Academic literature on the topic 'Nikolai (Church : Flensburg, Germany)'

Vera Tolz, Russian Academicians and the Revolution: Combining Professionalism and Politics (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997), 236 pp., £40.00, ISBN 0-333-71239-0.Nikolai Krementsov, Stalinist Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 371 pp., hb, £40, ISBN 0-691-02877-X.Paul R. Josephson, New Atlantis Revisited: Akademgorodok, the Siberian City of Science (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 351 pp., £27.50, ISBN 0-691-04454-6.Kristie Macrakis and Dieter Hoffmann, eds., Science under Socialism: East Germany in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 380 pp., hb, £41.50, ISBN 0-674-79477-X.Loren Graham, What Have We Learned About Science and Technology from the Russian Experience? (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 177 pp., hb, $42.00, ISBN 0-804-73276-0.Is the position of a citizen in the country to be determined only by his political weight? There was a time when alongside the emperor stood the patriarch: the church was then the bearer of culture. The church is becoming obsolete, the patriarchs have had their day, but the country cannot manage without leaders in the sphere of ideas …Only science and scientists can move our technology, economy and state order forward …Sooner or later we will have to raise scientists to the rank of patriarch. That will be necessary because without that you will not make scientists always serve the country with enthusiasm … Without that patriarchal position for the scientists the country cannot grow culturally on its own, just as Bacon noted in his ‘New Atlantis’. It is time, therefore, for comrades of Comrade [Lavrenty] Beria's type to begin to learn respect for scientists.Letter from Peter Leonidovich Kapitsa to Joseph Stalin, 3 October 1945

At the end of 1925, Metropolitan Sergius of Nizhny Novgorod assumed the position of Deputy Patriarchal Locum Tenens. He undertook the task of formulating the Church’s position in relation to state authorities. Its authentic expression was the draft “Appeal”. which was rejected by the government, leading to the arrest of its author. After his release, Metropolitan Sergius, together with the Synod, issued a Message referred to as a “Declaration” in journalism. It emphasized the loyalty of the clergy and the Orthodox people to the Soviet government. Some clergymen criticized the Declaration, but a significant majority of the episcopate, clergy, and church people reacted with understanding to its publication. At the end of 1936, Metropolitan Sergius assumed the position of Locum Tenens following a false report of the death of Locum Tenens Peter. In fact, the holy Martyr Peter was still alive at that time, but in October 1937, he was shot. 1937 marked the peak of the terror. A new blow struck the Orthodox Church. On September 1, 1939, the Second World War began. As a result of the expansion of the borders of the Soviet state to the west, the Moscow Patriarchate effectively gained control over the dioceses of the Baltic States, Western Belarus, Western Ukraine, and Moldova. In the new territories, churches were closed only in exceptional cases. On June 22, 1941, Germany attacked the USSR. On the first day of the war, the Locum Tenens composed a Message in which he blessed the Orthodox people for the defense of the Fatherland. From October 1941 to August 1943, the Patriarchate was located in Ulyanovsk. After its return to Moscow, Stalin and Molotov met with Metropolitans Sergius, Alexy, and Nikolai in the Kremlin. At the meeting, permission was given to convene the Council of Bishops, the most important act of which was the election of Sergius as Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus’. Patriarch Sergius died on May 15, 1944.

