy practiced by Europeans around the 14th century, has urged them to sail out to the ocean and explore other regions. This indirectly led to colonization of non-European territories. In the British colonial context, their arrival to colonize Malaya was not empty handed, but brought in colonial knowledge which later became the basis for the establishment of museum institutions in Malaysia. However, the interpretation of artifacts, history, heritage and culture that is euro-centric, led to the implementation of the decolonization of museums after independence. This is so that a local history can be interpreted correctly through the point of view and knowledge of the local community.
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Gorshunova, E. Y., and Y. V. Gorshunov. "Implicit Forms of Ethnic Insult for Europeans (as Found in Rhyming Slang)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-236-244.
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The article presents a sociocultural lingual description of ethnic labels created within rhyming slang (Rh.sl.) and used to refer to Europeans. The study and description of ethnic stereotypes and labels have attracted attention of researchers due to the practical significance in regulating, controlling and manipulating the direct contacts and interaction between different ethnic groups. The authors have focused their attention on the so-called «hidden» or «implicit» forms of Rh.sl. Along with the explicit, direct, offensive and non-politically correct ethnic labels and nicknames there are quite a few with a deceptive, innocuous shape that conceals their offensive content. That's why they should be perceived as potentially (if not indeed) offensive names. The authors put the ethnic labels produced in Rh.sl into this category. Since Rh.sl. is subject to a strong influence of the word play and its items are perceived as humorous and ironic nominations, they are not always discerned as offensive by the English speakers. The article contains a linguistic-and-socio-cultural analysis of some implicit forms of ethnic insult of the Germans, the French, the Italians, the Spaniards, the Portuguese and some other Europeans as well as the native inhabitants of the British Isles. The undertaken analysis of ethnic labels as used to name people from Europe has revealed a broad spectrum of Rh.sl. ethic labels. The description was based on extra-linguistic factors (geographical, demographic, social) comprising the settlement and resettlement, compact presence on a certain territory, statehood. In this respect, there is an ethnic group that falls out - the gypsies (or Roma), as they are scattered across the world and still have a nomadic and semi-nomadic way of life.
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PIRBHAI, M. REZA. "DEMONS IN HINDUTVA: WRITING A THEOLOGY FOR HINDU NATIONALISM." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 1 (April 2008): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244307001527.
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This article explores the vast body of English language works on Hinduism published since 1981 by Voice of India—an influential right-wing Hindu publishing house headquartered in New Delhi, but contributed to by Indians at “home” and in diasporic communities, as well as Europeans and North Americans. Focus on the construction of the Hindu “Self” and the non-Hindu “Other” shows the manner in which European thought, primarily represented by the contributions of colonial-era British and German indologists, but bolstered by evangelicals, Utilitarians and Arabo-Islamicists from the same era, has become an important feature of postcolonial forms of Hinduism. In particular, the influence of fin de siècle German indologist Paul Deussen, mediated by such colonial-era Hindu thinkers as Swami Dayananda, Swami Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo Ghose and Mahatma Gandhi, not only defines Voice of India's theology, but leads to the construction of a Hindu Self that is the personification of “Aryan godliness” and a non-Hindu Other that is essentialized as a “Semitic Demon.” Although closely associated with and often serving the political initiatives of the Sangh Parivar, the authors of this theology have been kept at arm's length by the organization for reasons of political expediency. Both the growing network of contributors to and consumers of this view, and its periodic use by the Sangh Parivar, insure that it represents a significant development in the ideology of Hindutva.
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AI LIN, CHUA. "‘The Modern Magic Carpet’: Wireless radio in interwar colonial Singapore." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 1 (December 2, 2011): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000618.
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AbstractWireless radio broadcasting in colonial Singapore began with amateur organizations in the early 1920s, followed by commercial ventures and, finally, the establishment of a monopoly state broadcasting station. Listeners followed local broadcasting as well as international short wave radio. Both participants in and the content of radio reflected the multiracial, cosmopolitan make-up of a colonial port city which functioned through the lingua franca of English. The manner in which early broadcasting developed in Singapore sheds light on the creation of different imagined communities and the development of civil society. There was an increasing presence of non-Europeans, women, and youth, many of whom were drawn by the mystique of this new technology. Wireless radio also brought about a transformation in the public soundscape. These themes contribute to our understanding of the global history of radio as well as the nature of colonial societies within the British empire.
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Martínez, Julia. "The ‘Malay’ Community in Pre-war Darwin." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001148.
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This paper examines the ‘Malay’ community in pre-war Darwin, focusing on those men who were brought to Australia to work in the pearling industry. It considers their status within the community, and questions the degree to which the White Australia policy impinged upon their lives. The tenn ‘Malay’ in this context does not refer to the ‘Malays’ of present-day Malaysia, but rather to the ambiguous colonial construction which was loosely based on notions of ‘racial’ grouping. Adrian Vickers’ study of South-East Asian ‘Malay’ identity points to its multiple forms: the colonial constructions of the British and the Dutch; the existence of non-Muslim Malays; and the many ethnic groups whose identities cut across the national boundaries which form present-day Malaysia and Indonesia and the southern Philippines. In the Australian context, the works of John Mulvaney and Campbell Macknight have examined Macassan contact with northern Aboriginal groups, particularly in the Gulf of Carpentaria. According to Mulvaney, the term ‘Macassan’ was used to refer to the Bugis and Macassan seafarers who came to Australia from southern Sulawesi. He notes, however, that nineteenth-century Europeans, such as French commander Baudin and Matthew Flinders referred to them as ‘Malays’.
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Woodger, Kevin. "Whiteness and Ambiguous Canadianization: The Boy Scouts Association and the Canadian Cadet Organization." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 28, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050896ar.
