Journal articles on the topic 'Nominal complement'
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1
Knittel, Marie Laurence. "Le statut des compléments du nom en [de NP]." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 54, no. 2 (July 2009): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100001250.
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AbstractThis paper deals with noun complements in French. I show that French has a particular kind of noun complement, regularly expressed by [de NP], that cannot be analysed as a PP or as a Possessor, but nevertheless requires a syntactic account. A detailed analysis reveals that these constituents share morphosyntactic, semantic and discourse properties with those of pseudo-incorporated nominals in various languages. I thus propose that they be analysed as pseudo-incorporated into a possessive nominal head.
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Liu, Guobing, and Yaping Du. "A Corpus-based Study of Valency Sentence Patterns of English Verbs." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 9, no. 6 (June 1, 2019): 655. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0906.07.
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Based on the COCA, this paper investigates valency sentence patterns of the English verb APPOINT from the perspective of syntactic valency. And it analyzes the dominated components of verbs with the corpus linguistic method of collocation. It has been found: (1) The verb APPOINT has seven valency sentence patterns identified in the active sentences and fifteen patterns in the passive sentences. (2) The complement types associated with the verb APPOINT include subject complement, object complement, nominal complement with or without as, verbal complement with an infinitive or with to-be followed by a noun or a noun phrase, prepositional complement with the preposition to, by or for. (3) There is regularity existing in the complements. This present study describes valency sentence patterns of verbs, taking the sentence as the smallest research unit and verbs as the core of the sentence. The research results provide a new sight for second language teaching, especially for English vocabulary teaching.
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Kapeliuk, Olga. "Verbless Relative Clauses in Gǝʿǝz and their Equivalents in Amharic and Tigrinya." Aethiopica 12 (April 7, 2012): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.12.1.99.
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The most frequent and most typical relative clauses in Gǝʿǝz have a verbal predicate, but also nominal, or in other terms verbless, sentences may be relativized. Since Gǝʿǝz has no copula, nominal sentences are composed of the subject and of the predicative complement of a zero copula only. Considering that in sentences with relative clauses the headnoun stands outside the relative clause, all that is left in the latter is the relative pronoun and what acts as the predicative complement. Hence the nominal relative clauses have a much reduced structure and may be interpreted wrongly as one-member sentences.
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Larrivée, Pierre. "Le groupe nominal épithète." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 27, no. 1 (December 31, 2004): 47–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.27.1.04lar.
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Summary This paper explores the syntactic structure of those French constructions where an NP directly follows another. Examples are provided by Monsieur le Professeur, Mes amis les linguistes, Les linguistes mes amis, the later being equivalent to the English cases My Brother the fool and The fool my brother. Following an analysis of their distributional property, the syntactic structure of the groups is shown to involve the modification of the first noun by the following DP. While therefore structurally comparable to an adjectival modifier, these DPs impose a condition of coreference between the two nouns. A further interpretative constraint is shown to hold concerning the referentially anchored status of either of the DPs. Thus, the form of the complement can determine the behaviour of the head, as demonstrated by this atypical nominal group.
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Orrequia-Barea, Aroa. "A Study of Direct Speech Complementation with Embedding Verbs: Collostructional Analysis." Grove - Working Papers on English Studies 27 (December 14, 2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/grove.v27.a6.
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Non-relational verbs, as opposed to relational ones, cannot replace their complement clause with a complex nominal, meaning that they do not denote a proposition, as the Relational Analysis states. However, direct speech seems to be a proper replacement for the complement clause in the non-relational verb cases. This paper deals with the analysis of some of the most representative taxonomies of embedding verbs using the British National Corpus, to check whether they can occur with direct speech complements; the collostructional analysis, which is a technique of statistical significance; and the programming language R to do it in a computational and automatic way. Thus, the collostructional method will measure the strength between the embedding verbs and their corresponding complement clauses in the direct speech form.
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Ronai, Eszter, and Laura Stigliano. "Licensing of nominal ellipsis in Hungarian possessives." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 6, no. 1 (March 20, 2021): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v6i1.4994.
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We argue, based on novel data, that the possessor head (Poss) can license ellipsis of its complement in Hungarian. That is, contra existing claims in the literature, possessor morphology can survive nominal ellipsis and be stranded on the remnant. Adopting Saab & Lipták (2016)’s of ellipsis licensing, we propose that there is variation in the size of the ellipsis site in Hungarian: nominal ellipsis can be licensed by either Num or Poss. We further propose that nominal ellipsis licensed by Poss can capture a previously unanalyzed variation in the Hungarian possessive pronoun paradigm. Specifically, the two variants of possessive pronouns correspond to two different structures: one is the anaphoric possessive (see Dékány 2015), while the other exists only as a consequence of nominal ellipsis, which, as we show, is a productive possibility.
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Tuhai, O. "THE STUDY OF COMPLEMENTARY COMPLEXES IN MODERN GRAMMAR SCHOOLS." Studia Philologica, no. 2 (2019): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-2425.2019.13.12.
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The article focuses on the basic theoretical approaches to the analysis of complementary complexes in modern grammar paradigms. The phenomenon of clausal complementation has been presented. Subordinate sentences are characterized as object clausal complements with the status of a core internal argument of the main predicate. Grammatical configuration and functioning of finite/infinitive complementary sentences in English have been revealed. Grammatical status of clauses under the study is postulated as object predication or the internal verbal complement in the function of an object. Grammatical indicators of finite sentences are analyzed considering specific that/wh- markers of complementation, semantics of matrix verbs as well as temporal tense-form feature in a verbal phrase. Grammatical configuration of infinitive sentences is denoted by to-/wh-markers and noun phrases in a certain case. Identifying criteria of verbal clausal complements have been distinguished. Morphology of the predicate, internal/external syntax of a complementary construction are grounded as leading features of their definition. Typology of verbal complementation in terms of transitivity, complement attachment to the perculia part of speech, functional communicative approach has been reviewed. General monotransitive, complex-transitive and ditransitive complementation has been outlined. When being attached to a particular language constituent a clause is determined as nominal, adjective or verbal complement. Due to communicative peculiarity finite subordinate clauses are positioned as content declarative, interrogative and exclamative.
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YOON, JUNTAE, KEY-SUN CHOI, and MANSUK SONG. "A corpus-based approach for Korean nominal compound analysis based on linguistic and statistical information." Natural Language Engineering 7, no. 3 (August 29, 2001): 251–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1351324901002686.
