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1
Daines, Matthew Nicholas. "Telling the truth about Nixon : parody, cultural representation, and gender politics in John Adams's opera Nixon in China /." Ann Arbor (Mich.) : UMI, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40043408w.
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Spelling, Alexander Richard James. "Anglo-American relations during the Nixon years." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489687.
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Perhaps the most enduring element in British foreign policy during the last sixty years has been the 'special relationship' with the US. This thesis concerns the promulgation of relations during the presidency of Richard Nixon (January 1969 - August 1974). The academic literature on the Nixon era has tended to focus on 'big', provocative issues like the Vietnam War or Superpower relations, and the personality traits of the President, such as the abuses of power and the events stemming from the Watergate break-in which precipitated his resignation. However, the Anglo-American relationship and Atlantic Alliance have yet to receive much detailed archival attention. Nixon's presidency coincided with one of the most difficult periods in Anglo- American relations. It was book-ended by the presence of Labour governments led by Harold Wilson, who placed the maintenance and cultivation of Atlantic relations at the forefront of British overseas policy. However, under Edward Heath's Conservative government (June 1970 - February 1974), the overriding priority was taking Britain into the EEC, giving the country a new identity and establishing a genuine partnership with its European neighbours. According to the existing historiography, this approach apparently involved a measured. impartiality towards 'special' political and personal relations with the US, which jarred with Nixon and his National Security Advisor, later Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger. Heath's attitude and philosophy is seen as an aberration amongst post-war British Prime Ministers and one yet to be repeated. Britain's closer association with Europe coincided with growing strains In USEuropean relations due to a combination of interrelated issues, including EEC enlargement, US trade and monetary problems, US-Soviet detente, and the future of NATO. These developments reached a climax during Kissinger's 1973 'Year of Europe' initiative, the October Middle-East War and subsequent energy crisis. AngloAmerican relations are thought to have reached a nadir as Brit'ain sided with its European partners; rather than its US ally. This thesis, however, wiII argue that, except for a few months in 197 I and the period following the Year of Europe initiative, bilateral relations under Heath were for the most part good, particularly at an intergovernmental level. And the return of the Labour Party to pow~r in March 1974 certainly witnessed a concerted effort to restore Anglo-American relations to their previous intimate nature.
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Abel, Robert Benjamin. "The Religious Philosophy of Richard M Nixon." W&M ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626558.
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Greenberg, David. "Nixon's shadow : the history of an image /." New York, NY [u.a.] : Norton, 2003. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0d8p0-aa.
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Truong, Tuan Khac. "The U.S. policy toward China during the Nixon presidency." access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 1989. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1338726.
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Nichter, Luke A. "Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 /." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1213987283.
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Scott, Andrew James Thomas. "Heath, Nixon and the Anglo-American relationship, 1970-74." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612307.
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Scanlon, Sandra. "The pro-Vietnam War movement during the Nixon administration." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272096.
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Gilliland, Eric Patrick. "Richard Nixon, Détente, and the Conservative Movement, 1969-1974." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1166382457.
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Filippini, Elena <1989>. "L'incontro tra Richard Nixon e Mao Zedong del 1972." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/5837.
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The meeting between Richard Nixon and Mao Zedong in 1972
The aim of this dissertation is to provide analysis of the meeting that took place in Beijing in February 1972 between Richard Nixon, as President of the United State of America (USA), and Mao Tse-Tung, the President of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
First, the analysis will present a brief historical introduction about the first part of the twenty century. In order to highlight the diplomatic issues which caused the postponement of this revolutionary meeting in 1972, this first section will focus on the conclusion of the Second World War and the beginning of the Cold War.
Second, the examination of the political and cultural backgrounds of both USA and PRC will clarify the reasons that led to this event.
Third, the study will underline and describe the main feature of the meeting considering both the so- called public opinion point of view and the behind-the- scenes activities.
Finally, the study will stress the importance of the meeting as a symbolic event, that is the beginning of a new era in the relationship between USA and PRC.
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Arnold, Harry L. "The 1960 Televised Presidential Debates: A Strategy for Richard Nixon." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1523.
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In this thesis, I seek to undermine the enduring myth that Richard Nixon lost the 1960 televised presidential debates because of John F. Kennedy’s superior looks and overall glamour. Although I do concede that Nixon lost the debates overall, I argue that Nixon gave his best performance in the third debate. Using Nixon’s third debate strategy as a victory paradigm, I show how Nixon could have bested Kennedy in the other debates.
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Daly, Philippa. "Lone White Faces: Australian Foreign Policy & the Nixon Doctrine." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8816.
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On 25 July 1969, President Richard Nixon would announce a new direction in American foreign policy towards Asia that would have far reaching implications for its ANZUS partner in Australia. This study aims to map out the affects the Nixon Doctrine would have on Australian policy reforms in an attempt to critically examine the forces within international politics that saw Australia comprehensively engage with its Asia neighbours. This Asian region, which had previously been looked at with fear, was gradually viewed in the light of Nixon’s new policies as the only path to Australia’s long-standing future in the region.
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Mason, Robert John. "The new American majority : the challenge to Democratic dominance, 1969-1977." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310437.
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Solana, Michael. "Richard Nixon is Jack Nicholson: the theatre of politics in the age of television." Thesis, Boston University, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/28585.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Henson, Aaron. "Middle East Policy and Nixon: The Tragedy of the October War." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1032.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
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Menon, Kailas. "The Burial of Richard Nixon: A Case Study in Academic Bias." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1445.