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Between the 1920s and late 1960s, the Boy Scouts Association of Canada and the Canadian Cadet Movement proved to be ambiguous institutions for the Canadianization of certain ethnic minorities. While nationally, as agents of Anglo-conformity and settler colonialism, these movements remained rooted in a British Canadian identity, at the local level they gradually became more accommodating of particular white ethnic identities. However, this did not extend to non-white cadets and scouts, especially Aboriginal boys, who were targets for assimilation into the larger Anglo-Canadian mainstream. As such, this is in part a study of Anglo-Canadian whiteness and the ways in which shifting definitions of whiteness and national identity can be viewed through the local accommodations made by two Anglo-Canadian youth movements Aboriginal youth were subject to assimilationist programs within cadet and scout units, but, at the local level, both national movements provided greater cultural accommodation to white ethnic and religious minorities, primarily through the intervention of ethnic and religious institutions that sponsored their own Cadet or Scout units. This began during the interwar years with two of the largest white linguistic and religious minority groups, French Canadian Catholics and Jewish-Canadians, spreading to white ethnic Eastern Europeans during the postwar period.
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Ilkowski, Filip. "„Lexit” – pozalaburzystowska, antyunijna lewica brytyjska w referendum 2016 roku." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2020 (June 8, 2020): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.20.7.
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The article presents the analysis of activities and ideological motivations of politicians and political formations connected to those parts of non-Labour British left, that appealed during the 2016 referendum to vote for leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom. It points to key ideological pillars of this heterogenic political milieu with its common and divergent elements. The thesis is put forward in the text that, as in the case of Labour politicians, also among the left-wing outside the Labour Party, we can point to two ideological and political poles that decide to opt for leaving the EU by the UK: socialist universalism and national-identity particularism. Their key determinant was the views on immigration control, also affecting their attitude to cooperation with the anti-EU right-wing political milieu.
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Ludlow, Peter. "January to March: Vaccinating Europe." European Council Studies 2021, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 1–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.11116/ecs.2021.1-3.2.
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The three European Council meetings which are discussed in these Notes covered a wide range of subjects and included sessions with the new US president and NATO's secretary general. They were nevertheless dominated by the pandemic and more particularly by the efforts of the EU and its member states to vaccinate their citizens as rapidly as possible. It was not an easy task and the EU rollout during the first three months of 2021 was significantly slower than that of either the UK or the US. There were many explanations, including the European Commission's failure to invest enough money early enough, inefficiencies at member state level and the production difficulties of the manufacturers in general and of AstraZeneca in particular. As the months have passed, many if not most of these difficulties seem, however, to be less consequential than they did at the time. The Commission and most of the member states learned from and made good their early failures and, AstraZeneca apart, BioNTech and the other manufacturers succeeded in delivering even more vaccines than they had promised to do. These improvements were already beginning to make themselves felt before the end of the first quarter. They were not widely acknowledged however, either inside or outside the political class. Partly because good news is always slow to drive out bad news, but still more because the debate about the vaccination rollout was driven by forces which were only loosely connected with the pandemic, including in particular the German-German debate in an election year, the British government's need to find and proclaim a post-Brexit success and the blunders of the European Commission's president. The politics of the rollout are indeed as interesting as, if not more interesting than the objective challenges which policymakers grappled with. Above all because the process highlighted once again the significance of the European Council. Despite strong countervailing pressures in the media, which continued to propagate the story of 'Europe's failure' and widespread dislike of von der Leyen's management style, the European Council maintained its commitment to an EU-wide rollout strategy and endorsed a string of initiatives, including an EU certificate, which aimed to defend the Union against the corrosive effects of the pandemic. The non-Covid business which the European Council addressed between January and March may have been overshadowed by the pandemic but it was far from unimportant, and the debates which it provoked anticipated both the concerns and the language of European Council discussions later in the year about the EU's role in a rapidly changing world order. The sessions with Jens Stoltenberg and Joe Biden in February and March respectively were reassuring rather than dramatic, but it was already apparent, particularly in the debate before and during the February meeting, that the lines between 'Atlanticists' and 'Europeans' have shifted significantly and that the buzz words of the emerging EU consensus – 'resilience', 'the reduction of dependencies' and 'a European capacity for autonomous action' – were well on the way to becoming common currency.
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Halvorsrud, Kristoffer. "The maintenance of white privilege: The case of white South African migrants in the UK." Ethnicities 19, no. 1 (June 6, 2017): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817712311.
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White South Africans constitute a privileged migrant group compared to many other, and particularly ‘non-white’, migrants in the UK. Little research has been conducted on this particular group, however. Through an interview study, this gap in research will be addressed. Based on 30 qualitative and semi-structured interviews, the paper argues that some white South Africans in the UK emphasise aspects of their group status deemed to be ‘desirable’ by the white host society population – and thereby maintain the white privileges with which they have historically been bestowed – in order to offset any negative connotations associated with their status as a migrant group. The privileges accrued by their whiteness that white South Africans are shown to be maintaining include the relevance of British ancestral ties privileging certain white South Africans, the relevance of their socio-cultural background stemming from the colonial ties between Britain and South Africa, the significance attached to English language proficiency as well as their socio-economic status in the global transnational employment market. In the process, it will be shown how some white South Africans construct themselves in a manner that works to distinguish them from more stigmatised groups. It is shown how participants buy in to anti-immigration rhetoric – as commonly associated with the host country’s immigration and citizenship policy environment – in order that this can continue to be directed at more stigmatised groups rather than themselves. This, then, references markers of difference such as ancestry, culture and language, essentially enabling the stigmatisation even of other white migrants, such as Eastern Europeans who are predominantly white but perceived to be lower down in the ‘social hierarchy’ of the host society than white South Africans.