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The syntactic structure of a nominal compound must be analyzed first for its semantic interpretation. In addition, the syntactic analysis of nominal compounds is very useful for NLP application such as information extraction, since a nominal compound often has a similar linguistic structure with a simple sentence, as well as representing concrete and compound meaning of an object with several nouns combined. In this paper, we present a novel model for structural analysis of nominal compounds using linguistic and statistical knowledge which is coupled based on lexical information. That is, the syntactic relations defined between nouns (complement-predicate and modifier-head relation) are obtained from large corpora and again used to analyze the structures of nominal compounds and identify the underlying relations between nouns. Experiments show that the model gives good results, and can be effectively used for application systems which do not require deep semantic information.
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Alqarni, Muteb A., and Mohammad S. Alanazi. "The Syntax of Nominal Appositions in Modern Standard Arabic." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, no. 8 (August 1, 2022): 1669–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1208.26.
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The current paper argues that there are three types of nominal appositions, i.e. two juxtaposed noun phrases (NPs), in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). Each type shows special properties in terms of the nominal category of the two units, the deletion of the NP, word order, case agreement, and semantic relation. For each type, we propose a separate structural analysis. An adjunction analysis is motivated for Type I appositions which consist of a common noun followed by a proper name. For Type II appositions which involve two common nouns, we propose that they take a spec-head structure. A head-complement structure is finally proposed for Type III appositions which involve a pronoun followed by an accusative-marked NP.
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Samaha, Hanaa, Teng Teng Yap, and Kumaran Rajandran. "“Does the pronominal copula exist in the Arabic verbless clause?”." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 14, no. 1 (June 23, 2022): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01401005.
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Abstract This study attempts to offer a single unified account for the syntactic features of the pronominal copula in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), traditionally known as ḍamīr al-faṣl ‘Separation Pronoun/SP’ within the Cardiff Grammar (CG) model of Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG). Such a pronoun is typically used in nominal verbless clauses to separate Subject from its Predicate (Complement) when both are definite. This study argues against the two traditional accounts that analyze it either as a redundant pronoun that has no significant syntactical function or as the second Subject in the nominal embedded clausal Complement of the first Subject. The study also proposes that the modern generative account that considers it a pronominal copula is problematic as the function of this pronoun is not linking, but rather separating, emphasizing, and disambiguating. Therefore, the study proposes to analyze this SP as an Extension of the Subject (SEx) in a tripartite structure.
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Levin, Theodore, Paulina Lyskawa, and Rodrigo Ranero. "Optional agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan) is syntactic." Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 39, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 329–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2020-2018.
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Abstract Some Mayan languages display optional verbal agreement with 3pl arguments (Dayley1985; Henderson2009; England2011). Focusing on novel data from Santiago Tz’utujil (ST), we demonstrate that this optionality is not reducible to phonological or morphological factors. Rather, the source of optionality is in the syntax. Specifically, the distinction between arguments generated in the specifier position and arguments generated in the complement position governs the pattern. Only base-complements control agreement optionally; base-specifiers control agreement obligatorily. We provide an analysis in which optional agreement results from the availability of two syntactic representations (DP vs. reduced nominal argument). Thus, while the syntactic operation Agree is deterministic, surface optionality arises when the operation targets two different sized goals.
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Portero Muñoz, Carmen. "Noun-Noun sequences and the complement-modifier distinction: a corpus-based study." Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory 9, no. 1 (May 2, 2013): 71–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cllt-2013-0011.
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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to question the relevance of the complement-modifier distinction in Noun-Noun sequences. It will be argued that neither syntactic nor semantic criteria provide a completely reliable basis for the distinction between complement and modifier in the context of post-head complements or modifiers and even less so in the case of nominal complements or modifiers in pre-head position, i.e. in Noun-Noun sequences. More specifically, it will be contended that the distinction between complements and modifiers in Noun-Noun sequences cannot be held on cognitive grounds either. With this aim it will firstly be shown that there are different types of associations between the two nouns in Noun-Noun sequences, namely thematic-relation associations (e.g. food shopping) and peripheral associations (e.g. strip shopping). Secondly, evidence will be provided to show that, in spite of the fact that these various associations may correspond to our intuitions about the complement-modifier distinction, they manifest a similar degree of semantic bondedness and combination frequency. In order to measure the semantic bondedness and frequency of the different types of relations in Noun-Noun sequences a pilot study on a sample of Noun-Noun sequences will be conducted using corpus data. The relative frequency with which two nouns are combined correlates with different degrees of ‘semantic bonding’, which can be seen as a sign of cognitive relevance. As a result of this, it will be shown that, even in the case of relational nouns, the most frequent combinations are not always thematic-relation ones. In addition, some sequences where nouns are combined with other nouns denoting peripheral relations show a higher degree of semantic bonding than others in which they are combined with thematic-relation nouns. Finally, the distinction between complements and modifiers in Noun-Noun sequences will be addressed from the point of view of interpretation. In spite of the fact that thematic relation interpretations are assumed to have priority over property interpretations, this priority may be reversed by different factors.
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곽재용. "The Movement of the Complement in Spanish Event Nominal and the Affected Interpretation in Spanish." Studies in Foreign Language Education 22, no. 1 (February 2008): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.16933/sfle.2008.22.1.1.
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Leake, Carl, David Arnas, and Daniele Mortari. "Non-Dimensional Star-Identification." Sensors 20, no. 9 (May 9, 2020): 2697. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s20092697.
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This study introduces a new “Non-Dimensional” star identification algorithm to reliably identify the stars observed by a wide field-of-view star tracker when the focal length and optical axis offset values are known with poor accuracy. This algorithm is particularly suited to complement nominal lost-in-space algorithms, which may identify stars incorrectly when the focal length and/or optical axis offset deviate from their nominal operational ranges. These deviations may be caused, for example, by launch vibrations or thermal variations in orbit. The algorithm performance is compared in terms of accuracy, speed, and robustness to the Pyramid algorithm. These comparisons highlight the clear advantages that a combined approach of these methodologies provides.
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SAMVELIAN, POLLET. "A (phrasal) affix analysis of the Persian Ezafe." Journal of Linguistics 43, no. 3 (October 22, 2007): 605–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226707004781.
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This paper discusses the status of the Ezafe particle -(y)e in Persian and provides an affixal analysis of the Ezafe, formalized within Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG). The Ezafe, a feature of certain Western Iranian languages, is realized as an enclitic and links the head noun to its modifiers and to the possessor NP. The latter follow the head and are linked to one another by the Ezafe. On the basis of crucial empirical facts that have never been discussed in previous studies, I argue that the Ezafe is best regarded as an affix attaching to nominal heads (nouns, adjectives and some prepositions), as well as to nominal intermediate projections, and marking them as expecting a modifier or a direct nominal complement. Viewed as such, the Ezafe construction is an instance of the head-marked pattern of morphological marking of grammatical relations. This analysis differs from all previous accounts of the Ezafe (i.e. as case-marker, syntactic or phonological linker) and entails that the Ezafe, which originated in the Old Iranian relative particle -hya, has undergone a process of reanalysis-grammaticalization, to end up as a part of nominal morphology.