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Using the academic and journalistic coverage of Richard Nixon’s religious life as a case study, this thesis argues that social scientists and commentators pay insufficient attention to religion, even when it is an important factor. In a sample of biographies of Nixon and specialist studies of Nixon’s life and career, nearly all the authors minimized the influence of Nixon’s religious upbringing on his political life, regardless of the author’s own views on Nixon. In stark contrast to this body of work, this paper finds that Nixon’s birth into the Religious Society of Friends (or “Quakers”) shaped his political career. Nixon’s evangelical brand of Quakerism allowed him to make contacts among powerful Quakers like Herbert Hoover and well-placed non-Quaker Protestants like Billy Graham. Quakerism also served Nixon as an emotional support in times of political crisis—a necessity for Nixon, who reacted poorly to stress—and when he suffered a crisis of faith in 1962, his political tactics became noticeably more amoral and vindictive. On a policy level, the Quaker tradition of altruism influenced Nixon’s racial policies for the better. Despite his own racist views and those of his political allies, Nixon was a relatively strong advocate of civil rights at home and abroad. Although this paper acknowledges alternative explanations for this discrepancy, such as political biases and the unavailability of primary sources, these explanations were found to be insufficient. This conclusion raises troubling questions about academic impartiality. Do academics intentionally avoid discussing religion? If so, is this due to anti-Christian or anti-religious feeling, as some studies suggest? And if not, what drives academic avoidance of religion?
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Rodríguez, David Sarias. "All the president's conservatives : Richard Nixon and the American conservative movement." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14658/.
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This doctoral dissertation examines the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies of literature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-l945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review' conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the 'Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. In the process, conservatives consciously and successfully used Nixon in their quest to gain acceptance as the legitimate sparring partners of the liberalism that had hitherto dominated post-1945 American politics. This doctoral dissertation examines the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies of literature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-l945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review' conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the 'Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transfonnation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. In the process, conservatives consciously and successfully used Nixon in their quest to gain acceptance as the legitimate sparring partners of the liberalism that had hitherto dominated post-1945 American politics.
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Nixon, Kyle Marshall. "Sensitivity of 1-D hydraulic models of fish passage in culverts to descriptions of fish swimming performance." Thesis, Montana State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.montana.edu/etd/2009/nixon/NixonK0809.pdf.
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One way culverts become barriers to the upstream movement of fish is by creating excessive velocities exceeding a fish's swimming ability. FishXing, a common tool for indirectly assessing fish passage, uses fish swimming ability information with one-dimensional culvert hydraulics to predict barrier status of culverts. However, since fish swimming ability data is scarce for many fish species, predictions of a culvert's barrier status can be inaccurate and overly conservative, possibly leading to misclassification or uneconomical design. Additional fish swimming ability research is necessary to strengthen these models. The primary goal of this study was to determine the effects of different swimming ability algorithms on velocity barrier flow rates predicted by one-dimensional culvert hydraulics models. A one-dimensional culvert hydraulics model was created in Visual Basic. This model was designed to mimic FishXing's fish swimming algorithm, or use more complex fish swimming algorithms. Three diverse test culverts were selected to show how varying culvert properties (length, geometry, flow regime, and embedment) influences which fish swimming ability algorithm most affects the predicted velocity barrier flow rate. A "test fish" was designed based upon fish swimming ability literature. Each culvert was subjected to six tests, each testing the sensitivity of a particular fish swimming algorithm. This study determined that for different types of culverts, different components of fish swimming ability algorithms substantially affect the velocity barrier flow rate. The study needed only three test culverts to show that accurate quantification of the fish species' burst speed, burst duration, the burst speed/duration relationship, prolonged swimming speed, and constant deceleration time from burst to prolonged speed is necessary to model diverse fish passage situations. This study also showed that if a fish has a substantial deceleration time, a constant deceleration is probably sufficient to model it. In the future, if programs like FishXing adapt to include deceleration in fish swimming models, constant deceleration is an adequate addition. With this analysis, fish swimming ability variables substantially affecting fish passage were determined. The study can be used to guide further research so swimming ability studies can gather swimming data that is most crucial to predicting fish passage.
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Osborne, Robert Earl. "President Nixon and higher education policy making influences and achievements, 1969-1974 /." Access abstract and link to full text, 1990. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.library.utulsa.edu/dissertations/fullcit/9302430.
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Yuill, Kevin. "An unlikely hero : the origins of affirmative action during the Nixon administration." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11567/.
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The dissertation builds upon the question of why Nixon, a Republican, implemented the first affirmative action programs. It is divided into three parts. The first charts the liberal approach to race relations and the crisis that attended its collapse. As Habermas noted, a "legitimation crisis" affected private institutions necessitating a new round of government intervention. This section explores the idea that affirmative action was part of this legitimation crisis, an administrative replacement for the failure of the post-war hope that racism would disappear after the destruction of formal barriers to black equality. The second looks at the interventions of the Nixon administration. It argues that the Philadelphia Plan was less important in terms of later affirmative action than is usually thought. Other programs (such as the OMBE) developed around the same time became more significant. 1970 became the year that programs aimed at reforming ghettos transformed into programs aimed at strengthening the black middle-class. Nixon, though often characterised as "aprincipled," had what Garry Wills termed "the right to earn" in mind when pushing through the Philadelphia Plan in Congress. All Americans - black and white - should have this right, he reasoned. The present-day sides of the argument had yet to be formed and in 1972 Nixon saw no fundamental contradiction in insisting that quotas not curtail the rights of white workers. The third section examines why the issue of affirmative action seemed to follow the implementation of affirmative action programs. Here, it is suggested that the changing intellectual climate surrounding the introduction of the first affirmative action programs transformed piecemeal civil rights programs into a broad policy model and ensured that controversy followed. Early affirmative action policies, this section demonstrates, caused little controversy before (at least) 1973. The sides of the debate had yet to be formed. John Rawls' work is examined as an expression of the need to replace liberal institutions - such as the allocation of resources on the basis of merit. The Club of Rome's The Limits to Growth similarly focussed attention onto the realm of distribution rather than that of production, moving from Kennedy's perspective" a rising tide lifts all boats" - to one of affirmative action. Affirmative action measures were both necessary as a mechanism of distribution and a constant focus of complaint as different groups argued over relative shares.