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Majumdar, Ananda. "Immigrants and Refugees in Globalized World." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v6i2.354.
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Globalization, Neo-liberalization, Post-modernism are approaches that makes the world one, it has increased cultural exchanges, academic exchanges, trade and business exchanges and is useful for all developing countries on the globe, if those are its advantages, people migration through illegally is its disadvantages, there was no global terms of legal or illegal immigration at the beginning of 19th century, United Nations General Assembly in 1948 states that everyone has the right to leave any country including his own and to that return country, but it has not been honoured by developing countries, due to changes of world order, population growth, regional conflicts, war, civil war, poverty, people start to moving from one to another country, population growth in developing countries is one of the most important reasons that forced people leave their land and to migrate illegally or legally, though legal immigration has processes for their further innovation, development but illegal immigration is a curse for developed countries, countries that are industrially developed like United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, people from developing world are forcing to leave due to war, civil war, community clashes, and to taking shelter as a refugees but at the end most of them are not returning after normalization of their own conflicts, people are moving without documents, in the United Europe, European Union policies are trying to control immigration from non-member countries such as immigrants from Morocco and other North Africans countries are migrating illegally to Spain for a better life and to came out from miserable life from their own countries but the Spain Government declares to deport people from non-members countries who are living illegally in Spanish land, England declares to controlling access of all Romanian and Bulgarian to the UK who are benefitting as EU member country, upon acceptance of all East European countries as the member of EU, approximately 427,000 East Europeans, mostly from Poland have registered for employment in Britain, though Western Europe are more inclined to hire Eastern European than Asian and Africans, but yet Britain decided to came out from EU because of illegal immigration to Britain from Eastern Europe which negatively affected their economy and job security of original British citizens’, so what is the solution for the worst crisis of illegal immigration and refugees accommodation world-wide? Is it forcing them to back their own countries? Is it taking initiatives through both North and South countries for the solution of the problem? Or is it solving really? A continual discussion of alternative solutions world-wide has to be discovered for the reduction of the problem of refugees and immigration world-wide, communication between developing and the developed countries have to be strength for the resolution of faster population growth in developing countries, assistance by the developed countries in war conflicted regions has to be increased, universal birth control education need to be formed, I tried to discussed the problems, reasons, and its solution as one of my focused areas in international development, it is something that I would like pursue my study in the near future as a continuing student, I hope I will be succeed.
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Sentis, Patrick, Waël Bousselmi, and Marc Willinger. "Impact of the Brexit vote announcement on long-run market performance." Bankers, Markets & Investors 163 (March 19, 2021): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54695/bmi.163.3026.
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We examine how the Brexit announcement influenced the market performance of British and European listed firms over a 12-month horizon after the announcement. Using daily data and a sample composed of 3,015 European listed firms (805 UK and 2,210 non-UK), we find that the Brexit announcement affected negatively the one-year financial performance of British (UK hereafter) firms and European non-British (non-UK hereafter) firms that conduct most of their business activities within the British area. We also provide the new evidence that, after the Brexit announcement, analysts’ earnings forecasts and the operational performance decreased, and the return volatility increased for UK firms. These novel results in the literature show definitively that the Brexit announcement has reduced the financial and operational performance over a 12-month period but exclusively for firms involved in British businesses.
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Maltese, Giovanni. "Islam Is Not a “Religion” – Global Religious History and Early Twentieth-Century Debates in British Malaya." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 33, no. 3-4 (September 23, 2021): 345–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341521.
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Abstract Lately, Islamicists have called to discard “religion” as a conceptual tool and/or to use the “Qurʾānic term” dīn instead, arguing that “religion” entails Eurocentric bias. Analyzing how Fazl-ur-Rahman Ansari conceptualized Islam and religion in the late 1930s and early 1940s, this article presents a threefold argument. Firstly, I argue that a global history approach which examines in a poststructuralist framework how “Islam” and “religion” are used in concrete contexts is better suited to address the problem of Eurocentrism in both Religious Studies and Islamic Studies. Secondly, I challenge the scholarly thesis that twentieth-century Southeast Asian intellectual debates which referred to Islam as religion were mere emulators of debates conducted in the “West.” Instead of assuming isolated histories and ignoring Southeast Asian debates, I contend that the current use of and debates about conceptualizations of Islam as/and religion are the product of one and the same discourse – a result of global negotiation processes in which Europeans were as involved as Southeast Asia-based non-Europeans, even if they did not speak from the same position of power. Finally, I submit that the approach of global religious history opens new perspectives on contemporary Malaysian politics.
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Rafida Nawaz and Syed Hussain Murtaza. "Impact of Imperial Discourses on Changing Subjectivities in Core and Periphery: A Study of British India and British Nigeria." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 2, no. 2 (December 11, 2021): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v2i2.66.
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Eurocentric imperialism incorporated the non-European geographical region in the economic and political milieu of Europe and made the world a global whole. To Mitchel Foucault, the process started with endo-colonization of European people and advent of rational governance exercises experimented first in European states and later exported to non-western regions. The study aims to analyze the different outcomes of European governmentality in European core and non-European periphery and changing subjectivities and cognitions in non-European world with ruptures accompanied by European modernity. The theoretical frame and conceptual toolkit of Archaeology/Genealogy, Governmentality, Power/knowledge etc. are borrowed from Michel Foucault the postmodern historian of ideas. For analytical purpose, the concept of Archeological historicity is linked with World System approach as employed by Lenin and Immanuel Wallerstein. The analytical scheme is to describe events in longue durée from sixteenth century; record shifts in the core Europe, and parallel shifts in peripheral colonial/postcolonial world, to understand the material and discursive conditions of existence. The finding of research is that events and processes lead to different outcomes in core and periphery. A two-level comparison is made: the comparison of European Core with two peripheral regions, i.e., British India and British Nigeria and comparison of two peripheral regions incorporated in the world system as reservoirs of raw material and market
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Chua, J. Y. "The Strange Career of Gross Indecency: Race, Sex, and Law in Colonial Singapore." Law and History Review 38, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 699–735. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801900052x.
