Journal articles on the topic 'Nobility – history'

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1

Palamarchuk, Anastasia A. "Heraldic Tracts in the Tudor and Stuart England." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 69, no. 1 (2024): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2024.106.

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In the late 16th–17th centuries both heraldic and chivalric practices and heraldic literature were flourishing in England. The article reconstructs the repertoire of the heraldic tracts written under the Tudors and the Early Stuarts. These sources represent an especially significant complex for the study of the rise of the social as an autonomous sphere. Heraldic and paraheraldic tracts can be divided into three categories in accordance with the structural organization of the texts: displays of heraldry, tracts about nobility, and catalogues of nobility. Each category is characterized by its peculiar themes within a broad heraldic spectrum. The tracts concerning nobility revealed the substance of the phenomenon, defined and structured its analytical parameters; therefore, the boundaries of the nobility were determined and specified. Heraldic displays, in addition to their practical and didactic functions, visualized the abstract notion of “nobility” and impressed this concept upon the minds due to a wide range of associations, which were revived in the process of interpretation of the heraldic symbols. Finally, the catalogues of the nobility concretized nobilitas in its visible boundaries and/or historical dynamics. Taken as an intertext owing to the compilations and mutual citations, these three types of the heraldic narratives created the space where the autonomization of the social was developing. The crucial factor in this process was the multi-dimensional nature of the definition of the concept of nobility. The evolution of the heraldic tracts illustrated important and large-scale processes: 1) the evolution of the perception of the English constitution not as the corpus of practices, but as the complex of practices and texts, which not only fixed the custom but also made its interpretation possible; 2) the rise of the social in the Early Modern intellectual discourse.
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2

Robiglio, Andrea. "The Thinker as a Noble Man (bene natus) and Preliminary Remarks on the Medieval Concepts of Nobility." Vivarium 44, no. 2 (2006): 205–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853406779159428.

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AbstractThe late medieval discussion of 'nobility' (= nobilitas, dignitas) defined in philosophical terms (as opposed to other social notions like 'aristocracy'), produced a large number of writings, many of which are still unedited. Nevertheless, modern philosophical historiography (developed throughout the seventeenth century and reaching its first apogee with Hegel) has neglected the conceptual debates on nobility. Perhaps having assumed it to be a dead relic of the 'pre-illuminist' past, historians and philosophers understood 'nobility' as a non-philosophical issue and so it still appears in contemporary scholarship. The first aim of this essay is to draw attention to this issue by presenting a sort of preliminary catalogue of the different types of conceptualizations of 'mobility'. By exploring the meanings and philosophical employment of the expressions 'bene nasci' and 'bene natus', this article also reveals a new aspect of the Aristotelian notion of magnanimity.
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3

Huliuk, Ihor. "Modern Ukrainian Historiography about the Everyday Life of the Early Modern Nobility." Ukrainian Studies, no. 1(82) (May 31, 2022): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.1(82).2022.255049.

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The article analyzes the approaches in modern Ukrainian historiography to coverage of the everyday life problems of the early modern nobility. It is emphasized that the study of this problem has been tendentious and superficial for a long time. Attention is paid to the fact that in the 19th century it was due to the perception of the Commonwealth as a state of other nations, in which the Ukrainian nobility lost its identity and gradually assimilated with the Polish one. The 20th-century’s studies of this topic were significantly influenced by the historiography of the Soviet era, both because of the Marxist-Leninist research methodology and the limited communication with Western European scholars. It is pointed out that such interpretations and distancing from the history of the nobility had a negative effect on the study of the life realities of this community, and accordingly on the understanding of the characteristics of Ukrainian early modern times.The works of modern historians dedicated to the everyday life of the nobility are considered. It is established that the greatest contribution to the development of this aspect was made by N. Yakovenko, I. Voronchuk, M. Dovbyshchenko, and N. Starchenko. Emphasis is placed on the active development of the genealogy of the Ukrainian nobility. The assessment of the identity of an early modern nobleman in modern works is considered, which allows observing the multiplicity of his self-perception (awareness of belonging to local groups and a sense of homeland). Basing on the analyzed works of Ukrainian historians, it is proved that the aristocratic everyday life’s conflicts were regulated and controlled by the community itself. The discussion about the number of the nobility and the strategies of a nobleman in the private space, which was determined by one’s family and court, is considered. The opinions of Ukrainian researchers on the problems of religious conversions and the presence of the sacred in the worldview of the nobility are compared.The problems of nobility’s everyday life, which require additional research (history of local aristocratic groups, economic activity of the nobility, the concept of labor and leisure, consumption culture, history of clothing, intellectual needs, etc.), are distinguished.
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Fyodorov, Sergey E. "Debate on the True Nobility and Social Classifications of the Nobility in the Early Modern Antiquarian Corpora." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 68, no. 3 (2023): 712–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2023.310.