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Hylton, Joseph G. "The Growth of Executive Power and the Modern Presidency: Nixon to Clinton." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1444.
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This thesis tracks the direction of the development of unilateral executive power from Nixon to Clinton. The thirty-two-year process saw a mostly continuous growth of the power of the president to act unilaterally through a variety of mechanisms seizing the ability to act first from the other branches of government and the bureaucracy. The ability to enhance presidential power depends on many factors such as one time shocks (such as Watergate) and congressional support. The minority presidency of Richard Nixon responded to democratic control of Congress by aggressive assertions of presidential power via unilateral decrees. In fights such as impoundment, wage and price controls, and affirmative action plans, Nixon attempted to increase the power of the presidency while also laying groundwork for future regulatory reforms. Nixon’s resignation and Watergate crated stiff headwinds for the development of the unilateral powers of the presidency with Congress passed meaningful attempts to claw back presidential powers that had accumulated over time. Nevertheless, the Ford and Carter presidencies still saw the groundwork laid for the next major expansion of presidential authority. Under Reagan and George Herbert Walker Bush, the “Reagan Revolution” saw the Presidency gain new powers to aggressively combat the growing state. The assault on government saw the creation of modern signing statements, and harsh anti-regulatory actions. Clinton’s presidency saw a continued evolution of executive power albeit shaped by the significantly different ends trying to be achieved than under the two previous Republican presidents while also seeing new innovations in the mix of powers.
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Collins, Mick. "Personality and Political Leadership Explored: Richard Nixon and the Family Assistance Plan." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/36071.
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This thesis explores the notion of personality as it impacts presidential behavior. Relying on the arguably fragmented field of personality and policymaking, the paper offers a case study of President Richard Nixon's experience with the Family Assistance Plan, a landmark piece of welfare reform. In contending that character is most evident in situations that are less structured or that permit individual expression, I argue that President Nixon's personality greatly impacted his rhetorical style and was also evident through his reluctance to conduct bargaining with members of Congress.
To add rigor to the analyses, I borrow heavily from the work of Erwin Hargrove (1998) who, in putting forth a model of political leadership that draws upon elements of moral commitment, character, integrity and cultural discernment, holds that effective democratic leadership combines strong personal aptitude with a coherent assessment of what action history will permit.
Furthermore, this thesis contends that President Nixon failed to discern the grains of history that had characterized past welfare reform; the proposed major overhaul of welfare, commenced in the aftermath of the War on Poverty, was attacked from both the left and right, and thus failed to make it intact through the 91st Congress.Master of Arts
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Lai, Chi Chon Edwin. "A translation project on Debriefing the President." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954282.
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Jasper, Marc W. "Security assistance in the Persian Gulf and the roots of the Nixon Doctrine." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA342539.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1997."December 1997." Thesis advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson, Ahmad Ghoreishi. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-124). Also available online.
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Terriff, Terry Richard. "The innovation of US strategic nuclear policy in the Nixon administrations 1969-1974." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388414.
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Condron, Aidan. "The Nixon Administration between Cairo and Jerusalem, 1969-1974 : concepts, strategies, and implementation." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/47168a0a-3dfb-4baa-b416-b3dc3a933ba7.
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This thesis traces the origins of the Egypt-Israel peace process begun in the immediate aftermath of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli War. This American-brokered process led to the restoration of Egyptian land seized by Israeli in 1967 in exchange for a bilateral peace treaty, the first between Israel and an Arab state. Formal US-Egypt diplomatic relations were restored in 1974. By the time of the Egypt-Israel peace treaty in 1979, Egyptian defection from Soviet to American was complete, and Egypt had become estranged from the remainder of the Arab world, which refused to recognise, negotiate, or make peace with Israel. Recontextualising wartime and post-war strategic realignments with reference to developments during the first four and three-quarter years of the Nixon administration, from January 1969 - September 1973, this thesis sets presents a thoroughgoing revisionist account of the origins of this process. Tracing concepts and strategies implemented during and after the war in the antebellum period, the work demonstrates that the concepts implemented during the peace process were developed in negotiations involving Egypt, Israel, the Soviet Union, and the United States from early 1969, and forged into a coherent strategy by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat during the period from October 1970 - September 1973. Reversing the usual interpretation that Sadat conformed to an American grand design in the aftermath over the October War, this thesis demonstrates instead that the United States collaborated and colluded in implementing an Egyptian strategy for a new regional order, premised on peace between Egypt and Israel and partnerships both between Washington and Jerusalem and between Washington and Cairo.
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Adkins, Edward. "Opening Pandora's box : Richard Nixon, South Carolina, and the southern strategy, 1968-1972." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:594d27ff-85d8-4a72-9f99-a8d9ffd563e3.