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Raposo, Eduardo P. "Nominal ellipsis and prepositional modifiers in Portuguese: a phase-theoretic approach." Probus 30, no. 2 (August 28, 2018): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2018-0004.
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Abstract Definite determiners in Portuguese are (pro)clitics. As such, they must attach to a full prosodic word at PF. This is achieved by an operation which “fuses” the determiner to the following lexical item. In anaphoric DPs with an elliptical noun modified by a prepositional phrase, fusion to a full preposition (P*) is not possible. This is accounted for by claiming that P*Ps are phases that are sent to Spell-Out as soon as they are formed (“early Spell-Out”); thus, they will not be accessible to fusion with the definite article at the phonological cycle of the higher phase and the derivation crashes because the definite article is not included in a prosodic word. PPs with the dummy preposition de ‘of’ can modify elliptical nouns since dummy de is arguably a morphological reflex of inherent Case assigned by the (elliptical) noun; thus, it does not constitute a phase together with its NP complement. The analysis is then extended to cases where the modifier of the elliptical noun is a clause.
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Witkoś, Jacek, and Dominika Dziubała-Szrejbrowska. "Some aspects of agreement with numeral phrases in Polish." Linguistica 56, no. 1 (December 28, 2016): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.56.1.321-344.
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The aim of this article is to briefly analyze the agreement patterns in Polish constructions with quantified subjects and adjectival predicates/participles, and propose an account built on the nanosyntactic ideas regarding the nature of case, i.e., split Kase Phrase (Caha 2009, 2010). In the analysis we address the troublesome issues regarding the Genitive of Quantification, i.e., the source of Genitive on the nominal complement in structural contexts, and the optionality in agreement in case between the adjectival predicate/participle and the numeral (≥5), or the noun of the quantified subject. The essential part of our proposal is based on the articulated Kase Phrase in the functional sequence of the extended nominal projection and its role in the syntactic derivation of case in the spirit of nanosyntactic approach.
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Alhailawani, Mohammad. "Against a uniform analysis of adnominal possessives in Jordanian Arabic: Evidence from nominal ellipsis." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 57, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 359–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2021-0015.
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Abstract Arabic has two models of adnominal possession: the Construct State and the Free State. Despite their superficial differences, these constructions are traditionally given a uniform analysis, in which their base-generated structures are identical, with differences residing in the movement operations that affect the possessor and the noun. This paper argues against a uniform analysis, based on new evidence from Noun Phrase Ellipsis. Specifically, I argue that the possessor in the Construct State merges in complement position of the possessum, whereas in the Free State, the possessor is an adjunct attached to a higher functional projection above the possessum. An important consequence of this analysis is that a possessor can be introduced in a headcomplement relation.
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Ninio, Anat. "Complement or adjunct? The syntactic principle English-speaking children learn when producing determiner–noun combinations in their early speech." First Language 39, no. 1 (September 11, 2017): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142723717729276.
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In children acquiring various languages, the early mastery of determiners strongly predicts syntactic development. What makes determiners important is not yet clear as there is a linguistic controversy regarding their syntactic behaviour. Some consider determiners to be similar to adjectives and to modify common nouns, while others consider the common nouns their complements. This article aims to find out which of the two basic syntactic operations, complementation or adjunct attribution, children learn when they master determiner–noun combinations in their early speech. Pearson correlations of determiner–nominal combinations with verb–noun combinations and attributive adjective–noun combinations were computed in early two-word-long sentences of a large sample of young English-speaking children. Determiner–nominal combinations were very highly correlated with verb–noun sentences, whereas the correlation with adjective–noun combinations was much lower. It appears that determiner–noun combinations are a type of complementation. When children learn them early, they apparently learn the syntactic principle underlying such combinations which then can be transferred to other syntactic constructions.
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De Cuba, Carlos. "Manner-of-speaking that-complements as close apposition structures." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4320.
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An elusive property of that-clauses following manner-of-speaking verbs is that they do not behave like that-clauses following other non-factive verbs when it comes to the availability of wh-extraction, main clause phenomena and complementizer drop. Non-factive that-clauses allow wh-extraction, main clause phenomena and complementizer drop, but manner-of-speaking that-clauses resist them. In addition, the behavior of manner-of-speaking that-clauses patterns with noun complement clauses and that-clauses following the pronoun it. In this paper, I argue that the referential and adjunct status of manner-of-speaking that-clauses, noun complement clauses and that-clauses following the pronoun it is responsible for their shared restrictions on wh-extraction, main clause phenomena and complementizer drop. Specifically, I argue all three of these that-clauses are referential adjuncts in a close apposition relationship with a nominal object.
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Mattiuzzi, Tommaso. "This might be the PLACE. Spelling out a covert D in Fodom spatial PPs." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 2 (February 22, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.125.
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This article presents novel data on the yet unnoticed phenomenon of article-drop in the variety of Livinallongo/Fodom (Ladin). The fundamental aim is to provide a morphosyntactic analysis capturing the following: a) omission of the definite article is only possible in (spatial) PPs and with a specific set of data; b) the noun can be interpreted as a specific definite as well as a weak definite; c) omission interacts with structural properties of the nominal complement like Number features and the structural type of nominal modifiers. The account developed here builds on the hypothesis that despite appearances article-drop contexts in Fodom feature an active D category in their structure, which is licensed by the head noun via phrasal Spell Out (cf. Starke 2009a; 2011a; Baunaz and Lander 2018b; Caha 2009a; 2018a; Pantcheva 2011a, a.o.) and is argued to be superior to alternative accounts in terms of selection of a null D by the P0 head or movement of the noun.
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Jiang, Feng (Kevin). "Stance and voice in academic writing." International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 22, no. 1 (July 21, 2017): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijcl.22.1.04jia.
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Abstract Stance and voice are two crucial elements of social interactions in academic writing. However, their conceptual constructs are elusive and their linguistic realisation is not fully explored. A relatively overlooked feature is the “noun + that” structure, where a stance head noun takes a nominal complement clause (as advantage that in Flow cytometry offers the advantage that long term is available). This construction allows a writer to express authorial stance towards complement content and attribute a voice to that stance through pre-modification. This paper examines this construction in a corpus of 60 journal articles across six disciplines extracted from the BNC corpus. Developing an expressive classification of stance nouns and the possible voice categorisation, this study shows that the structure is not only widely used to project stance and voice, but that it displays considerable variation in the way that it is used to build knowledge across different disciplines.