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The present article examines the impact of the 15th-century Renaissance debate on the true nobility on social beliefs of the English antiquarians of the 16th and 17th centuries. It is based on textual corpora of J. Ferne, T. Milles, J. Selden, M. Carter, and other well-known early modern intellectuals. The author of the article believes that a persistent tendency towards a coherent description and classification of nobility and more broadly — of any social group within the early modern British society — is inseparably connected with the antiquarian tradition of the 16th and 17th centuries. It was within this tradition that so called epistemological turn emerged that led to discursive fragmentation of the entire social order as well as social groups which formed its entirety and complexity. The antiquarian framing of all complexities of social order was based not only on the rejection of an idea of institutional entity — crucial for the medieval corporate theory. In contrast to corporate-functional homogeneity and consistency, it introduced particular group-wide characteristics. These features opened up opportunities for remodeling of the ancient regime with consideration of diversity inherent in social indicia. Nobilitas in the antiquarian texts acquired at least two interconnected meanings. The term was used as a reference to an assemblage of an entire nobility and in this way was very close to a group-wide identity. At the same time, it denoted a total gentility and, in this context, reflected the very complex of Aristotelian and Stoic understanding of the true nobility.
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5

Holste, Karsten, and Dietlind Huchtker. "Le arene del mutamento elitario nell'Europa dell'800." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077007.

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- Arenas of Élite Change in 19th Century Europe is a group research project. At the core of the investigation are the places of élite-building in the 19th century, and how concrete "compromises" between old and new élites were arrived at. The aim is to get beyond certain normative historiographical paradigms, particularly those related to research on "bourgeoisie", "nobility", and central-eastern Europe.Key words: Central-eastern Europe, 19th century, élites, bourgeoisie, nobility. Parole chiave: Europa centro-orientale, '800, élites, borghesia, nobiltŕ.
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6

Figeac, Michel. "Explosion in the History of the Nobility in French Historiography." Historical Studies on Central Europe 1, no. 2 (December 3, 2021): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47074/hsce.2021-2.01.

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For the past thirty years, the history of the nobility has been one of the fields of social history that have mobilized most researchers. This trend is largely due to the interest shown in new family collections, in correspondence and in private writings. We see this abundant mass of publications as being the reflection of the diversity of the nobility. A first block of authors have isolated noble categories: parliamentary nobility, “second” order nobility, poor nobility, etc. A second type of research has focused on personages emblematic of their milieus, and finally, some historians have been interested in comparisons with other European aristocracies. The second section of the article will show how the transformations of the monarchical state engendered mutations in the second order. Finally, it will be shown how scholarship on social changes has more particularly studied differences between town and country, material culture and mobility and noble culture.
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7

Margreiter, Klaus. "The Notion of Nobility and the Impact of Ennoblement on Early Modern Central Europe." Central European History 52, no. 03 (September 2019): 382–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000736.

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AbstractThis article discusses the problem of why there was a constant demand for ennoblement in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Central Europe, even though those who aspired to it had little or no prospect of integration into the established feudal nobility. Nobility was first and foremost an ideological concept closely connected to power and rule. The Holy Roman emperors ennobled persons who exercised power precisely because, in the premodern social order, the exercise of power was a prerogative of the nobility. However, the newly ennobled had only their title in common with the old aristocratic families and rarely attained the other privileges enjoyed by these families. For this reason, the emperors’ practice of ennoblement gradually reshaped the nobility as a whole and simultaneously the ideological notion of nobility. Certainly, ennoblement still served a strategic purpose in the context of social advancement. Particularly for civil servants and military officers, it was the most effective means of preserving their newly acquired status for their descendants and possibly establishing their families in a new bureaucratic and military hereditary elite, which in some places coexisted with the old aristocracy. The central element of the new ideological concept was the notion of the nobility as a hereditary ruling class, both qualified for and entitled to the exercise of power on account of inherited superiority.
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8

Klietkutė, Jolanta. "Genealogy of Mongirdai Nobility." Bibliotheca Lituana 6 (December 20, 2019): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bibllita.2018.vi.8.