Tile production in the Danish Middle Ages and RenaissanceEveryday life in the Renaissance and Early Modern times has long been a neglected area in archaeology and much evidence has been lost. When the Department of Medieval Archaeology at the University of Aarhus, Moesgård added Renaissance Studies to the teaching curriculum in 2005, this provided an opportunity, together with new Danish museum legislation, to redress this situation.In the Renaissance, fundamental changes took place in housing, due in part to the introduction of the tile stove as a “bilægger”, i.e. a stove fed from an adjacent room. This provided an opportunity for the creation of a private, comfortable living room. In rural areas, however, the tile stove was also seen in direct association with a bread oven or as a smoke oven. Among the upper echelons of society – royalty, the Church and the aristocracy, with their strong links to European culture south of the Baltic – the tile stove became known as early as the 13th century. The earliest evidence of this is from the Cistercian Monastery at Sorø. Here, sherds have been found ofhandmoulded deep beaker-shaped vessel tiles. The outer surfaces of these were decorated with wavy lines and encircling grooves, as seen on typical 13th century Baltic-ware pottery from Zealand (fig. 1). When built into an oven, the decoration would not have been visible (fig. 2). From the episcopal/royal castles of Søborg and Gurre there are thrown, glazed beaker-shaped vessel tiles from the 14th century (fig. 3). The handmade, unglazed vessel tiles with a square rim from the royal castle ofVordingborg are broader and shallower (fig. 4); on some the base is rounded. Similar tiles were manufactured as late as the 19th century as “jydepotter”, i.e. black pots from Jutland (fig. 5). In the houses of wealthier citizens, such as Kragsnap’s House in Nykøbing Falster and Branda Huset in Helsingborg in Scania, there were stoves constructed of Late Gothic deep vessel tiles with specially formed openings (fig. 6). At the beginning of the 16th century, these developed into a green glazed, relatively shallow turned vessel tile with a reinforced rim, often with a flower or several concentric circles at the base. This type continued up into the 17th century (fig. 7). In terms of the skill needed in their firing and glazing, all these various vessel tiles were consistent with the abilities of a local potter and they are probably all of domestic origin, modelled on foreign examples.From Late Medieval times, there are imported concave panel and niche tiles, such as Den grønne sten fra Nielstrup and archaeological examples from Vridsløsemagle, Ribe and Gurre. Most of them carry a religious, Catholic message. However, two fragments of matrixes for concave panel tiles, dated to around 1500 and found in Aalborg, bear witness to an early production of moulded stove tiles in Denmark (fig. 8).With the Reformation, relations to Protestant Germany via Kings Christian III and Frederik II were strengthened. Danish students in Wittenberg and Greifswald and itinerant German craftsmen brought with them new furnishing traditions to Denmark. The tile stove became commonplace. The heyday of these stoves began around 1550 when domestic production became profitable. German potters settled in Denmark, bringing with them their moulds and their expertise, also as stove fitters. Production began of concave, quadrangular and rectangular panel tiles bearing images with a religious or political message. On the reverse they had a rumpe, a shallow funnel-shaped protrusion, which had an important function when fitting the tiles to form the stove.From around 1600, the tile stove was gradually replaced by the iron stove, although the latter did retain for some time an upper tower-like section clad in rectangular tiles. Initially, iron stoves were imported from Germany, but with the introduction of a Danish protectionist policy in the 1640s, production was started in Norway.Despite local production in the 16th century, imports of stove tiles and matrixes increased. Sometimes the origin of these can be determined on the basis of the ware; greyish-white Halle clay, for example, indicating Central Germany. Some polychrome stove tiles can be identified as imports from the Upper Weser area. No workshops producing polychrome stove tiles have been demonstrated in Denmark. Even though a workshop in Næstved was familiar with tin glaze and metallic-oxide colours, only polychrome floor tiles were produced there.Often the date of the stove tiles, or more correctly of the patrixes, can be determined on the basis of the motif and the graphic source on which it is modelled.For instance, the patrix for a matrix found in Copenhagen bearing the picture of HERSI HANS must have been carved after 1547, when he lost his title as Elector of Saxony, and prior to his death in 1554. On a stove tile modelled on a medal struck on his appointment in 1532 and attributed to Matthes Gebel, he is referred to as Johann Friedrich Kurfürst. Patrixes, and probably also most matrixes, were imported, but the origin of a patrix for the Fortuna stove tile from Næstved from 1585, attributed to Abel Schroder the Elder, is perhaps open to discussion (fig. 9). A patrix for a medallion tile from about 1550-80 from Århus (fig. 15), and patrix frames and a mould for patrix frames for arcade tiles from about 1600 from Flensburg (fig. 19), are the only definite indications we have oflocal production. Re-working of newly-made matrixes, pirate copies and potters’ botching also occurred (figs. 16, 17 and 21). On the basis of this, and inspired by Der Hafner from Jost Ammen’s Ständebuch (fig. 12), the author has experimented with the production of matrixes and stove tiles (figs. 10 and 11). Accounts are then given of seven localities where traces of stove-tile production have been found. Potters’ kilns have been excavated in Lund and Aalborg, (figs. 13 and 14). In Århus, there were layers containing rejects, kiln shelves and matrixes (fig. 15). In Næstved, deposits have been excavated containing rejects which include tiles bearing Fortuna and the West Zealand version of Judith (figs. 18.4 and 16). Clay pits backfilled with rejects from the workshop have also been discovered there. In Slagelse, an area has been excavated containing workshop refuse in the form of old or broken matrixes, reject stove tiles, kiln shelves and tools (figs. l7 and 18). In Flensburg, a potter’s workshop was excavated, revealing a great number of tiles, a few patrix frames and more than 90 matrixes, of which several are clear evidence of potters’ botching (figs. 19, 20 and 21). Impressions of matrixes from this workshop were used by the bell-caster Michel Bibler as ornamentation on bronze fonts for churches in Flensburg and Eckernförde (fig. 22). In Holbæk, layers containing rejects and matrixes from a potter’s workshop in the neighbourhood have been located. A rectangular stowe tile from 1611, showing the upper body of a lute-playing prince, was produced in a matrix trixwith a two-piece picture area. The upper part of this was used for a stove tile in Slagelse, but in a different frame (fig. 18.6). All the workshops investigated proved to belong to the second half of the 16th century, with the main weight of activity around 1600. From Køge, however, there are matrixes bearing the inscription 1662MB on the reverse. These indicate an active workshop there in the late 17th century, (fig. 23). Several of the workshops were located in association with a demolished ecclesiastical institution where the immediate area had apparently been assigned to workshops carrying out hazardous activities using fire, such as potteries and bell-casters. Finally, research results obtained over several years are presented and there is a discussion of the possibility of more detailed examination and recording to demonstrate the regionality of the individual stove-tile types and perhaps locate individual workshops. More recent scientific methods for the identification of clay types might make it possible to determine their provenance, which would be of crucial importance. Formal collaboration with countries south of and around the Baltic would probably be able to demonstrate trade routes and cultural links and the origin and distribution of stove tiles and matrixes. Closer collaboration between scientists, historians and archaeologists is strongly recommended.Ole KristiansenSlagelse

Abstract Using the Flensburg Memorial Dispute of 1967 as a microstudy, this article explores how Germany’s twentieth-century war dead have been represented within Protestant sacred space since 1945. It highlights the central role played by church spaces in the mourning and commemoration of Germany’s war dead and the tremendous difficulties accompanying attempts to redesign these iconographies in the later twentieth century in the face of popular sentiment.

Abstract So preoccupied were the Greens in the late 1980s that they failed to grasp the full significance of the momentous events unfolding next door in central and eastern Europe. The Soviet Union—s charismatic new leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, had embarked on sweeping political and economic reforms, called glasnost and perestroika, that were reverberating across the continent. In Poland, Hungary, and even staid East Germany, outlawed prodemocracy groups were raising their voices against the single-party states. In the eastern German city of Leipzig, the “Monday demonstrations,” which had begun in early September 1989 with a few hundred people at the Nikolai Church, had burgeoned into mass protests of thousands and then tens of thousands, and even hundreds of thousands.