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Murray, J. J., and C. P. Neuman. "Linearization and Sensitivity Models of the Newton-Euler Dynamic Robot Model." Journal of Dynamic Systems, Measurement, and Control 108, no. 3 (September 1, 1986): 272–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.3143779.
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Within the framework of the Newton-Euler formulation of robot dynamics, linearized and trajectory sensitivity models are constructed about a nominal trajectory. The approach illustrates the property that linearization of the O(N) recursive Newton-Euler formulation leads to O(N) recursive algorithms. These algorithms are conceived for simulation, parameter identification, and real-time control applications which require the numerical evaluation of the linearized or trajectory sensitivity models. The O(N) linearized recursive algorithms complement their O(N5) linearized Lagrange (Lagrange-Euler) counterparts which are conceived for physical insight, and manipulator and controller design.
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Benedetti, Marina. "Ditransitive ‘teach’ and the status of the Theme “argument”(?)." Journal of Greek Linguistics 20, no. 2 (November 12, 2020): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02002003.
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Abstract This paper offers new insights into the much-debated topic of double accusatives, taking διδάσκειν as a case study. By focussing on the different syntactic and semantic properties of the two accusatives in expressions such as διδάσκω σε σωφροσύνην ‘I teach you moderation’, it is shown that the mere reference to distinct semantic roles (Recipient vs Theme) does not provide a satisfactory account of some crucial properties of these constructions. As emerges from textual evidence, the so-called “Theme” may alternate with an infinitival complement (e.g. διδάσκω σε σωφρονεῖν ‘I teach you (how) to exert moderation’). Both the infinitival and the nominal complements are bound to the object of διδάσκω through a relationship which may be defined by the notion of control. This finding reveals the predicative function performed here by the “Theme”, thus supporting a multi-predicative approach to the double accusative construction of διδάσκειν. This hypothesis has relevance to the analysis of other double accusatives of Ancient Greek, and opens a new path for the analysis of comparable data offered by modern languages.
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Pineda, Anna. "From dative to accusative. An ongoing syntactic change in Romance." Probus 32, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 129–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/probus-2019-0001.
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AbstractIn several Romance languages, including Catalan, Spanish, Asturian and Neapolitan, several verbs (‘phone’, ‘answer’, ‘shoot’, ‘rob’, among others) can take a dative- or accusative-marked complement. I argue that this alternation is indeed a transition from dative to accusative; that is, it is a process of syntactic change, with different stages of evolution depending on the dialectal or even idiolectal variety. The relevant verbs, being a priori dative-taking intransitive verbs, are analyzed as unergatives, made up of a light verb and a nominal, ‘phone= do+phone call’. When the complement ‘to somebody’ is added, a ditransitive structure is obtained, where I assume that the direct (‘phone call’) and the indirect (‘to somebody’) objects are related via an applicative head. The properties of this functional applicative head allow me to explain the change from dative to accusative case in the first stages of syntactic change. Likewise, I show that the completion of the syntactic change results in a true transitivization of the structure.
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Colle, Andi Tenry Lawangen Aspat. "A CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS OF ENGLISH AND BUGINESE DECLARATIVE SENTENCES PATTERN." JOURNAL OF ADVANCED ENGLISH STUDIES 3, no. 1 (February 29, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47354/jaes.v3i1.79.
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This study aimed at investigating the differences and similarities of sentences pattern in English and Buginese and the approach of this study used namely qualitative, where the contrastive analysis was chosen as the method of the study in comparing and analyzing sentence patterns of both languages. From the analysis, it revealed that the similarities of two languages were: (1) both languages have similar sentences pattern, especially for the verbal simple present tense and verbal and nominal future tense, (2) both languages, have the same elements to construct a sentence (S+V+O). Meanwhile, the differences between both of them were (1) declarative sentence pattern for the nominal simple present tense, and verbal and nominal past tense between two languages is different. (2) There is no such pattern S + Vlinking + Subject Complement in Buginese since Buginese has no verb tobe. (3) In making past sentences in Buginese, it would involve Ergative Pronoun, namely -na, -no, -ni, and their position attached at the end of word pura. Hopefully, these findings can predict the interference would happen during teaching English as a target language with the student who has Buginese as their mother tongue. Furthermore, it is suggested that future researchers could conduct a Buginese language study in different settings, such as pragmatics analysis, morphological system, and phonology system.
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Saryana, I. Wayan. "NOMINALISASI BAHASA BALI (BB)." KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 1, no. 1 (July 7, 2017): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.1.1.220.
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[Title: Nominalization in Balinese Language] The study deal with the process of nominal formation (nominalization) and Nominal structure of Balinese language. The data being analyzed is obtained from the researcher’s intuition that is the gained from language potency of the researcher as a native Balinese speaker. In addition, the data was also gained from Balinese texts such as novels, short stories, and folk tales. As a reference in analyzing the data it is applied X-bar theory developed by N, Chomsky and his adherers from the beginning of 1970-s. The most important essence of this theory is that every phrase structure has head. In other words, that every phrase structure is endocentric in nature. At the initial phrase, this theory was developed to describe phrasal category, then it was applied for clausal level. Recently, this theory is applied to analyze word level (Xo). Nouns in Balinese can be base and derived nouns. Derived nouns can be formed through some process: affixation, compounding, reduplication, and derivation of clauses. Nouns in Balinese can place syntactical functions such as subject, predicate, object, complement, and adverb.
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Sapp, Christopher, and Dorian Roehrs. "Head-to-Modifier Reanalysis: The Rise of the Adjectival QuantifierVieland the Loss of Genitive Case Assignment." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 28, no. 2 (May 5, 2016): 89–166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542715000215.
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The quantifiervielchanges from exhibiting properties of a head in Old High German to exhibiting properties of a modifier in Modern German. This is accompanied by changes in word order vis-à-vis its quantified constituent and the loss of the ability to assign genitive case to some of the quantified constituents. Assuming that quantifying expressions may have various syntactic representations, we argue thatvieldevelops from a quantifying noun to a particle in Card0to an adjectival quantifier in Spec, CardP, and that this structural change in the position ofvielcan account in part for the morphosyntactic properties of the quantified element. The development ofvielfrom a quantifying noun to a quantifying particle—a case of head-to-head reanalysis—is typical of grammaticalization. However, the change from a particle to an adjectival quantifier represents head-to-specifier reanalysis, which we relate to degrammaticalization due to analogy with other inflected elements of the DP. The change in word order and case properties of the quantified constituent represents a third type of reanalysis, whereby an embedded nominal undergoes downward reanalysis. Depending on the structural size—that is, whether a DP-layer is present or not—the dependent nominal either integrates into the matrix nominal agreeing withvielor, if too large, it takes up a new embedded position as a complement of the matrix head noun, retaining genitive. We demonstrate that in each case, the morphological change lags behind the syntactic reanalysis.*
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Baker, Mark C., and Nadezda Vinokurova. "Forms of predication in Sakha (Turkic): Will the true lexical predicates please stand up?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 57, no. 2 (July 2012): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100004746.