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The Author dealswith the forgotten history of the Mongird family of Samogitia. After conductinganalysis of Mongirdai family, genealogical table was compiled. According to statististics, extended family was active in both number of persons and in geographical distribution. Mongird(as) descendantsspread over much of the territory of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth – formally, the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and, after 1791, the Commonwealth of Poland and Tsar Russia (Russian Empire). Family itself Most members of the extended family bacame of priests, doctors,officers, artists, and public figures. For example, two brothers Vladislovas and Vytautas from a Mongird Mišučiai Manor became well known active participants inthe Lithuanian – Polish Nationalrevival back in 1863–1864. Their cousin patriot Vaclovas, a resident of Vilnius Town, who was fighting in the ranks of Polish Legion, and cousin Jadvyga Mongirdaitė were laid in Vilnius Pameriai Memorial. Their Grandmother Michalina Bankauskaitė was a great supporter of a Revival of 1863–1864. There are some unsolved relations and issues between the names of Mangirdaitis and Mongirdas that have notbeen identified yet. In the other words, Lithuanian genealogists and other researchers stillhave to work diligently (closely) to investigate and revive the history of this old Mongird tribe.
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9

Martin, Alexander M. "The Alienated Russian Nobility?" Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 21, no. 4 (2020): 861–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2020.0044.

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10

Marion, Michael. "Lukowski, The European Nobility In The Eighteenth Century." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 30, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.30.2.96-97.

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As the title suggests, this book offers readers an exhaustive history of the customs, beliefs, rituals, and mores of the European nobility in the eighteenth century. The book has much to recommend it. For one, it is organized thematically, with each chapter addressing a particular aspect of noble life, from marriage, to economics, to education, to inheritance. By eschewing a chronological format, Professor Lukowski is able to present the history of the European nobility in a much more comprehensive and diverse fashion, giving the reader a fascinating glimpse into the everyday life of Europe. For another, the author considers nobility as a European wide phenomenon and in doing so he is able to demonstrate the notion that the institution of "nobility" was not a static one and varied greatly across the European continent, particularly between East and West.
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11

Юрій Миколайович Поліщук. "THE «POLISH QUESTION» IN THE POLITICS OF RUSSIAN TSARISM ON THE RIGHT-BANK OF UKRAINE (LATE 18TH - MIDDLE 19TH CENTURY)." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111811.

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Annotation: In the article, taking into account the achievements of Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the results of the research of the policy of Russian tsarism concerning the Polish population of the Right-Bank Ukraine since the annexation of the land to the Russian Empire and the Polish uprising of 1863 - 1864 were presented.It is established that in the late XVIII century on the territory of the Right-Bank Ukraine lived icon is the number of poles, which the vast majority belonged to the nobility which has been characterized by economic and social equality. However, all of them were Polish patriots. The Poles in the region were the second largest after the Ukrainians. They occupied a dominant position in both economic and political and cultural life. Therefore, immediately after the annexation of the region, "the Polish question" became a priority problem of the Russian tsars. Because the Empire was desperately needed to blow up on the Right Bank of Ukraine, the economic position of the Polish nobility, to eliminate its political clout, cultural opportunities, and to destroy even the memory of the existence of the Polish state.The author distinguishes five periods of activity of the institutes of state administration of the Russian Empire in the ethnopolitical space of the Right Bank Ukraine and analyzes three of them that fall into the chronological boundaries of this study. In particular, the steps taken by St. Petersburg to limit the access of the Poles to the authorities of the province, and to reduce the economic potential by reducing their land tenure have been analyzed. On the basis of the analysis of the legislative framework, the steps of the Russian tsarist regime have been defined for the transfer of the vast majority of the Polish gentry to tax regimes, the attraction of the Russian population to the right bank of the Russian Federation and an increase in its land tenure at the expense of the lands of the Polish nobility. It was established that the result of such a policy was the practice of leaving a part of the Polish elite of the territory of the Right-bank Ukraine. As a rule, they were representatives of the gentry, who did not abandon the idea of restoration of the Polish state. All this led to a decrease in the number of Polish population in the region. However, as evidenced by further events, the spirit of Poles failed to break. A large part of them supported a new uprising against the rule of the Russian Empire.
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12

Gołaszewski, Łukasz. "Dziesięcina w dawnym prawie polskim XVI–XVIII wieku na tle europejskim." Studia Iuridica, no. 88 (December 13, 2021): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2021-88.5.

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The article is shortly describing the history of tithes in the Kingdom of Poland and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. During the 16–18 centuries, the nobility achieved their primary goals: 1. establishing the conversion of tithes in sheaves or grains into money, 2. determining the nobility’s courts as exclusively appropriate in cases about tithes. However, tithes in different parts of Europe were subject to, sometimes similar, changes. Consequently, the article describes the history of tithes in England, France, Germany, and other countries. Consequently, this topic is perceived as interesting for comparative studies, especially about the oneri reali.
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13

Blokhin, Valeriy F. "Collective Political Portrait of Landlords of the Oryol Province." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 718–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.303.