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Much discussed and little understood, Richard Nixon's southern strategy demands scrutiny. A brief survey of the literature suggests that study on this controversial topic has reached an impasse. Southern historians keen to emphasise the importance of class in the region's partisan development over the last fifty years insist that any southern strategy predicated on racialised appeals to disaffected white conservatives was doomed to failure. Conversely, conventional accounts of the Nixon era remain wedded to the view that the southern strategy represented a successful devil's bargain whereby an avaricious Californian exchanged the promise of racial justice for black southerners in return for white Dixie's electoral votes. Most sobering of all are political scientists concerned with executive power, who evidence the limited discretion enjoyed by presidents to implement any agenda inimical to the corporate will of the federal bureaucracy. Since Nixon's executive departments were brimming with Democratic holdovers from the Kennedy and Johnson years, the question of whether or not the President demanded concessions to southern racists apparently becomes more or less irrelevant: the 'fourth branch' of the federal government inevitably ensured that a southern strategy was simply impossible to execute. In reality, much of this stalemate is the product of academic territorial warfare on the battleground of a subject wide open to multiple interpretations. A southern historian keen to showcase the importance of his local research is likely to show little interest in evidence that a President based in Washington D.C. could initiate social change in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. Similarly, political scientists fighting an unrewarding battle to emphasise the autonomy of federal departments are naturally disinclined to highlight examples of presidential willpower altering bureaucratic culture. Nevertheless, an intriguing paradox remains in evidence. Despite leaning more towards the political philosophy of antediluvian white southerners than the demands of black Americans, Richard Nixon presided over a period of such fundamental social reconstruction below the Mason-Dixie line that he could legitimately claim to have desegregated more southern schools than any other President in history. Whilst a raft of excellent monologues demonstrating the impact of local movements down South on national politics have been published over the last decade, few have even attempted to explain this peculiar phenomenon. As Matthew Lassiter observed in a Journal of American History roundtable on American conservatism in December 2011, 'the recent pendulum swing has overstated the case for a rightward shift in American politics by focusing too narrowly on partisan narratives and specific election cycles rather than on the more complex dynamics of political culture, political economy, and public policy.' The purpose of this thesis is to explain how a President notorious for pursuing the votes of white segregationists rested at the head of a federal government that ruthlessly dismantled Jim Crow. By incorporating the range of methodologies elucidated above, it will identify exactly how much influence President Nixon and his executive officers exerted over civil rights policy. Was Nixon's reactionary agenda thwarted by over-mighty bureaucrats? Or did the President act more responsibly than the majority of commentators have admitted?
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Dominick, David D. "The Nixon Environmental Agenda: An Insider's View of Republican Decision-Making, 1968-1973." DigitalCommons@USU, 1999. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7355.
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Richard Nixon, the president, has been given little historical credit for the environmental accomplishments of his administration. Indeed, in his post-presidency memoirs Nixon himself shows no interest in the environment and when he does speak to the issue, it is disparagingly.
But ironically, my thesis shows that no administration, before or since, has brought such progress to the multiple issues of environmental quality. The thesis explores the political, social, and historical factors that contributed to the "environmental revolution" of the late 60s and early 70s. The quality of the leaders chosen within the administration helps explain the dichotomy between a negative president and the environmental reform accomplished by his government agencies. It was my privilege to serve with or under these men: Walter Hickel, Russell Train, William Ruckelshaus, John Whitaker, and John Ehrlichman. Dedicated civil servants and other bright, young political appointees joined with me on the environmental agenda.
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Burn, Adrian E. "From containment to detente : aspects of American foreign policy under Johnson and Nixon." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114553.
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The years from 1963 to 1974 were a turbulent and eventful period in American
life . From the assassination of John F. Kennedy to the resignation of
Richard Nixon, the period was characterized by social and political
upheaval. After the stability and predictability of the Eisenhower years
and then the optimism and excitement generated by the youthful President
Kennedy, the years o f Johnson and Nixon saw a sharp growth in domestic
political dissent , unprecedented attacks on political institutions and civil authorities , and a deep questioning of many of the foundations of American foreign policy.
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Gruber, René. "Synthèse et réactivité dans le domaine des benzocyclènes tricycliques." Metz, 1986. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/public/UPV-M/Theses/1986/Gruber.Rene.SMZ8624.pdf.
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Le travail présenté est consacré à la réactivité de benzocyclènes bicycliques et tricycliques présentant un noyau aromatique condensé à un ou deux cycles, de taille variable à 5, 6 ou 7 chaînons (par exemple, indane et tétrahydro-2a, 3, 4, 5 acénaphtène). L'objectif visé est la mise en évidence de l'influence de la taille des cycles sur la réactivité du noyau aromatique, et trouve son origine dans la théorie ancienne bien connue sous le nom d'effet Mills-Nixon. Les difficultés de mise en oeuvre de cet effet ont été soulignées dans une étude bibliographique préalable. La mise au point de la synthèse d'un grand nombre de produits non commercialises a constitué l'étape préliminaire de ce travail. En ce qui concerne la réactivité, deux approches ont été envisagées : d'une part la réactivité de nos composés vis-à-vis de la réaction d'acétylation selon Friedel-crafts et de la bromation (substitutions électrophiles), d'autre part, une approche plus physicochimique basée sur les cinétiques de protodésilylation. Dans le cadre de la réaction de bromation, la synthèse univoque des dérivés bromés a permis l'identification des positions de substitution résultant de la réaction de bromation directe, et par la suite la préparation des matières premières de base, pour la synthèse des dérivés silylés nécessaires à la dernière partie de l'étude. Les résultats obtenus ont mis en évidence de façon très cohérente une désactivation de la position bêta dans tous les cas, interprétée par les effets de l'hyperconjuguaison dans les états de transition. Par ailleurs, c'est la désactivation de la position en alpha d'un cycle à cinq chaînons qui semble à l'origine de l'effet Mills-Nixon. De faible intensité, atténuée par les effets d'encombrement stérique, elle peut être interprétée de façon satisfaisante par le modèle de l'hybridation proposé par StreitwieserThe work is devoted to the study of the reactivity of bi and tricyclic benzocyclenes haevy one aromatic ring condensed with one or two cycloalkanes with 5,6 or 7 carbons atoms (for example : indane and tetrahydro-2a,3,4,5 acenaphtene). The aim is to show the influence of the ring size on the reactivity of the aromatic system, effect know as Mills Nixon effect. A litterature survey underline the difficulties encountered in demonstrating this effect. A first step was the synthesis of the compounds usually not commercially available. Concerning the reactivity, two approaches have been used : a) study of electrophilic substitutions - Friedel Crafts acetylation and bromination b) kinetics of protodesylilation. In case of bromination, a prealable synthesis of all the bromo derivatives has allowed the characterization of the substitution position. From the bromoderivation, the trimethylsilyl derivatives have been prepared for use in the kinetic study. The results show in a very coherent a desactivation of the beta position in every case, explained by the hyperconjugaison effect in the transition states. Its seems that the deactivation, in alpha position of the cyclopentane ring is at the origine of the Mills Nixon effect. Of low intensity, even lowered by steric hindrance, the desactivation can be explained in satisfying manner using Streitwieser's hybridation model
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Briggs, Eppie. "The Munich Massacre: A New History." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7980.