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AbstractThe Turkic language Sakha (Yakut) uses a copular verb with predicate nominals but not with predicate adjectives or verbs in certain environments, including relative clauses, nominalized clauses, and complements to nouns. Previous work takes this as evidence that adjectives but not nouns are true one-place predicates. However, unaccusativity diagnostics show that adjectives pattern with nouns in Sakha, as in other languages: neither is inherently predicative without a predicative functional head. The need for a copula with predicate nominais in certain environments can be explained using Richards’s distinctiveness condition. Relative clauses, noun complements, and nominalization structures all bring a nominal head in close contact with the predicate. If the predicate itself is nominal, a verbal copula must intervene to separate the predicate from the embedding head of the same category.
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Pak, Miok D. "Syntax and Morphology of Temporal-Aspectual Constructions in Korean." Korean Linguistics 12 (January 1, 2004): 55–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/kl.12.03mdp.
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Abstract. Verbal nouns in Korean exhibit properties of both nouns and verbs in that they assign both verbal and nominal cases to the arguments. Such mixed categorial behavior of verbal nouns is manifest only in certain environments, namely in the complement position of ha (a so-called light verb in Korean) and in the complement position of aspectual morphemes such as cwung 'during', cen 'before', and hwu 'after. Due to their mixed properties, the categorial status of verbal nouns in these environments has long been an issue of debate. This paper mainly discusses temporal-aspectual constructions, and proposes that they can be distinguished into three types, Types A, B, and C. Each type of temporal-aspectual construction has a different morpho-syntactic structure. The paper further claims that verbal nouns are inherently unspecified for their grammatical category (following Alexiadou 1997, 1998, Halle and Marantz 1993, and van Hout and Roeper 1998 among others), and different morpho-syntactic structures trigger different categorial status of verbal nouns in these environments. The complex categorial behavior of verbal nouns in temporal-aspectual constructions, then, is not only explained under the analysis proposed in this paper but is also expected.
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Granvik, Anton. "Accounting for syntactic variation in diachrony." Current trends in analyzing syntactic variation 31 (December 31, 2017): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00010.gra.
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AbstractThis paper addresses the early variation in what has been called the [prep_que] variable in Spanish nominal complement clauses, i.e. the alternation betweende queandquein examples such asenseñal (de) quelo estimo, Zulema, este anillo ofrezco(CORDE) ‘as a sign that I appreciate You, Zulema, I offer this ring’. By applying several subsequent quantitative analyses on corpus instances of the sequences Nde queand Nque, the locus of variation is restricted to such an extent that the variation can largely be accounted for. A collostructional analysis identifies 31 central nouns of the Nde quecomplement clause construction. A diachronic cluster analysis delimits the temporal dimension of the variation to the 16th and 17th centuries. A distinctive collexeme analysis identifies nine nouns which are used in both constructional formats to a comparable degree:causa‘cause’,duda‘doubt’,esperanza‘hope’,fe‘faith’,opinión‘opinion’,recelo‘fear’,señal‘sign(al)’,sospecha‘suspicion’, andtemor‘fear’. Detailed contextual analysis of the use of these nine nouns by means of a mixed-effects logistic regression reveals that the use of the nouns with a determiner is correlated with thede quevariant, and the use of the nouns as part of complex predicates, as intener sospecha‘have suspicion’, is associated with thequevariant of the complement clause.
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LINDSTRÖM, LIINA, and VIRVE-ANNELI VIHMAN. "Who needs it? Variation in experiencer marking in Estonian ‘need’-constructions." Journal of Linguistics 53, no. 04 (January 9, 2017): 789–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226716000402.
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In this paper, we tackle the twin issues of obligatoriness of semantic arguments and variation in their expression through a study of Estonian constructions denoting need. The variation under investigation consists in the choice of case-marking, between adessive and allative case, as well as the option to omit the oblique argument. We extracted and coded ‘need’-constructions from spoken and written corpora and used non-parametric classification methods for analysis. We found high rates of oblique experiencer omission in these constructions (nearly 60% across corpora). The most important predictors of overt expression of the experiencer in our models were participant-internal modality and the presence of nominal complements, meaning that both semantic and syntactic factors are relevant. The choice between two overt cases is affected by person, complement type, and referential distance. Topical experiencer arguments do not show the subject-like tendency to be omitted more often, but they are more likely to be marked with adessive case, suggesting that adessive is more grammaticalised as a structural, non-nominative, argument-marking case than the more semantic allative case. Our findings show that oblique, semantic arguments may be frequently omitted, and both semantic and syntactic factors may affect variation in case-marking.
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Chang, Peichin, and Hsin-Jung Tsai. "Text-image complementarity and genre in English as foreign language textbooks." Semiotica 2022, no. 244 (January 1, 2022): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2020-0103.
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Abstract Relating visual images to textual messages may have great potential in facilitating students’ reading comprehension. The inevitable and important presence of visuals in textbooks obliges language teachers to exploit all semiotic resources to deepen students’ understanding. However, analysis of how images interact with text in textbooks has been rare, and among the efforts it has generally been found that visuals and text often fail to achieve coherence. This study investigates whether and how text and image complement each other ideationally (i.e., the “what”) by six sense relations (e.g., synonymy and hyponymy) and interpersonally (i.e., reader engagement) by the Mood system in ninth-grade English as a Foreign Language (EFL) textbooks to reach intersemiotic complementarity (IC). The results revealed that ideational rather than interpersonal IC is more frequent, where many more Participants (i.e., the nominal groups) than Processes (i.e., the verbal groups) in the texts find their visual complements. Ideational IC is particularly high in Information Reports while Recounts generally mark higher percentages of interpersonal IC. To accomplish ideational IC, repetition is most frequent, followed by hyponymy (i.e., general-specific relation) and collocation (i.e., relations that naturally co-occur). Distinct IC patterns also characterize the different editions of textbooks investigated, which may suggest their different potentials in catering to students of varying proficiencies.
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Özcan Vural, Ayşegül, and Gülmira Kuruoğlu. "Nomınal and Verbal Predıcate Use in Schızophrenıa." PSYCHOLINGUISTICS 27, no. 2 (April 12, 2020): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2309-1797-2020-27-2-213-228.
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Objective. Schizophrenia’s first characteristics invokes the notion of disordered thought and language. Accordingly one of several diagnostic characteristics of schizophrenia is an impairment of verbal communication. To determine the detailed nature of language impairments taking into consideration these problems the aim of the present study was to analyze nominal and verbal predicate use produced by schizophrenic patients and control group during their speech as both predicates require different processings.