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Within the previous work during the launch of the project “Implementation of the reform from February 19, 1861 in the Oryol province (experience of computer analysis of mass sources)” the topics touched upon were not only the ones which were based on the analysis of mass sources, but also some scenarios related to the aspects of the socio-economic situation in the region were developed. The work was continued, and some observations made during the preliminary study are given in the presented article. The key point here is the discussion of problems related to the “determination of the grounds” for the development of the position of the provincial nobility with regards to existing at that time correlation of interests between the supreme power, bureaucratic reformers and landowners. The author attempts to outline a collective portrait of the representatives of the landowning and agrarian-industrial local nobility of the Oryol province. This period in question was the peak of the political activity of the local nobility, a time when subjective and personal factors in the preparation of the peasant reform were fully manifested. The representatives of the Oryol nobility had different motives that determined their attitude to the upcoming abolition of serfdom. The study of a wide variety of differences in the views of the local nobility, the analysis of the factors that determined their views in these conditions, will help broaden the understanding of the foundations of the upcoming transformations and the level of historical responsibility of the main estate of the country.
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Chernikova, Nataliia, and Iryna Karpan. "O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200111.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.
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15

Crisp, Roger. "Nobility in the Nicomachean Ethics." Phronesis 59, no. 3 (June 3, 2014): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685284-12341267.

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AbstractThis paper suggests that we understand Aristotle’s notion of nobility (τὸ καλόν) as what is morally praiseworthy, arguing that nobility is not to be understood impartially, that Aristotle is an egoist at the level of justification (though not at the level of motivation), and that he uses the idea of the noble as a bridge between self-interest and moral virtue. Implications for contemporary ethics are discussed.
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Singh, Abha. "Nobility Under the Mughals (1628–1658)." Indian Historical Review 30, no. 1-2 (January 2003): 204–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360303000213.

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17

Gorskaya, Natalia Ivanovna. "Smolensk nobility against the government: from the history of the abolition of serfdom in Russia." Российская история, no. 1 (February 15, 2023): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2949124x23010054.

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The article analyzes the participation of the Smolensk nobility in the discussion of the peasant question in Russia in 1847-1859. The author focuses on the perception of government initiatives by the Smolensk nobility, its reaction to plans to abolish serfdom before the rescripts and during their discussion. The article shows that the local «program» of the abolition of serfdom in general was formed during the work of country meetings, before the opening of the provincial committee; that the government, involving the provincial nobility in the preparation of the reform, saw in him only an unquestioning executor of the orders of the center, that it was the clash of state and local interests that led to consolidation of Smolensk landowners, who defended the possibility of preserving farms even after the abolition of serfdom.
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18

Eurich, S. Amanda, and Jonathan Dewald. "The European Nobility, 1400-1800." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 4 (1997): 1339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543597.

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19

G K, Agney. "Discerning the Antecedents of Land Tenure and Military Nobility in Feudal Japan since the 7th Century." Lecture Notes on History 1, no. 1 (2018): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.23977/history.2018.11001.

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20

Soley, Teresa. "The chivalric tomb in fifteenth-century Portugal." Sculpture Journal: Volume 30, Issue 3 30, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sj.2021.30.3.2.

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The fifteenth-century Portuguese nobility was a proud and image-conscious social group that transformed tombs into opportunities for self-promotion. Manifesting changing conceptualizations of history and agency, the nobility’s elaborately sculpted sepulchres also reveal the means of successful social advancement in this society. The ruling dynasty of Avís encouraged the chivalric ethos of the long fifteenth century to exert control over the powerful nobility and validate their expansionist agenda in Africa. This profoundly shaped the visual idiom of funerary sculpture, resulting in the emergence of the ‘chivalric tomb’ in Portugal. Taking advantage of the blurred lines between chivalry and politics and between history and propaganda, Portuguese aristocrats began to manipulate their posthumous images to construct enduring, positive legacies in the public imagination. Aristocratic Portuguese tombs remain virtually untapped sources of social-historical information, particularly through their display of consistent commemorative strategies ranging from genealogical epitaphs to figural portrayals of Africans. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and archival research and offering a close examination of these monuments through visual, literary and historical evidence, this article explores the artistic intersection of death and memory in late medieval Portuguese society and elucidates how aristocratic funerary monuments performed a persuasive, as well as memorial, function.
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Drozdowski, Mariusz R. "Political Reasons for Khmelnitsky Uprising from the Perspective of the Polish-Lithuanian Nobility." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 4 (2021): 1149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.407.