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This thesis examines the Nixon administration’s response to the Munich Massacre; a terrorist attack which took place at the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich. By examining the contextual considerations influencing the administration’s response in both the domestic and international spheres, this thesis will determine the manner in which diplomatic intricacies impacted on the introduction of precedent setting counterterrorism institutions. Furthermore, it will expound the correlation between the Nixon administration’s response and a developing conceptualisation of acts of modern international terrorism.
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Alvandi, Roham. "Nixon, Kissinger and the Shah : US-Iran relations and the Cold War, 1969-1976." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:52d2d8e8-f8d1-4632-aee9-9734585ce9e9.
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This thesis examines the nature and dynamics of U.S.-Iran relations during the Cold War under the leadership of U.S. President Richard Nixon, his adviser Henry Kissinger, and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran. This revisionist account critically examines the popular view of Mohammad Reza Shah as a mere instrument of American strategies of containment during the Cold War. Relying on recently declassified American documents, British government papers, and the diaries, memoirs and oral histories of Iranian actors, this thesis restores agency to the shah as an autonomous Cold War actor and suggests that Iran evolved from a client to a partner of the United States under the Nixon Doctrine. This partnership was forged during Nixon’s first term in office between 1969 and 1972, as the United States embraced a policy of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf region. Thanks to a long-standing friendship with the president, the shah was able to exercise extraordinary influence in the Nixon White House. This partnership reached its peak during Nixon’s second term as the United States supported Iran’s regional primacy against the challenge from Iraq. The shah drew Nixon and Kissinger into Iran’s secret war against Iraq in Kurdistan in 1972, by portraying Iran’s long-standing regional conflict with Iraq as a Cold War confrontation with the Soviet-backed Ba’th regime in Baghdad. When the shah unilaterally decided to abandon the Kurds in a deal with Iraq’s Saddam Hussein in 1975, Kissinger had little choice but to acquiesce, despite the personal embarrassment and domestic recriminations that followed. The U.S.-Iran partnership declined following Watergate and Nixon’s resignation in 1974. In spite of the best efforts of the shah and Kissinger, between 1974 and 1976 the United States and Iran were unable to reach an agreement on U.S. nuclear exports to Iran. President Gerald Ford tried to impose a discriminatory nuclear agreement on Iran that was rejected by the shah because it violated Iran’s national sovereignty. Under Ford, the United States reverted to treating Iran as a client rather a partner of the United States.
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Vagnoux, Isabelle. "La politique des États-Unis en Amérique latine sous la présidence de Richard Nixon." Nice, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989NICE2019.
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Alors que, de1968 à 1974, le contexte international - la guerre du Vietnam, la crise au Moyen-Orient, la détente avec l'URSS, l'ouverture des relations avec la Chine - ainsi que le scandale du Watergate ont monopolisé l'attention au président Nixon et de son administration et ont largement contribué à reléguer l'Amérique latine au second plan de leurs préoccupations, cette période a vu éclore un certain nombre d'évènements déterminants pour l'évolution des reelations interaméricaines. Des nationalisations de multinationales américaines au problème des droits de l'homme, en passant par le conflit sur les droits de pêche, les relations commerciales, les tensions avec Cuba, les négociations avec le Panama, les relations militaires, et bien sûr la déstabilisation du gouvernement d'Allende au Chili et le coup d'état de septembre 1973, cette thèse tente d'analyser les évènements qui ont marqué cette période, ainsi que la position adoptée par les divers responsables américains, à savoir le président Nixon, mais aussi Henry Kissinger, le département d'État et le CongrèsWhile from 1968 to 1974, the international context - i. E. The Vietam war, the Middle-East crisis, detente with the Soviet Union, the opening of relations with China - as well as the Watergate scandal monopolized all the president's and his administration's energie and largely contributed to relegate latina America to a secondary position, that era witnessed a certain number of determining events for the future evolution of inter american relationships. From the nationalization of U. S. Companies to the human rights issue, through the fishing rights conflict, trade relations, tensions with Cuba, negociations with Panama, military relationships and of course the destabilization of the Allende government in Chile and the coup in september 1973, this dissertation tries to analyse the events that marked that period as the position adopted by the various U. S. Decision markers, nemaly president Nixon but also Henry Kissinger, the State departement and Congress
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Morgan, Eric J. "The Sin of Omission: The United States and South Africa in the Nixon Years." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2003. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?miami1056467752.