Materials & Methods. Fifty patients with schizophrenia diagnosed according to DSM-IV criteria were included into the study and compared to fifty healthy subjects matched for age, sex and education level with the patients participated in the study. The subjects’ speech was evaluated by using picture description test, picture story telling test, subject-based narration test and free verbal narration test. The data consisted of 8–10 minute recorded interviews. The recordings were transcribed based on Du Bois’ Discourse Transcription Symbols and analyzed statistically and linguistically.
Results. The results showed that the number of nominal and verbal predicates used by the patients with schizophrenia differed from the control group. Schizophrenia patients preferred nominal predicates more than control group in all tests. However, control group used significantly more verbal predicates in all tests.
Conclusions. In this study it was hypothesized that language used by the patients with schizophrenia plays a central role in the this disease than commonly supposed and the phenomena of schizophrenic language can be regarded as reflections of a more basic disturbance of thought. At the end of the study based on this hypothesis patients were concluded to have simplified speech in addition to the disorganized speech defined in the field. The reason for this simplification is thought to be because of the predicate processing in the brain. The complement of a verb is always a noun phrase, which can be simple or complex, the patients tended to use nominal predicates more as it did not require any constituents and thus they simlified their speech because of their language and thought disorders.
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Dror, Yehudit. "Cohesive substitution in the Qurʼān." Lingua Posnaniensis 59, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2017-0011.
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Abstract This article describes the use of cohesive substitution in the Qurʼān. In Halliday and Hasan’s model of cohesion, this term refers to the replacement of one syntactic item by another; this article asks several questions in this regard: How is cohesive substitution realized in the Qurʼān? What items does it replace? Why is it used? The study finds that there are only a few cases of cohesive substitution in the Qurʼān, and the nominal and verbal substitution operate in the Qurʼān as they do in English. In that language, the forms one and the same are employed for nominal substitution. In the Qurʼān the forms ʼaḥad “one” (sg. masc.), ʼiḥdā “one” (sg. fem.) and miṯlu ḏālika “the same” can be considered equivalent to the English form one and the same. Verbal substitution in Arabic is realized by the verb yaf’alu “he will do,” “he does” (and is not followed by the anaphoric pronoun ḏālika “that”), replacing only the verb without its complement. No occurrences of clausal substitutions were found because usually variations of anaphoric reference (e.g., ḏālika “that” or ka-ḏālika “like that”) were used instead. From a pragmatic viewpoint, cohesive substitution is used to prevent repetition of the same word found in the immediately preceding clause.
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Ospina-Caicedo, Ana Isabel, Alex Darío Cardona-Rincón, Juan Manuel Bello-Gualtero, Rafael Valle-Oñate, Consuelo Romero-Sánchez, Philippe Chalem-Choueka, and Gloria Vásquez Duque. "Lower Levels of Vitamin D Associated with Disease Activity in Colombian Patients with Systemic Lupus Erythematosus." Current Rheumatology Reviews 15, no. 2 (April 5, 2019): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1573397114666181015161547.
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Background: Systemic Lupus Erythematosus (SLE) involves genetic, environmental, and hormonal alterations, including Vitamin D deficiency. Objective: To evaluate the association between vitamin D levels with anti-dsDNA, complement proteins, immunoglobulins levels and disease activity scores. Methods: : A cross-sectional study was performed. The levels of 25-OH vitamin D were measured in patients older than 18 years with SLE according to ACR/97 [American College of Rheumatology 1997] from 2013 to 2015. The association was assessed by Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal Wallis tests for continuous variables, and by the Chi or Fisher exact test for the nominal variables. Results: Sixty-nine patients were included; 82% were women; the mean age was 38.5 years; 36.2% had low levels of vitamin D with higher consumption [p=0.006] of C4 and C3 complement proteins, plus higher levels of anti-dsDNA. Lower values of vitamin D were observed in patients with moderate to severe activity [p=0.0001] by SLEDAI [Systemic Lupus Erythematosus Activity Index] and general domain [p=0.039] and renal domain [p=0.009] by BILAG [British Isles Lupus Assessment Group] 2004. The mean vitamin D levels were higher in the group not receiving steroids when compared to those groups with dosages of 0.5-1mg/kg/d [p=0.048]. Conclusion: Lower levels of vitamin D are associated with greater complement protein consumption and higher disease activity rates. Therefore, it is important to evaluate vitamin D supplementation in patients with SLE as part of the treatment, especially when it includes the use of steroids.</P>
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Michelioudakis, Dimitris, and Nikos Angelopoulos. "Selecting roots: the view from compounding." Linguistic Review 36, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2019-2023.
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Abstract We investigate how saturation of different theta-roles by the non-head constituent correlates with derivational suffixes and, in turn, with the event structures compatible with those suffixes. We also investigate XP realisations of themes, causers and instruments in deverbal nominal and participial constructions and which ±agentive and/or ±process/episodic sub-readings allow which type of argument. It turns out that for each theta-role, the contexts that allow an XP realisation are exactly the complement of the contexts that would allow compounding of that same theta-role. We take this complementarity to be an indirect argument in favour of (i) divorcing argument licensing from argument selection and (ii) dissociating argument introduction from event-structure-related heads, which then potentially reaffirms the role of roots in (first phase) syntax.
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VAN EYNDE, FRANK. "NP-internal agreement and the structure of the noun phrase." Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 1 (March 2006): 139–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226705003713.
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For the analysis of the noun phrase, the treatment which currently prevails in generative grammar is the one in which the head of the noun phrase is identified with the determiner, rather than with the noun. This D(et)P treatment has the advantage of providing a uniform account of all syntactic categories, both the substantive and the functional ones, and it provides a natural way to capture the co-occurrence restrictions between nouns and determiners, but it also faces a number of empirical problems. To solve them I propose an analysis in which the head of the noun phrase is identified with the noun, but in which the advantages of the DP treatment are incorporated as much as possible. This is done in two steps. First, I argue that the requirement (or the desirability) of a uniform treatment of all syntactic categories does not by itself favour the DP treatment, since there is no empirical evidence for the postulation of a separate syntactic category for the determiners. The argumentation is mainly based on an analysis of NP-internal agreement data and leads to the conclusion that the class of determiners is syntactically heterogeneous: there are the adjectival determiners, which are subject to morpho-syntactic agreement, and (pro)nominal ones, which are exempt from this agreement. Second, I dissociate the roles of head and selector. All prenominals, both the specifying and the modifying ones, are treated as functors which select a nominal head, rather than as heads which select a nominal complement. This functor treatment accounts in a natural and straightforward way for both morpho-syntactic agreement and semantic types of agreement. The language which is used for exemplification is Dutch, but at various points comparisons are made with German and English.