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The article discusses the political reasons for Khmelnytsky uprising in the opinions of the nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The outbreak of the Cossack insurrection led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky at the beginning of 1648, which immediately involved broad strata of the Ukrainian society and quickly transformed into a national liberation war, caused terror among noblemen. An additional factor influencing the mood of the nobility was the growing awareness of Khmelnytsky’s political ambitions, whose realization posed a deadly threat to the current political system of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This article is largely devoted to discussing the views of the nobility on the subject of political motives encouraging the Cossacks to armed resistance against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which fundamentally influenced its assessment of the nature of the uprising. Detailed analysis of correspondence, seimiks’ resolutions (lauda) and instructions as well as certain fictional and journalistic sources is provided. The article emphasizes that there was a conviction among the nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the political motives of the Cossack uprising. This conviction was mainly based on the news about Khmelnytsky’s aspirations to separate Ukraine and to build an independent state entity referred to as the Russian Principality. Understanding by the gentry of the emancipatory aspirations of the insurgents had a huge impact on the nature of the Commonwealth policy the towards events in Ukraine in the second half of the seventeenth century.
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Parker, D. "Crown and Nobility in Early Modern France." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.708.

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Buisseret, David. "State and nobility in early modern France." Historical Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 1097–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002478x.

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Лисейцев, Д. В. "Костромские “выборные дети боярские” в 1612-1618 гг.: провинциальное дворянство на исходе Смуты." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 3 (2013): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04703009.

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This article is devoted to changes that took place during the final stage of the Time of Troubles (1612-1618) at the top of the Kostroma provincial nobility – among vybornye deti boiarskie. By studying the collective biography of the Kostroma nobility of this category, it can be concluded that during the Troubles the top layer of the provincial nobility received a unique opportunity to enhance their own welfare and to have more successful careers. At the beginning of the XVII century the Kostroma district ceased to be a place of exile for proscribed nobles, due to which local noble families received an opportunity to lead the gentry militiamen of their district and to promote their own representatives at the Sovereign’s court (Gosudarev dvor).
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Laužikas, Rimvydas. "Consumption of Drinks as Representation of Community in the Culture of Nobility of the 17th–18th Centuries." Tautosakos darbai 51 (June 27, 2016): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/td.2016.28882.

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Drinks and customs related to their consumption play a special role in the social history (essentially, that of the human community). However, research of the customs of alcohol consumption in Lithuania (along with the history of daily life in general and the culture of the nobility’s daily life in particular) is rather sporadic so far. The article presents a research work in cultural anthropology on the alcohol consumption as means (or prerequisite) of achieving more important aims of religious, social, economic or other kind. Because of the big scope of research and low level of prior investigation, the subject of this article is limited to a single aspect – namely, the custom of drinking from the same glass; to the culture of only one social layer of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) – the nobility; and to a distinct period – the 17th–18th centuries. The aim of analysis is revealing sources of this custom, its development and meaning in the social community of the given period.According to the research, the GDL presented a sphere of interaction between the local pre-Christian Lithuanian culture, which had been developing for an incredibly long period – even until the end of the 15th century, and the Western European cultural tradition. The Western European culture, formed in the course of joining together elements of the antique heritage, the Christian worldview and the inculturized “Northern barbarism”, acquired in the 14th–16th century Lithuania one of its essential constituents – namely, the culture of the “Northern barbarism” still alive and functioning. On the other hand, the nobility of the GDL, raised in pre-Christian Lithuanian culture, had no trouble recognizing elements of its local heritage in the Western Christian culture. The local custom of drinking from the same glass characteristic to the higher social layers supposedly stemmed from the drinking horns. Along with Christianity and spread of the wine culture, the local pre-Christian custom of drinking from the same glass should have been abandoned by the nobility, surviving instead solely in the lower social classes. The western custom of drinking from the same glass spread in Lithuania along with Christianity and the wine consumption. However, its influence on the nobility was rather limited. In the 15th–16th centuries, when this custom was still rather widespread in Europe, the Lithuanian nobility was just beginning its acquaintance with the wine culture, while in the 17th–18th centuries, when the wine culture grew popular in Lithuania, the western-like custom of drinking from the same glass had already waned in other European countries. Therefore, the western custom of drinking from the same glass was rather a marginal phenomenon among the Lithuanian nobility, affected by the cultural exchange with the Polish nobility (which grew especially intense following the union of Lublin) and the ideology of Sarmatianism. The custom of drinking from the same glass disappeared in the culture of the Lithuanian nobility at the turn of the 18th–19th century due to the ideas of Enlightenment and the altered notions of healthy lifestyle and hygiene. However, drinking from the same glass, as a distant echo of the ancient customs representing social community was quite popular in the peasant culture as late as the end of the 20th – beginning of the 21st centuries.
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26

Bellamy, J. G., and Helen Miller. "Henry VIII and the English Nobility." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865725.