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In 1938, the British enacted Section 377A of the Straits Settlements Penal Code, criminalizing male same-sex acts in Singapore. Although the law was neither the first nor only attempt to regulate same-sex activity, it represented a stark intensification in sexual policing. Yet, the reasons for the introduction of Section 377A remain elusive. New sources, including recently declassified documents, reveal that Section 377A intersected with the colonial state's wider project of social control. In the early 1930s, intensified policing of female prostitution inadvertently magnified the visibility of male prostitution in Singapore, just as homosexuality was emerging as a distinct conceptual category. Meanwhile, scandals about sexual liaisons between European officials and Asians men threatened British legitimacy. This “discovery” of homosexuality led the British to introduce Section 377A. As British troops arrived in Singapore in the late 1930s in response to Japanese expansionism in the Far East, concerns about blackmail, military discipline, and the colonial color line governed the enforcement of Section 377A. Between 1938 and 1941, the British disproportionately used Section 377A to punish Asian male prostitutes whom they thought had seduced European men. Secondarily, the British used the provision to deter European soldiers, sailors, and non-officials from exposing themselves to extortion. Seen in this light, Section 377A served as a response to changing configurations of race, class, and sexuality in colonial Singapore.
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Artunç, Cihan. "The Price of Legal Institutions: TheBeratlıMerchants in the Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Empire." Journal of Economic History 75, no. 3 (August 27, 2015): 720–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050715001059.
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In the eighteenth century, European embassies in the Ottoman Empire started selling exemption licenses calledberats, which granted non-Muslim Ottomans tax exemptions and the option to use European law. I construct a novel price panel for British and French licenses based on primary sources. The evidence reveals that prices were significantly high and varied across countries. Agents acquired multipleberatsto enhance their legal options, which they exploited through strategic court switching. By the early 1800s,beratholders had driven other groups from European-Ottoman trade.
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Varnava, Andrekos. "European Subaltern War Asses: ‘Service’ or ‘Employment’ in the Cypriot Mule Corps during the Great War?" Britain and the World 10, no. 1 (March 2017): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0257.
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In summer 1916 the British Salonica Army and the Cypriot colonial government established the Cypriot Mule Corps (also known as the Macedonian Mule Corps). It was a staggering success in terms of recruitment, with over 12,000 men serving at one time or another in Salonica during the war and in Constantinople after the armistice, consisting of about 25% of the Cypriot male population aged 18–35. This article engages with three historiographical fields: British military history, British imperial history and Cypriot colonial and peasant and labouring history. All three are connected by the scope, the Great War and its immediate aftermath, and more specifically by the Cypriot Mule Corps. It brings Cyprus into the broader debate on the participation of the British non-settler empire in World War I. The main focus of the article is on the experiences of the men and their dependants. At the heart of this story is the power-imbalance in the relationship between the British coloniser, who desperately needed mule drivers, and the colonised Cypriots, mostly peasants and unskilled rural and urban labourers who enlisted because of the wages. The Cypriots had little control over the terms of their service, as the British progressively reduced their responsibilities to the men and their families, but because the British were desperate for their service they attempted to accommodate their grievances. Therefore, the article proposes to envisage the experience of Cypriot muleteers and their families through a theoretical framework borrowed from the Subaltern Studies Group. Homi Bhabha's ‘liminal space’, in which ‘negotiation’ can take place between colonised and coloniser, seems applicable here, even if dominated by the coloniser. When it suited them, such as when recruitment was at risk, the British not only listened but attempted to rectify the injustices, even showing flexibility; but when it did not they proved inflexible.
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Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: III. COLLECTING: COLONIAL BOMBAY, BASRA, BAGHDAD AND THE ENLIGHTENMENT MUSEUM." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 30 (November 11, 2020): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440120000018.
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ABSTRACTThis lecture explores the history of Enlightenment-era collecting of antiquities to probe the claims to universality of Western museums. Focusing on the British Museum's Enlightenment Gallery, it underscores the imperial and familial contexts of British collecting cultures. Questioning received narratives of collecting which highlight the role played by individual elite British men, it suggests that women, servants and non-European elites played instrumental parts in knowledge production and the acquisition of antiquities. The private correspondence of the East India Company civil servant Claudius Rich – the East India Company's Resident or diplomatic representative at Baghdad 1801–1821 – and his wife Mary (née Mackintosh) Rich illuminates social histories of knowledge and material culture that challenge interpretations of the British Museum's Enlightenment Gallery which privilege trade and discovery over empire.
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Leeb, Susanne, and Ruth Sonderegger. "Plädoyer für eine kulturwissenschaftliche Ästhetik aus Perspektive der cultural studies." Kulturwissenschaftliche Zeitschrift 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kwg-2016-0007.
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Abstract Our comment on Hartmut Böhme advocates an approach to aesthetics that is mainly inspired by British cultural studies. In the wake of the foundation of the „Kulturwissenschaftliche Gesellschaft” and its journal we suggest, on the one hand, a relentless reflection on essentialist and colonialist power structures inherent in the concept of culture, particularly in the German speaking world. On the other hand, we plea for the provincialization of European aesthetics as well as for the acknowledgement of the manifold entanglements between European and non-European accounts of aesthetics.