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Cazzaro, Ilaria <1997>. "The United States-Mexico border during the Nixon Administration An ambivalent degree of porosity." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20885.
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Questo lavoro tratta il confine tra Stati Uniti e Messico alla fine degli anni ’60, più precisamente durante il primo anno della presidenza Nixon (1969-1973). L’obiettivo dell’elaborato è quello di analizzare il grado di porosità del confine tra i due paesi mediante due eventi, opposti in termini di chiusura e apertura del confine, lanciati rispettivamente dai due paesi. La scelta temporale è dovuta al fatto che, nel settembre del 1969, l’amministrazione Nixon lanciò un programma, denominato Operation Intercept, con l’obiettivo di bloccare il flusso di droghe e sostanze proveniente dal Messico e di piegare il paese vicino ad essere più cooperativo nelle operazioni di contrasto alla produzione e distribuzione di droghe. Allo stesso tempo, nella seconda metà degli anni ’60, il governo messicano aveva lanciato il Border Industrialization Program, volto a industrializzare la regione del confine dal lato messicano e attirare capitale estero per sviluppare la zona sia in termini economici che industriali. L’elaborato analizza nel dettaglio i due programmi con il fine di mostrare come, a seconda delle necessità e decisioni di un dato governo, il confine possa essere usato come strumento per favorire o bloccare il flusso di persone e merci da una parte all’altra; inoltre, analizza come, in entrambi i paesi, la popolazione e i dirigenti hanno reagito ai due programmi.
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Nunn, Sandra. "How moral identity influenced leadership ethics of presidents Kennedy and Nixon| An historical case study." Thesis, University of Phoenix, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3583978.
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The purpose of this historical case study was to explore how individual moral identity can influence leadership ethics in decision making. By focusing this case study on former U.S. Presidents Kennedy and Nixon, this study examined how moral identity influences of education, family, peers, and religion from childhood through college could affect ethical decision making. Using NVivo ® 10, data analysis determined emergent themes from the four key moral identity influences for both study subjects. Analysis of each emergent theme established positive or negative moral identity development. For this study, positive moral identity demonstrated a close alignment with a concern for the welfare of others; whereas, negative moral identity development demonstrated alignment with concern for oneself. Results showed that President Kennedy demonstrated greater moral identity development because of education and family influences than President Nixon. Closer analysis of moral identity core themes revealed that President Kennedy possessed a higher number of high moral identity core themes to support ethical decisions made during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Conversely, President Nixon possessed a higher number of low moral identity core themes to support unethical decisions during Watergate. Study results contributed to the literature by showing how moral identity can affect ethical and unethical decision making. Suggested recommendations showed the need for further qualitative studies of leader moral identity as well as the need to establish reliable testing mechanisms to determine and measure individual moral identity.
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Hsu, ChunYen, and halu30@hotmail com. "Sino-American Relations and Détente: Nixon, Kissinger, Mao and the One-China Policy, with special reference to Taiwan." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080729.155910.
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Lau, Danny Y. K. "The use of 10b,10c-dimethyldihydropyrene (DHP) as a probe to study the Mills-Nixon effect." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape16/PQDD_0006/NQ32753.pdf.
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Siniver, Asaf. "Structure and process in crisis decision-making : the Nixon administration and the Washington Special Actions Group." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430522.
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Anderson, Christopher James. "The peripeteia, an analysis of reversal speeches by Barbara Bush, Richard Nixon, and Lyndon B. Johnson." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2008.
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Zhang, Yao. "Nixon's trip to China and his media policy." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1250709340.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, August, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until September 1, 2014. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-125)
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Pitcavage, Samuel F. "Nixon’s Jaded Teenagers: Measuring the Cohort Effects of Watergate." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1131.
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Richard Nixon undoubtedly casts a long shadow on the American political conscience. Nowhere is this clearer than in the political behavior of American voters born 1950-1954. These baby-boomers were the youngest voters eligible to vote in 1972, and experienced the greatest scandal in postwar American politics at an important age. The question this thesis asks is: what happens when the most populous cohort in American history experiences one of the most contentious periods in postwar politics during the most important years of psychological development? This study finds three significant effects. First, this cohort shows lower levels of civic engagement throughout life. Second, this cohort is more likely to vote Democrat. Third, this cohort is more ideologically polarized. Not only are these trends clear, they are also distinct from adjacent cohorts.
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Considine, Laura. "What we talk about when we talk about trust : nuclear weapons in the Nixon and Reagan Administrations." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/97656a84-3295-499f-8002-ca0a28379a13.
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This thesis asks what it is that we are doing when we talk about trust in international politics. It begins by reviewing the recent and growing body of literature on trust and International Relations, locating this more nascent collection of literature within a wider, established body of social science work on trust in disciplines such as psychology, political science, business and management studies. It claims that an implicit but ubiquitous assumption about how words gain meaning underpins the literature, and that this assumption precedes and limits the range of possibilities for the form of the subsequent research. The thesis challenges this way of understanding by deploying Ludwig Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations. It then undertakes an alternative study of trust that acts as an ostensive challenge to the literature and thus shows by example how accepting different sites and processes of meaning can add to our understanding of words such as trust in International Relations. It accomplishes this through a 'grammatical investigation' of the uses of trust by President Richard M. Nixon and President Ronald Reagan regarding nuclear weapons and nuclear arms control with the Soviet Union. Using these examples, the thesis then suggests several alternative ways of talking about trust that would provide avenues for further research while avoiding the semantic and methodological difficulties of the dominant social science approaches. The contribution of this work is to challenge prevailing assumptions about words and meaning that exist within the literature and in so doing, to open up a path for alternative ways to talk about words like trust in International Relations.