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27

Freed, John B. "Reflections on the Medieval German Nobility." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869131.

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28

Liu, Yi. "Clergy, nobility and crown in Decadência." História (São Paulo) 24, no. 1 (2005): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-90742005000100007.

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In the current work I intend to inquire into the internal motives that led the Portuguese seaborne empire to decadence. After making a brief review of the historiography about the decline of Estado da Índia, I proceed to the analysis of the Crown-Church-Nobility triangle in the course of os Descobrimentos, and of their respective roles in the evolution of Portuguese empire. The absolutization of the crown, the over-expansion of the clergy and the empowerment of the aristocracy became the most conspicuous and longstanding features in the Portuguese social fabric after the country launched herself into maritime undertakings, which crippled her agriculture and retarded the industrialization. As a consequence, the rise of bourgeoisie and the transformation of mercantilist economy into the capitalist were obstructed, and a strong adventurous but non-productive spirit mixed with disdain of manual work prevailed both in metropolis and in overseas territories. In conclusion, the Portuguese decadence commenced from within rather than from without, and far prior to Dutch intrusions in Portuguese Asia, which only accelerated the decline.
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29

Herlihy, Patricia, and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 1 (1987): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204755.

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30

Marcassa, Stefania, Jérôme Pouyet, and Thomas Trégouët. "Marriage strategy among the European nobility." Explorations in Economic History 75 (January 2020): 101303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2019.101303.

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31

Tuck, J. A. "The Emergence of a Northern Nobility, 1250–1400." Northern History 22, no. 1 (January 1986): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/007817286790616516.

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32

Dunbabin, J. "The Southern French Nobility and the Albigensian Crusade." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 492 (June 1, 2006): 905–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel149.

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33

Adamson, J. S. A. "Politics and the Nobility in Civil-War England." Historical Journal 34, no. 1 (March 1991): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014114.

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34

Loza, A. "NOBLE CUSTODIES OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE: HISTORIOGRAPHY AND ACT SOURCES OF STUDY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 149 (2021): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.7.

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The article presents historiographical and partial source analysis of the study of the Russian Empire noble custodies. It is determined that the study of custodies as a separate and full-fledged object has not gained wide popularity among historical practices. Works on noble custodies, or related to their study, are divided into three conditional thematic groups. In the first one, custodies are seen as a manifestation of the development of empire law in the field of guardianship and custody. In the second group custodies are treated with other corporate institutions: the gentry assembly and the position of marshal of nobility as one of institution that provided the estates and material rights and privileges of the nobility. The last group of studies has a noble custody as sole object of study and treat it from the different views: through the prism of the autonomy of the nobility, as another executive body of the branched bureaucratic system of the Russian Empire, or as a institution that was founded to help representatives of nobility and, on the other hand, to control them. It is worth noting the fact that complex works that would consider the noble custodies as an independent object are not common. At the same time, the informational power of the study of the noble custodies makes it possible to expand historians' knowledge about the history of the legislation in the field of guardianship, and to expand the prosopographic portrait of the nobility as a whole. The source bases of this article are: "Establishment for the Provinces of the Russian Empire", "Charter to the Nobility" and "Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire". Their study makes it possible to understand the basic principles of formation and functioning of these corporate institutions, the legal field of their activities and the changes that have been made in their functioning throughout the history of their existence.
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35

Gherasim, Cristina. "The Politics of the Russian Administration Concerning Nobility Titles in Bessarabia in the First Half of the XIXth Century." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi. Fascicula XIX, Istorie 16 (June 26, 2017): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2017.01.

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36

Zhitko, Anatolij. "Discriminative Economic Policy of the Russian Government Towards the Catholic Nobility of Belarus (Second Half of the 19th Century – the Beginning of the 20th Century)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.8.