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Bruzelius, Cecilia, Elaine Chase, and Martin Seeleib-Kaiser. "Social Rights of EU Migrant Citizens: Britain and Germany Compared." Social Policy and Society 15, no. 3 (October 28, 2015): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746415000585.
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European migrant citizens and their social rights are strongly contested in British political debate. This article seeks to challenge some common concerns and perceptions regarding the exceptionality of the British welfare state and the alleged ‘costs’ to it from intra-EU migration. The article first provides a brief overview of the foundations for EU citizenship and associated social rights, highlighting the semi-sovereign nature of welfare states in the European Union. It then (i) rejects the significance of the often-claimed difference between contributory and non-contributory welfare states in the context of EU migration; and (ii) challenges concerns about the costs of EU migration. The article contrasts the experiences of Britain and Germany. It concludes by considering how concerns often associated with EU migration can be addressed by improving administrative and state capacities.
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Pincus, Steve, and James Robinson. "Wars and State-Making Reconsidered - The Rise of the Developmental State." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales (English edition) 71, no. 01 (March 2016): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568217000012.
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This article argues that the term “fiscal-military state” is a misnomer, particularly when applied to one of the paradigmatic cases of early modern state formation, Britain. Britain devoted a significantly smaller proportion of government revenues to military expenses than any other European state. Moreover, its overall expenditure included important non-military elements and massive investment in colonial development, a fact that standard accounts fail to take into consideration. The existing fiscal historiography also ignores large swaths of other types of state activity. Finally, the article argues that the British state—and quite probably other early modern states—was not forged in warfare. If war did not make the British state, this would explain why the British state was less narrowly focused on making war.
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Thompson, Helen. "The European Geopolitical Space and the Long Path to Brexit (The Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Lecture 2020)." Government and Opposition 56, no. 3 (February 17, 2021): 385–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.1.
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AbstractAlthough Brexit had its short-term roots in economic and constitutional legitimation issues, it cannot be explained without considering the European geopolitical space, the EU's contrasting political formations in the security and economic spheres, and the fault lines these produce. Seen from a long-term geopolitical perspective, there have been recurrent problems in Britain's efforts to deal with the EU and its predecessors, and persistent patterns of crisis. The geopolitical environment, especially around NATO and energy security in the Middle East, first rendered non-membership of the EEC a problem, then made entry impossible for a decade, helped make EU membership politically very difficult for British governments to sustain, and then constrained the May governments’ Article 50 negotiations. These problems have a singularly British shape, but they cannot be separated from more general fault lines in the European geopolitical space.
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Torreggiani, Valerio. "CORPORATISM AND THE BRITISH CONSTITUTIONAL HERITAGE: EVIDENCES FROM THE HISTORY OF IDEAS." Estudos Históricos (Rio de Janeiro) 31, no. 64 (August 2018): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s2178-14942018000200003.
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Abstract This article challenges a historiographical understanding of corporatism as an appendix of fascist ideology by examining the elaboration and diffusion of corporatist cultures in Britain during the first half of the 20th century. The case study seeks, on the one hand, to highlight the changing nature of corporatism by showing the different forms - fascist and non-fascist - that it took in Britain in the given time period. On the other hand, the article connects British corporatism with the European corporatist movement, as well as with the British constitutional heritage, underlining the close entangling of national and transnational issues.
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Robertson, Michael. "Foreign concepts: indexing and indexes on the Continent." Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 19, Issue 3 19, no. 3 (April 1, 1995): 160–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.1995.19.3.4.
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The British Standard was recently taken as the basis for the new International Standard for indexing, but unexpected cultural differences may still continue to produce surprisingly non-standard results. Examples of indexes from recent Continental European books show that they typically have multiple indexes in multiple volumes, long lists of unanalysed page references, and lack cross-referencing to related concepts.
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Kelly, John. "In Memoriam: Richard Keith Sprigg (1922–2011)." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100311000533.
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A consequence of the 1945 Scarborough Report, which recommended an expansion of the teaching of non-European languages in British universities, was the appointment of a group of young scholars to the Department of Phonetics and Linguistics at London University's School of Oriental & African Studies. Amongst their number was Keith Sprigg, who died on September 8th 2011 at the age of 89.
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Calamita, N. Jansen. "THE BRITISH BANK NATIONALIZATIONS: AN INTERNATIONAL LAW PERSPECTIVE." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 58, no. 1 (January 2009): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589308000936.
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AbstractThe British Government's nationalization of the shares of Northern Rock plc and Bradford & Bingley plc in 2008 raises important issues about the standard of protection owed to the banks' non-UK investors and the manner in which compensation should be calculated. The United Kingdom is party to numerous bilateral investment treaties as well as the European Convention on Human Rights, which adopt an international standard of protection for foreign investors and require the payment of ‘market value’ compensation for the property taken. As the analysis in this article shows, the compensation scheme established by the British Government appears to fall short of these obligations.
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Moradiellos, Enrique. "British Political Strategy in the Face of the Military Rising of 1936 in Spain." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004409.