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Leu, Thomas. "The internal syntax of jeder ‘every’." Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2009 9 (December 31, 2009): 153–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.9.05leu.
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In this paper I explore the elements that make up the German distributive universal quantifier jeder, and the structural relationships among them. I argue that jeder consists of three overt morphemes je-d-er, which are heads in an extended adjectival projection (xAP). Their relative order is derived by movement [ xAP je d er t jeP]. Je corresponds to the adjectival stem, -d- is an adjectival article (which in turn is analyzed as a relative complementizer) and -er is an agreement head, AgrA. The xAP further contains movement traces/ copies of the nominal which jeder quantifies over. One of these copies is in the complement of je where, I claim, it supplies the restriction (distributive key or range). The components of the proposal are all motivated independently of jeder: (i) the morphology of jeder identifies it as adjectival, hence an analysis of it must incorporate an (independently motivated) adjectival syntax; (ii) a comparison with the distributive dual quantifier beid- ‘both’ further informs the syntactic analysis internal to the word jeder; and (iii) a comparison of je in jeder and in other je-words suggests that je takes an N(P) complement, a fact that confirms the expectations regarding the selectional properties of je raised by the preceding discussion. Finally, a comparison of jeder with counterparts of it in other languages, as well as with other complex determiners in German, will broaden the scope and corroborate important aspects of the present proposal.
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Yang, Yaqing. "Rektionskomposita im Deutschen und im Chinesischen." Studia Germanica Posnaniensia, no. 39 (April 26, 2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sgp.2018.39.12.
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The subject of this article are nominal compounds in German and Chinese which are assigned to the class of synthetic compounds. Such compounds are based on a verb stem, to which are added lexical morphemes and/or suffixes anchored in the grammar and semantics of the (verbal) head. In German, the verb with the suffix forms a derivative which, as the basic word, selects an argument (object or subject) in function of the determinative word. In this way, a government relationship is established between the constituents of the compound. This applies equally to action nouns and agent nouns. In Chinese, there are not formal exponents of the action noun, so the analysis had to be limited to agent nouns. In their derivation, the verb stem and its object mostly form a constituent that acts as a complement of the agent exponent. The examination of such synthetic compounds is carried out from the perspective of the argument.
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Lindström, Liina, and Kristel Uiboaed. "Syntactic variation in ‘need’-constructions in Estonian dialects." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 40, no. 3 (November 29, 2017): 313–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586517000191.
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The article contributes new data and findings to the growing field of corpus-based dialect syntax research. The focus of the paper is on variation in ‘need’-constructions (tarvis/vaja olema+ nominal complement/infinitive ‘need to’) based on the corpus of Estonian dialects. Our purpose was to demonstrate the complex nature of syntactic variation, constrained geographically, individually or by language-internal factors. The study takes a corpus-based quantitative approach to observing the geographical spread of linguistic units. We apply conditional inference tree and random forests models to capture the (co)varying parts of the construction studied. Our results show that variation in different parts of constructions is influenced by different factors, both geographical and language-internal. Lexical variation (adverbtarvis‘need’ orvaja‘need’) and omission of the copula are clearly geographically distributed, while omission of the experiencer is determined mainly by language-internal factors. However, the study has also found extensive inter-individual differences.
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KALTENBÖCK, GUNTHER. "On the syntactic and semantic status of anticipatory it." English Language and Linguistics 7, no. 2 (October 29, 2003): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674303001096.
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So-called anticipatory it has been variously classified as a semantically empty prop it, as a referential pronoun, and as a category with an inherently cataphoric function. This article, which is based on a corpus study of actually occurring instances of anticipatory it, examines some of the arguments put forward for each of these classifications and – following Bolinger (1977) – argues for an analysis as ‘definite nominal’ with some referential force which can establish a referential link with a clausal constituent in the immediate context. As such, anticipatory it takes an intermediate position between prop it and referring it, all of which are linked by a scale of gradience specifying their scope of reference (wide vs. narrow). This view of anticipatory it, which allows for both anaphoric and cataphoric reference, can account for all informational types of it-extraposition as well as it-extraposition with complement omission, and provides a possible explanation for cases of it-omission.
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GOŹDŹ-ROSZKOWSKI, Stanisław. "Signalling Sites of Contention in Judicial Discourse. An Exploratory Corpus- Based Analysis of Selected Stance Nouns in US Supreme Court Opinions and Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal Judgments." Comparative Legilinguistics 32 (December 6, 2017): 91–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cl.2017.32.4.
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This paper adopts a comparative, corpus-based perspective to examine the language of judicial justification. Based on substantial corpus data, the study explores one of the linguistics resources, i.e. head nouns (e.g. assumption, belief, notion, etc.) followed by a nominal complement in the form of that-clause in two comparable legal settings: the opinions given in the United States Supreme Court and the judgements handed down by Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal. The findings corroborate the results of previous research which shows that nouns found in this pattern are used to perform various discourse functions but evaluation plays a central role in judicial writing and these nouns are used to signal sites of contentions. The study reveals the general similarity between the two sets of data suggesting that American and Polish judicial writing is underpinned by essentially the same epistemological assumptions. Yet, there are some differences in the way the nouns behave phraseologically. Polish nouns tend to show less collocational variation and they are found performing fewer discourse functions.
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Haddican, William, and Eytan Zweig. "The syntax of manner quotative constructions in English and Dutch." Linguistic Variation 12, no. 1 (December 3, 2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.12.1.01had.
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This paper proposes an account of some properties of the manner quotative constructions be like [Quote] in English and hebben (zo)iets van [Quote] in Dutch. We make two main claims about these constructions. First, in the spirit of Rothstein’s (1999) proposal for adjectival predicates of copula be, we propose that eventive direct speech interpretations of these quotatives are derived via a coercion mechanism akin to those that make count readings out of mass nouns in the nominal domain. Second, adapting a proposal for be like originally made by Kayne (2007), we propose that some exceptional syntactic properties of be like as a quote introducer in English are explained by the presence of a silent something quantifier, which takes a like-headed PP as its complement. We compare English be like quotatives with innovative (zo)iets van quotative constructions in Dutch, which contain an overt something quantifier and behave similarly. Keywords: quotative; English; Dutch; copula; event; coercion; have/be alternations
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Li, Chao, and John Gibson. "Spatial Price Differences and Inequality in the People's Republic of China: Housing Market Evidence." Asian Development Review 31, no. 1 (March 2014): 92–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/adev_a_00024.