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Introduction. The upper class of Belarus within the Russian Empire attracted the attention of researchers. However, the restrictive economic policy of the Russian government towards the nobility of the Roman Catholic faith has not been the subject of special study. The aim of the article is to identify the main aspects of the discriminative policy of the autocracy against the Catholic nobility of Belarus in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Methodology. The study is based on the fundamental principles of historical knowledge – historicism, objectivity, value-based approach, and traditional general scientific and concrete historical methods were used to implement the research tasks. Results. In 1858 in the Belarusian provinces the hereditary nobility made up one third of the upper class of the European part of Russia. The implementation of the “parsing the shliahta” policy led to a sharp reduction in the Catholic nobility by 1865. The government sought to economically undermine the economic activities of the Catholic nobility and equalize Russian and Catholic land ownership in the Belarusian region. This was reflected in the preferential sale of sequestered and confiscated estates, the prohibition of land purchases by Catholics, all kinds of fines and especially through contribution fee and a tax to support the Orthodox clergy. Conclusion. The government’s discriminative policy towards Catholic nobility was aimed at curbing the economic activity of “the Poles” in Belarus. The main elements of its implementation were the sequestration and confiscation of the estates of Catholics who directly or indirectly participated in the uprising of 1863–1864, various fines, the prohibition of the purchase of land holdings, contribution fee, taxes on maintaining the Orthodox Church, etc. At the same time, this policy did not lead to the expected results. At the beginning of the 20th century the Catholic nobility outnumbered the Russian nobility in land ownership.
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37

Terentieva, Ekaterina. "Constructing the Nobility: the Noble Estate in the Works of French Erudites." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021781-8.

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The article outlines the specific of views of French erudites on the noble estate in early modern France, focusing on the image of nobility in erudite writings. The erudite intellectual current inextricably intertwined with major political, social and cultural processes in France of the Ancien Régime, till the end of the seventeenth century staying in the area of highly topical subjects, though seen through the prism of specific erudite themes and with the use of erudite methods. In the epoch when the humanities were little segmented a knowledge area such approach was quite natural and turned out to be fruitful. The position of the second estate in the French society and even the definition of the sense of nobility itself were the questions that France faced in the early modern epoch and especially after the Wars of Religion. The late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries brought many novelties both into the social composition of nobility and its mode of existence. Both changes were reflected in and at the same time constructed by the intellectuals we can pleno jure rate among early modern erudites. A large amount of literature of various genres and consecrated to different aspects of nobility emerged in that period. Two of such works may be concerned significant, having almost similar titles and being published with a centennial interval, the first in 1577, and the second in 1678. These are the treatises of the nobility by François de l’Alouette and Gilles André de la Rocque de la Lontière, briefly analyzed and contextualized in the present paper. The phenomenon of the researches of nobility, the genre of genealogy and genealogic history, the professions of genealogists, feodists and historiographers, the European tradition of memoria etc. are also involved into the analysis.
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38

Panchenko, Alexey B. "The Service Estate In the Reign of Peter the Great: History of Creation and Mechanisms of Constructing Community." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 3 (July 30, 2022): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-3-39-50.

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Peter I reforms aimed at the construction of a regular state required creating a special service estate. He initially needed to destroy the old nobility for this purpose. The first step in this direction was the creation of the Guard, a small corporation that was loyal to the tsar personally. Joining the Guard required neophytes to perform certain initiation rituals aimed at the pointed break with tradition. After that, a larger community, whose main task was military service, began to be formed on the basis of the Guard. Education was a prerequisite for joining this society, and social mobility within it was based solely on individual merit. The final stage was the extension of the service principle to civilian service. As the result, the nobility as legally implemented as new service estate. At the same time, there remained preserved mechanisms of both replenishment of this society from outside and exclusion from it of the people who were not ready to serve. However, the sudden death of Peter I did not allow his ideas to be entrenched, due to which the nobility subsequently ceased to perform its main function – serve the empire.
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39

Simon Dixon. "Practice and Performance in the History of the Russian Nobility." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 11, no. 4 (2010): 763–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2010.0010.

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40

Fleming, Robin, and Peter A. Clarke. "The English Nobility under Edward the Confessor." American Historical Review 100, no. 5 (December 1995): 1552. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169915.

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41

Sedlar, Jean W., and Martyn Rady. "Nobility, Land and Service in Medieval Hungary." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (October 2001): 1439. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693089.

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42

Hamburg, G. M., and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864066.

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43

Roberts, Hugh. "The Young Descartes: Nobility, Rumor, and War." Seventeenth Century 35, no. 4 (May 4, 2020): 555–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2020.1762046.

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44

Edelman, Bob, and G. M. Hamburg. "Politics of the Russian Nobility, 1881-1905." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (October 1985): 982. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858959.

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45

Mandzhikova, Larisa B. "Документы Комиссии калмыцких дел как источник по изучению организации делопроизводства и документооборота в Калмыкии в XIX в. (на примере рассмотрения прошения калмыцкого владельца Э. Ц. Кичикова о дозволении носить бронзовую медаль)." Oriental Studies 15, no. 5 (December 26, 2022): 1126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-63-5-1126-1135.