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The military coup of July 1936 against the Republican government of Spain, which rapidly developed into civil war, required an urgent response from the authorities of the United Kingdom. This was as much on account of its effects on British interests in Spain as due to its repercussions on the unstable situation in Europe. During the nearly three years of war, the Conservative-dominated Cabinet adhered to the Non-Intervention pact signed by all European governments in August 1936, which prescribed an arms embargo towards the combatants without a parallel recognition of their rights as belligerents. This peculiar neutrality, which combined respect for the legal status of the recognized government with de facto equal status for the rebels, was defended by British officialdom on the grounds of the over-riding need to restrict the war and avoid its escalation into a general European conflict. The argument served to deflect accusations of hidden antagonism towards the Republic and to justify the continuation of this policy of neutrality despite the support of Italy and Germany for the insurgent forces, so tolerating in practice the sabotage of the policy of non-intervention by the fascist powers. In the face of these official explanations, which have been accepted at face value by many historians, this article will attempt to show that British non-intervention had its origins in antirevolutionary pre-occupations rather than in strictly diplomatic considerations. Furthermore, it will be argued that during the first six months of the war it adhered consistently to a political strategy based on the expectation that the war would be short lived.
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Goddard, Michael. "“Certain Malays and South Sea Islanders”: Non-European foreigners in early colonial British New Guinea." Journal de la société des océanistes, no. 150 (June 8, 2020): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/jso.11372.
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Churchill, Wendy D. "Efficient, Efficacious and Humane Responses to Non-European Bodies in British Military Medicine, 1780–1815." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 40, no. 2 (June 2012): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2012.697607.
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Offiah, Amaka C., Catherine Adamsbaum, and Rick R. van Rijn. "ESPR adopts British guidelines for imaging in suspected non-accidental injury as the European standard." Pediatric Radiology 44, no. 11 (October 7, 2014): 1338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00247-014-3153-3.
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Pietsch, Juliet. "Diverse Outcomes: Social Citizenship and the Inclusion of Skilled Migrants in Australia." Social Inclusion 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i1.777.
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The sociology of citizenship is concerned with the social and economic conditions of citizens of a national community. Drawing on T. H. Marshall’s contribution to the theory of social citizenship this article argues that some groups of migrants and ethnic minorities in Australia, particularly those from non-British and European Backgrounds, face a number of social and institutional barriers which prevent them from reaching their full potential as members of Australia’s multicultural community. Evidence from the Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data shows different socioeconomic outcomes for migrants from British and European backgrounds compared with migrants from Asian backgrounds, despite having similar educational qualifications and length of time living in Australia. As such, it is argued that achieving social membership and inclusion continues to be a struggle for particular groups of migrants. A deeper commitment to the core principles of citizenship that is beyond mere notions of formal equality is needed if Australia is to address this important social issue.
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Clark, Martin. "A Conceptual History of Recognition in British International Legal Thought." British Yearbook of International Law 87, no. 1 (2017): 18–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bybil/bry003.
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Abstract This article examines the development of the concept of recognition in the writings of British jurists. It first outlines methodologies of conceptual history as applied to international legal concepts, before examining four strands of development of the concept of recognition from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. It shows how the concept of recognition moved from examining intra-European diplomatic disagreements, to a focus on Christianity, civilisation and progress that barred non-European communities, to a late colonial-era emphasis on technicalities of government and territory, and eventually a state-centric account that normalised inferiority into difference, before emerging in the interwar period as a ‘basic concept’ of international law: intensely debated and closely tied to a range of political projects. The article concludes with reflections on why British thinking turns away from recognition in the 1950s, as the decolonising world turns to a new international law and self-determination.
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ZAINUDDIN, SITI NOOR SOFFERA, and MAUREEN DE SILVA. "THE SOCIAL INTERACTION BETWEEN EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AND COMMUNITIES IN NORTH BORNEO (1881-1941)." Quantum Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1, no. 5 (December 8, 2020): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.55197/qjssh.v1i5.46.
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This study focusing on the social interactions between the European community and the communities in North Borneo during the era of the British North Borneo Company from 1881 to 1941. This study identifies the interrelated factors between the European community and the communities in North Borneo. This study is specific to social interaction between European community with Chinese, Indians, Muruts, Dusun and Sulu’s people in North Borneo which began when these group was given the opportunity to hold positions in the British administration. Based on primary and secondary sources obtained from archives and libraries, the findings of the study found that the beginning of the relationship between the European community with the communities mentioned above is as soon as they work as subordinate workers. After that, the officials followed a lifestyle of the middle class in Europe as revealed by European administrative officials serving in North Borneo. They are not only exposed to the lifestyle of European officials’, but also the image and prestige. However, what limits the social interaction between the European community and the community in North Borneo is the cultural differences and social position in society. Therefore, this study would like to see the role of European community associations and clubs in North Borneo as it can improve the relationship between the European community and the community in North Borneo because, these associations and clubs not only accept non-European members, but also organize sports and leisure to all races, religions and genders. Therefore, this study would like to see the social interaction between the European community and the community in North Borneo which can be seen not only based on their relationship in clubs and associations as well as the relationship of European men and women in North Borneo.
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Jackson, Ashley. "Military Migrants: British Service Personnel in Ceylon during the Second World War." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (March 2013): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0075.
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Across the territories that comprised the British Empire, the Second World War caused many migrations, some great and some small, but all traumatic and formative for the people involved. Civilians, both local and expatriate, fled in great numbers from the threat of German or Japanese invasion; in some colonies civilians were evacuated from cities threatened by bombing or deemed militarily important; hundreds of thousands of servicemen and women moved around the world and spend significant periods of time in foreign lands – African troops resided in Asia, Indians in the East Indies and Middle East, and British servicemen and women found themselves billeted all over the Empire. Also, forming a fascinating subcategory, were the many thousands of American service personnel who served in British colonial territories. After reviewing the phenomenon of migration within the British Empire during the war, this article focuses on a case study – the experience of British (and some Australian) service personnel based in Ceylon for a range of military purposes, including office work, jungle training, and naval operations. It examines the methods used to acclimatize young service personnel, often going abroad for the first time in their lives, to the strangeness of a foreign, ‘exotic’ land. It describes the impressions the people and environment left on these wartime immigrants, before considering the recreational provisions made for them, and the sexual opportunities that sometimes arose. The article concludes that the experience of these European migrants deserves study as much as the experience of non-European servicemen and women, which has received significant attention in the scholarly literature relating to the Empire at war.