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Amancio, Mariana Bonifácio [UNESP]. "Criação de Telenomus remus Nixon (1937) (Hymenoptera: Platygastridae): seleção de insetos e avaliação de alimentos para adultos." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151025.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A criação de insetos em laboratório é de fundamental importância na obtenção de material biológico puro e de qualidade para a realização de estudos entomológicos básicos ou aplicados, além do controle da praga em campo. Portanto, o objetivo desse trabalho foi promover a seleção de Telenomus remus voadores durante a criação massal em laboratório e comparar os padrões morfométricos e características biológicas ao longo de 15 gerações, assim como a influência de diferentes fontes de alimento na biologia do parasitoide, visando a produção massal de insetos de melhor desempenho a campo. Cartelas contendo posturas de Spodoptera frugiperda foram ofertadas a aproximadamente 1000 parasitoides de duas formas: sem nenhuma dificuldade de acesso ao hospedeiro e cartelas suspensas de forma que os insetos que não voavam não acessariam a cartela. A cada 5 gerações realizou-se medição dos padrões morfométricos e avaliação dos caracteres biológicos (razão sexual, teste de voo e capacidade de parasitismo). Fêmeas e machos adultos de T. remus submetidos ao teste de seleção de voadores não tiveram seus padrões morfométricos afetados significativamente pelos tratamentos (seleção e sem seleção) no comprimento e na largura da asa anterior direita. Fêmeas submetidas à seleção apresentaram tíbia maior na 10ª e 15ª geração, enquanto os machos não apresentaram qualquer variação significativa no tamanho da tíbia ou do corpo. Para a análise de razão sexual e porcentagem de parasitoides caminhadores e voadores não houve diferença significativa entre insetos submetidos ou não à seleção de voadores. Também se avaliou a influência da alimentação (água, mel, fonte de proteína Bio Anastrepha® e pólen de milho isoladamente ou em conjunto com os demais componentes). As fontes de alimento foram disponibilizadas desde a emergência até a morte das fêmeas acasaladas, que foram mantidas individualmente em tubos de vidro. Para avaliação da capacidade de parasitismo, uma postura de S. frugiperda (<24h) foi oferecida por 24 h. Esta postura foi substituída diariamente até a morte da fêmea. As posturas parasitadas foram transferidas para novos tubos até a emergência dos parasitoides. As avaliações ocorreram logo após a morte natural de todos os descendentes. Com isso, determinou-se a longevidade da fêmea, razão sexual da prole e a taxa de parasitismo acumulado. As fêmeas que receberam mel apresentaram maior longevidade e eficiência no parasitismo. Neste tratamento também houve maior produção de fêmeas. Assim, o mel é a fonte mais adequada para a criação massal de T. remus. Ainda, O pólen de milho afetou significativamente a razão sexual de T. remus. A fonte de proteína influenciou negativamente em todos os quesitos estudados. Os resultados são importantes tanto para criações de laboratório como aprimoramento do programa de controle biológico aplicado a campo.
The insect rearing in the laboratory is of fundamental importance when the objective is to obtain pure and quality biological material to perform basic or applied entomological studies, besides the control of the pest in the field, therefore the objective of this work was to promote Selection of flying Telenomus remus during mass rearing in the laboratory and comparing morphometric patterns and biological characteristics over 15 generations, as well as the influence of different food sources on the biology of the parasitoid under study, aiming the mass production of insects of better performance To field and of satisfactory nutrition. Cartels containing Spodoptera frugiperda postures were offered to approximately 1000 parasitoids in two ways: without any difficulty of access to the host and hanging cards so that insects that did not fly would not access the card. Every 5 generations, measurements of morphometric patterns and evaluation of biological characteristics (sexual ratio, flight test and parasitism capacity) were performed. Females and adult males of T. remus submitted to the flight selection test did not have their morphometric patterns significantly affected by the treatments (selection and without selection) on the length and width of the right anterior wing. Females submitted to the selection presented higher tibia in the 10th and 15th generation. The treatments did not significantly influence the size of the tibia, nor in the body of the males. For the analysis of sex ratio, and percentage of parasitoids, walkers and flyers there was no significant difference between insects submitted or not to the selection of flying, however, there was variation in the values in relation to the generations. The influence of feed (water, honey, Bio Anastrepha® protein source and maize pollen alone or in combination) was also evaluated. The food sources were available from emergence to death of mated females, which were kept individually in glass tubes. To evaluate the parasitism capacity, an egg mass of S. frugiperda (<24h) was offered for 24 h. This egg mass was replaced daily until the death of the female. The parasitized egg masses were transferred to new tubes until the emergence of the parasitoids. Assessments occurred shortly after the natural death of all descendants. Thus, the female's longevity, offspring sex ratio, and cumulative parasitism rate were determined. The females that received honey showed higher longevity and efficiency in parasitism. In this treatment there was also greater production of females. Thus, honey is the most adequate source for mass rearing T. remus. Maize pollen significantly affected the T. remus sexual ratio. The protein source influenced negatively all the studied parameters. The results are important for laboratory insect rearing as well as enhancement of in-field applied biological control program.
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Amancio, Mariana Bonifácio. "Criação de Telenomus remus Nixon (1937) (Hymenoptera: Platygastridae): seleção de insetos e avaliação de alimentos para adultos /." Jaboticabal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151025.