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Introduction. The issues pertaining to records keeping and management in 19th-century Russia’s government agencies have been well studied. However, there are no fundamental scientific works covering the phenomena in Kalmykia. The paper analyzes activities by the Astrakhan Kalmyk Affairs Commission for the actual document flow procedures and types of documents to have resulted from the Commission’s work. The review procedure of a petition filed by landlord E. Ts. Kichikov and dealing with the bronze medal awarded to the Russian nobility and merchants in memory of the Patriotic War of 1812 — and the Kalmyk nobility’s relevance to the mentioned category — arouses particular interest. Goals. The article aims to introduce some archival documents contained in Collection И-2 ‘Kalmyk Affairs Commission’, examine the execution procedure for a document identified as ‘register’, and thus trace document review procedures in administrative bodies of prerevolutionary Russia and Kalmykia. Results. The insight into the composition of archival documents (by types) created during activities of the Astrakhan Kalmyk Affairs Commission makes it possible to study the actual records keeping and management procedures in one ethnic periphery of Russia, as well as to consider relevance of the Kalmyk nobility to the Russian one.
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46

López Anguita, José Antonio. "Surviving Dynastic Change: The High Nobility during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–15)." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 4 (April 15, 2021): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i4.36385.

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The accession of the House of Bourbon to the Spanish throne after the death of the last Habsburg king, Carlos II, in 1700 brought important changes for the court high nobility. Historians have seen Philip V’s reign as the beginning of the titled nobility’s withdrawal from the front line of politics. The process, encouraged by the Bourbon’s reformism during the War of the Spanish Succession, was carried out by the nobility in several ways. This article will analyze the careers of aristocrats such as Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal and José Solís y Valderrábano, dukes of Veragua and Montellano, and Rodrigo Fernández Manrique de Lara, Count of Frigiliana, who adapted their actions to the new regime’s politics in order to enjoy the patronage of new political actors. They took part in royal court circles to achieve important political positions without renouncing their right to oppose change through strategies linked to the political culture of the previous dynasty: for example, their involvement in political gatherings and their absence in important court celebrations. My article posits that, although the relations between the House of Bourbon and these nobles were undoubtedly complex and ambivalent, as their career at court shows, they were far more nuanced and fluid than has previously been revealed.
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47

Artamonova, Ludmila M., and Yurii N. Smirnov. "The Aksakov Labor Assistance Circle as an Experience of Commemorative Practice." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 358–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.203.

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The article presents the results of a research based on modern methods of memory studies. These results complement the history of Russian commemorative practices in the early 20th century with economic and industrial examples. New forms of cultivating historical memory emerged with modernization processes. Celebrating the 50th anniversary of the death of S. T. Aksakov (1909), the nobility of Samara province organized the Aksakov labor assistance circle. Its main activity was setting up educational workshops named after the writer in the village described in his works under the name of Bagrovo. Sources about the Aksakov circle and these workshops are archival documents, published reports, and other materials. The nobility paid tribute to the memory of the outstanding writer and the bygone era of flourishing of provincial “nests of the gentry” by purchasing the Aksakov estate from the Peasant Bank; by creating conditions there for teaching crafts; by taking care of the historical house with a garden. Practical needs and search for funds for maintenance forced the organizers to turn to the zemstvo for assistance. The initiative of the nobility received material and moral support from Empress Alexandra Feodorovna. This resulted in the emphasis on the loyalist dimension of the memorial events in Samara region. The research of the experience of the specific commemorative practice contributes to the general understanding of social, cognitive, and ethical communications between history and historical memory, prompting further studies of the problem.
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48

Hurwich, Judith J. "Marriage Strategy among the German Nobility, 1400–1699." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 29, no. 2 (October 1998): 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219598551661.

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49

Paravicini, Werner. "Žygiai į Prūsiją: apie periferinio reiškinio pažintinę vertę." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 52 (December 21, 2023): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2023.52.1.

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This article not only introduces new sources that underline the importance of the march to Prussia (Preußenreisen) for the nobility of Western Europe at the time, but also highlights the challenges they faced along the way, including encounters with marauders, adverse natural conditions and captivity. These campaigns provide a detailed insight into the life of European nobility: how nobles inspired by literary ideals embarked on long journeys, visited various courts and feasted with other knights, and finally how European chivalry conceived itself on these campaigns. The story tells how from the westernmost corner of Europe they travelled to the East and, on their return, tried to make sense of their journeys (despite the enormous expense) through places of memory. In addition, this study explores how the Teutonic Order faced the new challenge of seeking new legitimacy after the baptism of Lithuania and Samogitia.
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50

WILLIAMSON, A. H. "A Patriot Nobility? Calvinism, Kin-Ties and Civic Humanism." Scottish Historical Review 72, no. 1 (April 1993): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.1993.72.1.1.

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