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Hildebrand, Carl. "Educating for British values: Kant’s philosophical roadmap for cosmopolitan character education." Policy Futures in Education 15, no. 1 (December 19, 2016): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210316680766.
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The UK’s 2016 decision to exit the European Union and the discussion surrounding it indicate that public understanding of British identity has important consequences, one way or another. Defining British identity will be an important task in the years to come. The UK government not long ago provided some guidance on the matter of British identity in their requirement that schools actively promote fundamental British values of democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty, and respect of those with different faiths and beliefs. These values are not British in the parochial sense: they are forward-looking, conciliatory, cosmopolitan values. They are meant to structure and guide any commitments to more particular features of what British identity might include. Because they are rational and somewhat abstract, it is not easy to see how they might be cultivated in children (who are not fully rational) or how they might fit together with the non-rational aspects of the human person. Kant’s account of education is seen to face similar challenges and is seen by some as unsuccessful in dealing with them. I argue this is not the case and that his idea of education contains a viable and philosophically interesting account of how values like these may be integrated into a theory of education that takes seriously the whole person, rational and non-rational aspects alike. I begin by outlining Kant’s conception of rational action before examining three further features in his account: habit, shame, and desire (including pleasure). I conclude by looking briefly at some of Kant’s work that reveals how education is oriented toward the formation of a cosmopolitan society with citizens whose duties and sympathies extend beyond the immediate horizon of their local community. I argue that Kantian ethics therefore provides a helpful philosophical roadmap, as it were, for the successful cultivation of cosmopolitan, British values.
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Afeadie, Philip Atsu. "The Semolika Expedition of 1904: A Participant Account." History in Africa 31 (2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003375.
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British imperialism in west Africa during the late nineteenth century is known to be the product of the interrelations between expansionist forces at the center of empire and those at the periphery on the one hand, and the relationship between the peripheral forces and African circumstances on the other hand. Expansionist forces at Whitehall included nationalistic sentiments and inter-European rivalry, economic considerations, and public reactions to these motivations. Of the expansionist forces at the outposts of empire, pressure from commercial interest groups and the activities of the men on the spot are notable.Indeed, the work of the military personnel on the outposts of empire was instrumental to British territorial annexations. As officers and non-commissioned officers to the colonial army of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF), the British personnel hailed from all rungs of society, and seconded from metropolitan regiments into active service in West Africa. Their motivations largely included economic interests, sport and adventure, while the African auxiliaries enlisted out of economic considerations. Naturally, the men on the spot were indispensable to British expansion, as they particularly constituted a reliable source of information for policymakers at home. They also subscribed with their superiors to the use of force to maintain political supremacy on the frontiers of empire. The men on the spot controlled the timing, pace, and extent of British military imperialism. However, they had to reckon with indigenous response, as their prerogatives met challenges in African interests and concerns, such as territorial inviolability and non-interference in their internal affairs. This interplay of military imperialism and African response is aptly demonstrated in the British encounter with the Semolika in Northern Nigeria.
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Chew, Carissa. "The ant as metaphor: Orientalism, imperialism and myrmecology [W. T. Stearn Student Essay]." Archives of Natural History 46, no. 2 (October 2019): 347–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2019.0595.
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Myrmecological texts that circulated in Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth century can be interpreted, from the perspective of the post-colonial theory of Orientalism, as belonging to a wider body of colonial-era European literature that has historically portrayed New World peoples and animals as the “Other”. In implicit ways, colonial-era literature on ant behaviour reproduces the Orientalist dichotomy of civilization and savagery. At different times, the ant colony has been portrayed, somewhat paradoxically, as both a civilized society in miniature and a foreign savage order. On the one hand, some British myrmecological texts rendered the ant as a symbol of Britishness and civilization: the elevated image of the ant reflected the imperialist trope that non-white people were inferior, savage Others. On the other hand, the ant colony was portrayed elsewhere in British myrmecological literature – and in other European texts that were translated into English and circulated in Britain – as a dangerous, merciless and aggressive Otherness itself. Accordingly, in these texts, the ant and the “native” are depicted as accomplices who share an antagonism toward the colonial project. Both these positive and negative representations of the ant reflect and reproduce Orientalist tropes, which have historically been used to emphasize the perceived inferior status of non-white colonial subjects.
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Sangwan, Satpal. "Indian Response to European Science and Technology 1757–1857." British Journal for the History of Science 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400024778.
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The spread of modern science to India, the non-scientific culture area according to Basalla's thesis, under the colonial umbrella played an important role in shaping the history of Indian people. Notwithstanding its colonial flavour, the new science left a distinct impression on the minds of the local populace. The belief that the Indian mind was not ripe enough to assimilate the new ideas, supported by a few instances of their (Indian) hostility towards some imported technologies, has dominated historical writings since the Macaulian era. This proposition requires close scrutiny of the contemporary evidence. In this paper, I have tried to explain the various shades of Indian experiences with European science and technology during the first hundred years of British rule.
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Faria, Rita. "“The Red Plague Rid You For Learning Me Your Language!” – Standard and Non-Standard Use in English and in Portuguese." Revista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses/Journal of Anglo-Portuguese Studies, no. 27 (2018): 229–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.34134/reap.1991.208.276.