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Orientador: Odair Aparecido FernandesCoorientador: Ivan Cruz
Banca: Sandra Regina Magro
Banca: Guilherme Duarte Rossi
Resumo: A criação de insetos em laboratório é de fundamental importância na obtenção de material biológico puro e de qualidade para a realização de estudos entomológicos básicos ou aplicados, além do controle da praga em campo. Portanto, o objetivo desse trabalho foi promover a seleção de Telenomus remus voadores durante a criação massal em laboratório e comparar os padrões morfométricos e características biológicas ao longo de 15 gerações, assim como a influência de diferentes fontes de alimento na biologia do parasitoide, visando a produção massal de insetos de melhor desempenho a campo. Cartelas contendo posturas de Spodoptera frugiperda foram ofertadas a aproximadamente 1000 parasitoides de duas formas: sem nenhuma dificuldade de acesso ao hospedeiro e cartelas suspensas de forma que os insetos que não voavam não acessariam a cartela. A cada 5 gerações realizou-se medição dos padrões morfométricos e avaliação dos caracteres biológicos (razão sexual, teste de voo e capacidade de parasitismo). Fêmeas e machos adultos de T. remus submetidos ao teste de seleção de voadores não tiveram seus padrões morfométricos afetados significativamente pelos tratamentos (seleção e sem seleção) no comprimento e na largura da asa anterior direita. Fêmeas submetidas à seleção apresentaram tíbia maior na 10ª e 15ª geração, enquanto os machos não apresentaram qualquer variação significativa no tamanho da tíbia ou do corpo. Para a análise de razão sexual e porcentagem de parasitoides caminhadores e voad... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The insect rearing in the laboratory is of fundamental importance when the objective is to obtain pure and quality biological material to perform basic or applied entomological studies, besides the control of the pest in the field, therefore the objective of this work was to promote Selection of flying Telenomus remus during mass rearing in the laboratory and comparing morphometric patterns and biological characteristics over 15 generations, as well as the influence of different food sources on the biology of the parasitoid under study, aiming the mass production of insects of better performance To field and of satisfactory nutrition. Cartels containing Spodoptera frugiperda postures were offered to approximately 1000 parasitoids in two ways: without any difficulty of access to the host and hanging cards so that insects that did not fly would not access the card. Every 5 generations, measurements of morphometric patterns and evaluation of biological characteristics (sexual ratio, flight test and parasitism capacity) were performed. Females and adult males of T. remus submitted to the flight selection test did not have their morphometric patterns significantly affected by the treatments (selection and without selection) on the length and width of the right anterior wing. Females submitted to the selection presented higher tibia in the 10th and 15th generation. The treatments did not significantly influence the size of the tibia, nor in the body of the males. For the analysis o... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Pettenuzzo, Alessandro <1986>. "A case of decision making in monetary policy. Nixon and the end of the Bretton Woods System." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/1861.
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Morris, Megan. "The Presidential Apology: Lessons from Tricky Dick and Slick Willy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/314.
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The concept of an apologetic president has only recently emerged in the United States. All presidents have made mistakes, but only recently have Americans come to expect apologies from them. The development of an increasingly critical media has necessitated that future presidents hone the art of apologizing. This thesis extrapolates lessons in this skill from the apologies of Presidents Nixon and Clinton. Watergate and Lewinsky-gate were cover-up scandals that rocked the nation in the 1970s and '90s. Although the presidential misconduct in both cases were similar, the way each president opted to navigate his controversy differed dramatically. Both presidents initially tried out the tactic of denying all accusations but branched off after taking that step. A comparison of their approaches offers insight into the possible ways of seeking forgiveness from a scorned public. The nuances of delivering a successful apology are dictated by circumstantial, structural factors as well as the personality of the president, which explains why no two apologies are the same.
Although the art of apologizing will continue to evolve over time, future presidents stand to learn a great deal from studying Nixon and Clinton. This thesis finds that even though Americans get a certain degree of satisfaction from exposing presidential wrongdoing and making life more than uncomfortable for a wayward executive, the legacies of Nixon and Clinton are proof that a smattering of mistakes cannot completely overshadow a tradition of accomplishments. No matter how vindictive Americans may appear to be in the thick of a scandal, in the long run, the United States is a forgiving nation.
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Ashmore, Justin. "The role of Congress in the planning and implementation of detente policy during the Nixon Presidency, 1969-1974." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272902.
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Naile, Meghan Theresa. "Like Nixon to China: The Exhibition of Slavery in the Valentine Museum and the Museum of the Confederacy." VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1972.
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This study analyzes two successful exhibitions on American slavery in the South: In Bondage and Freedom: Antebellum Black Life in Richmond, Virginia, 1790-1860 by the Valentine Museum and Before Freedom Came: African American Life in the Antebellum South by the Museum of the Confederacy. It puts the exhibitions in the context of the social history movement, and explains the difficulties exhibiting a sensitive topic. It examines the creation of the exhibitions, the controversies because of the subject, both real and potential, and the overwhelmingly positive reaction.
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Goldberg, Benjamin Joel. "The vice presidency of Richard M Nixon: One man's quest for national respect, an international reputation, and the presidency." W&M ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623928.
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Richard M. Nixon served as Vice President under Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953 to 1961. During this time, he worked to portray himself to the public as an international affairs expert and integral advisor within the Administration. Drawing on experiences as a Congressman and his close relationship with John Foster Dulles, Nixon made every effort to gain a meaningful advisory and decision-making role. His actual success was limited. The Vice President was motivated by his love of international affairs, desire for respect and vision of his position as a possible jump off point to the presidency in 1960. This last goal proved his most enduring accomplishment. Nixon improved public awareness of the vice presidency and added political overtones to the office that previously had not been evident.