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The large literature on regional inequality in the People's Republic of China (PRC) is hampered by incomplete evidence on price dispersion across space, making it hard to distinguish real and nominal inequality. The two main methods used to calculate spatial deflators have been to price a national basket of goods and services across different regions in the country or else to estimate a food Engel curve and define the deflator as that needed for nominally similar households to have the same food budget shares in all regions. Neither approach is convincing with the data available. Moreover, a focus on tradable goods such as food may be misplaced because of the emerging literature on the rapid convergence of traded goods prices within the PRC that contrasts with earlier claims of fragmented internal markets. In a setting where traded goods prices converge rapidly, the main source of price dispersion across space should come from nontraded items, and especially from housing given the fixity of land. In this paper we use newly available data on dwelling sales in urban PRC to develop spatially-disaggregated indices of house prices which are then used as spatial deflators for both provinces and core urban districts. These new deflators complement existing approaches that have relied more on traded goods prices and are used to re-examine the evidence on the level of regional inequality. Around one-quarter of the apparent spatial inequality disappears once account is taken of cost-of-living differences.
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Barbosa, Pilar P. "pro as a Minimal nP: Toward a Unified Approach to Pro-Drop." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 3 (June 2019): 487–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00312.
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In this article, I examine the properties of the partial null subject languages (NSLs) when compared with the consistent and the discourse pro-drop languages and argue that the same basic mechanism underlies pro-drop in partial as well as discourse pro-drop: namely, null NP anaphora, as originally proposed in Tomioka 2003 for discourse pro-drop. The two sets of languages show a correlation between the occurrence of null arguments and the availability of a bare nominal in argument position. I suggest that the null element is a default, minimally specified nominal—the same item that arguably appears as a complement of D in pronouns. It is a proform that minimally consists of the categorizing head n, lacking a root, the meaning of which is ‘entity’ (a property that is trivially true of any individual in the domain). nP introduces a variable that may be bound under Existential Closure, yielding the impersonal interpretation; otherwise, its denotation is type-shifted to an individual (ɩ) under the appropriate conditions. The crosslinguistic differences found in the interpretation of the null subject depend on the resources available in particular languages for application of ɩ type-shifting: the (bare NP) languages that lack such resources only have quasi-argumental and impersonal null subjects (semi pro-drop languages). Finally, I show that the idea that pro reduces to [nP e] can also be successfully extended to the consistent NSLs, provided it is assumed that, in this type of NSL, the head bearing agreement morphology bears a D-feature and interpretable ϕ-features.
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Apóstolo Campos, Ednalvo, and Larissa Da Costa Arrais. "UM ESTUDO DE COMPLEMENTOS DO TIPO ‘SMALL CLAUSE’ EM ORAÇÕES COPULARES." Letras Escreve 7, no. 2 (May 10, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18468/letras.2017v7n2.p49-66.
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<p>Neste artigo, abordamos os complementos de orações copulares tratadas tradicionalmente como orações com predicado nominal e verbo-nominal, mas direcionamo-nos, sobretudo, ao predicado nominal. Discutimos as implicações sintáticas e teóricas de construções como as do tipo “é nós/nóis”, “tamo junto”, “tamo aí”, “tamo na área”, partindo da classificação proposta pela Gramática Tradicional sobre os predicados nominais e verbo-nominais para, então, chegar à noção de pequena oração, que se desenvolveu dentro do modelo teórico de Princípios e Parâmetros em estudos já clássicos sobre complementos de verbos copulares. Defendemos que as sentenças copulares analisadas podem ser entendidas como pequenas orações formadas por expressões cristalizadas compostas por sintagmas nominais, adjetivais, preposicionais ou adverbiais, sem alçamento visível para a posição canônica de sujeito.</p>
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Simonović, Marko, and Petra Mišmaš. "√ov Is in the Air." Linguistica 60, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.60.1.83-102.
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In this paper we consider several instances of the Slovenian affix ov, which surfaces in many, apparently unrelated contexts. Here we focus on (i) ov in verbs, where it can act as an imperfectivizer or a verbalizer, (ii) ov found in possessive adjectives and kind adjectives derived from nouns, (iii) ov which precedes the adjectiviser (e)n in denominal adjectives, and (iv) ov in nominal declension (acting as a genitive case ending in dual and plural or as a dual/plural augment). Building on the observation that certain affixes function either as inflectional or as derivational (see Simonović and Arsenijević 2020), and working within a Distributed Morphology approach which postulates that derivational affixes should be analyzed as roots (e.g. Lowenstamm 2014), we argue for a single multifunctional ov. This ov is a potentially meaningless root that can take as a complement other roots (thus forming a “radical core”) or phrases, resulting in different structures and consequently different stress patterns and meanings, but can also act as an Elsewhere allomorph, whose insertion is guided by an interplay of phonological and morphological constraints.
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Cichosz, Anna. "The V-2 rule in Old English conjunct clauses." Folia Linguistica 39, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 253–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2018-0010.
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Abstract This study shows that Old English conjunct clauses, i.e. main declarative clauses introduced by the coordinating conjunctions and and ac, resemble non-conjunct main clauses as far as the V-2 rule is concerned. Most importantly, this study reveals that the mechanism of SV inversion observed in OE conjunct clauses works according to all the principles defined for non-conjunct main clauses. The only difference, driven by the main discourse function of conjunct clauses, is that the clause-initial element in these clauses is usually the subject. However, if the subject is preceded by some other fronted constituent (e.g. an object, a complement, an adverb or a prepositional phrase), SV inversion is typical with nominal subjects, while personal pronoun subjects are only inverted if the clause-initial constituent belongs to a limited set of adverbs, i.e. þa and þonne (‘then’). In this way, this study reveals that the difference between Old English conjunct and non-conjunct main clauses is not as clear-cut as has traditionally been suggested.
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Zribi-Hertz, Anne. "Possessive Anaphora." Coherence and Anaphora 10 (January 1, 1996): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.10.07zri.
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Abstract. The starting point of this paper is the apparent semantic symmetry between English and French pairs of examples like The name Mary, uses is not hers,/The name Mary, uses is not her, own and Le nom que Mariei utilise n est pas a ellezLe nom que Mariez utilise n'est pas le sienz. I will argue that this first-glance equivalence is misleading. In English, the possessive complement of a copular construction is ambiguous between a narrowly "possessive" reading and an elliptical relational reading. The former translates into French as a + DP, and the latter as le mienltienlsien... In both languages, the possessive predicate includes no empty nominal. English elliptical possessive DPs may include the adjunct own (his own [e]), an option which has no counterpart in French. I argue that all the interpretive features of the possessive expressions in the sentences at hand are rooted in their morphological or syntactic properties. Even logophoricity is a semantic effect of some formal properties of complex expressions of the him+self type.