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This paper examines how non-standard British English is translated into European Portuguese with a view to understand the social attitudes and ideologies embedded in standard and non-standard European Portuguese. It focuses on a small corpus of literary works which resort to non-standard language as a fundamental linguistic trait of characters’ identity or plot in order to establish whether there were any successful attempts to maintain the deviation from standard in the target language. The paper fnds that the task of translating non-standard is ideologically charged insofar as it is mediation between normalised and non-normalised realities, very often requiring the specifc indexing of linguistic markers to particular social groups. The sensitivity involved in this process may explain why most translations examined, although able to render non-standard features in the target language to some extent, kept a closer proximity to standard language than the source texts. In view of this, most translations examined are imbued with an ideological thrust in favour of standard language.
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Dabbah, Maher M. "Brexit and Competition Law: The Future Place of the UK Competition Law Regime Internationally." World Competition 42, Issue 4 (December 1, 2019): 497–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco2019027.
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Arguably, the most famous line ever uttered on the decision by British voters of 23 June 2016 to exit from the European Union (EU), is, and always will remain, ‘Brexit means Brexit’. These were the words of the serving British Prime Minister at the time. The triggering of Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) – marking the start of the two-year negotiations/ detachment process – eventually occurred on 29 March 2017. That process drew to its end on 29 March 2019. The UK however continues to be an EU Member State. At the time of writing, the UK’s exit from the EU was expected on 31 October 2019, though it is highly uncertain whether this indeed will happen. This article addresses the competition law related challenges, opportunities and implications of the UK becoming a non-EU Member State from an international perspective. The article analyses in particular the future place and role of the UK competition law regime internationally. The article considers the future international agenda of the UK Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) and the international orientation and standing of the UK competition law regime as a fully independent regime, which is both completely UK and European in orientation.
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Lehmann, Matthias. "Brexit and the Consequences for Commercial and Financial Relations between the EU and the UK." European Business Law Review 27, Issue 7 (December 1, 2016): 999–1027. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2016045.
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The UK’s withdrawal from the European Union will have – and already has – a dramatic impact on the political, legal and economic landscape, both in Britain and on the continent. This contribution takes a closer look at the effects on individual relationships and businesses. Against the background of the possible scenarios (British accession to the European Economic Area (EEA), bilateral trade agreement with the EU, or ‘hard’ exit with third-country status), it scrutinizes Brexit’s consequences in five areas: contract law, the law of non-contractual obligations, corporate law, financial law, and international litigation. With regard to contract law, it examines the effects on the determination of the applicable law and on substantive contract law, in particular the possibility to terminate contractual agreements. Concerning non-contractual obligations, it deals with the conflict rules applicable to torts, which may change. In the context of corporate law, the focus is on the status of companies organized under English law that are domiciled in Member States, as well as on the fate of European public companies headquartered in Britain. Insolvency matters will also be discussed. The part on financial law analyses the options for EU market access available to English banks, asset and fund managers as well as insurance companies in light of the passport granted to EEA firms and the equivalence requirements for third-country firms. As regards international litigation, the discussion turns on the post-Brexit determination of the competent court as well as the recognition and enforcement of British judgements in the EU.
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Bossetta, Michael. "Fighting fire with fire: Mainstream adoption of the populist political style in the 2014 Europe debates between Nick Clegg and Nigel Farage." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (June 28, 2017): 715–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117715646.
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Advancing the concept of populism as a political style, this study compares the debate performances of two British party leaders, Nick Clegg and Nigel Farage, as they clashed in a pair of televised debates over Britain’s European Union (EU) membership leading up to the 2014 European Parliament elections. The argument is tested that if under certain conditions, mainstream politicians will adopt a populist style although retaining a non-populist agenda. A mixed-methods approach combines quantitative text analysis with a qualitative rhetorical analysis to demonstrate how the populist and non-populist style can be distinguished and compared systematically. The results suggest that Clegg, while maintaining a non-populist ideology, adopts a populist style after losing the first debate. Farage’s communication style, conversely, remains stable to the point of statistical significance. This suggests that one explanatory factor of populists’ success is the consistency of their message and rhetorical delivery, bolstering their perceived authenticity among voters.
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STOCK, PAUL. "“ALMOST A SEPARATE RACE”: RACIAL THOUGHT AND THE IDEA OF EUROPE IN BRITISH ENCYCLOPEDIAS AND HISTORIES, 1771–1830." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 1 (March 3, 2011): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000035.
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This article explores the association between racial thought and the idea of Europe in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain. It begins by noting the complexities surrounding the word “race” in this period, before considering whether—and on what grounds—contemporary race thinkers identify a “European race” or “races”. This reveals important ambiguities and correlations between anatomical, genealogical and cultural understandings of human difference. The essay then discusses how some of these ideas find expression in British encyclopedias, histories and geographical books. In this way, it shows how racial ideas are disseminated, not just in dedicated volumes on anatomy and biological classification, but also in general works which purport to summarize and transmit contemporary received knowledge. The article draws upon entries on “Europe” in every British encyclopedia completed between 1771 and 1830, as well as named source texts for those articles, tracing how the word “Europe” was used and what racial connotations it carried. Some entries imply that “European” is either a separate race entirely, or a subcategory of a single human race. Others, however, reject the idea of a distinctive European people to identify competing racial groups in Europe. These complexities reveal increasing interest in the delineation of European identities, an interest which emerges partly from long-standing eighteenth-century debates about the categorization and comprehension of human difference. In addition, they show the diffusion of (contending) racial ideas in non-specialist media, foreshadowing the growing prominence of racial thought in the later nineteenth century.