Journal articles on the topic 'Nigeria – Politics and government – History'
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1
Reynolds, Jonathan T. "The Politics of History." Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no. 1-2 (1997): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685217-90007281.
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The influence of religion in Nigerian politics can be traced in particular to the Islamic/political legacy of the nineteenth-century Sokoto Caliphate. The legacy of this Islamic state has dramatically influenced Nigerian politics, which became particularly evident during the period of political activity in the 1950s and the subsequent events that stemmed from this activity. The Sokoto Caliphate as a model of government in northern Nigeria was in fact problematic because it only represented part of an historical tradition that was strongly affected by violence and resistance to Islamic expansion. Hence the Caliphate has been a source of tension rather than integration at the national level.
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VON HELLERMANN, PAULINE, and UYILAWA USUANLELE. "THE OWNER OF THE LAND: THE BENIN OBAS AND COLONIAL FOREST RESERVATION IN THE BENIN DIVISION, SOUTHERN NIGERIA." Journal of African History 50, no. 2 (July 2009): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370999003x.
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AbstractColonial forest reservation in the Benin Division of southern Nigeria was remarkably extensive, with reserves taking up almost 65 per cent of the Division by 1937. This paper explores both the various strategies employed by the colonial government in order to bring about large scale reservation and the role of reservation in changing land politics. In doing so, it provides nuanced insights into the interaction between the colonial government and local rulers under indirect rule. It shows that both Oba Eweka II (1914–33) and Oba Akenzua II (1933–79) supported reservation for strategic reasons, but also highlights the government's many underhand tactics in dealing with the Obas.
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Oko Omaka, Arua. "“Biafrans Are Not Nazis:” The Biafran Humanitarian Disaster and Trudeau’s Analogies." Canadian Journal of History 57, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 220–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0115.
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During the Nigeria-Biafra War, the Nigerian government employed shooting and economic blockade as powerful instruments of uniting the country and defending its territorial integrity. Starvation as a potent weapon was of a magnitude that arguably made it the worst catastrophe since the Second World War. The tension was between sovereignty and human rights. Public opinion in Canada strongly favored humanitarian support for Biafra, but the Canadian government argued that humanitarian aid for Biafra might be offensive to the Nigerian government. This article examines the attitude of Pierre Trudeau to the Biafran humanitarian crisis. It argues that Trudeau’s analogical arguments did not represent the true situation of the war. Although Trudeau’s reliance on information from the Commonwealth secretariat affected his understanding of the crisis, his policies were largely influenced by domestic political issues, particularly the Quebec separatist movement. The paper concludes that Canada’s foreign policy reviews that coincided with the Nigeria–Biafra War informed Trudeau’s kneejerk response to the Biafran humanitarian crisis.
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Bello, Ayodele, Samuel Chukwudi Agunyai, and Lere Amusan. "Armed non-state actors, insecurity, and government response to banditry in Nigeria." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 23, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2022/23/3/007.
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Nigeria is at the brink of failure as a state partly because of its inability to control the activities of armed non-state actors. In reality, armed bandits now run their own government in parts of Nigeria; they compel citizens to pay tax, seek permission to work on their farms, and sell their goods at the market. This parallel government system operating in many states in Nigeria have not had equal state-actor forces against them. Extant studies on government response to banditry have extensively examined roles played by security agencies, whereas how the idiosyncrasies of the Nigerian president stimulate the surge in insecurity in Nigeria has been hardly investigated. The article examines this while utilizing qualitative method that relies on desktop reviews. Findings indicated that despite the military background of the Nigerian president, the country and its citizens have hardly felt safe under his current administration. Also, President Buhari’s approach to end banditry has widely been criticized in Nigeria. It concludes that banditry in Nigeria could have been a thing of the past if the Nigerian president effectively enforced his political will.
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Nengel†, John Garah, and Chigemezi Nnadozie Wogu. "Colonial Politics, Missionary Rivalry, and the Beginnings of Seventh-Day Adventist Mission in Northern Nigeria." Mission Studies 38, no. 2 (September 28, 2021): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341791.
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Abstract When compared to its relative success in the Southern and Western parts of Nigeria, Seventh-Day Adventism (S.D.A.) had some difficulties in establishing its mission in the North from the 1930s onward. This paper argues that there were three reasons why S.D.A. missionaries found the North difficult. First, the S.D.A. joined the Christian missionary scene in Nigeria rather late. Second, due to colonial politics, which did not favor the proselytizing aims of Christian missionaries in the North, Adventist missionaries did not find it easy to immediately establish a mission. Third, the difficult beginnings in northern Nigeria can also be attributed to the relationship between S.D.A. missionaries and other mission bodies, which tended towards rivalry, as a result of the “spheres of influence” established by the colonial government.
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Wambu, Chiemela, and Chinyere Ecoma. "CHUKWUMA NZEOGWU IN THE THROES OF CONTEMPORARY NIGERIAN HISTORY." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 6 (June 14, 2020): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.76.8134.
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For the greater part of its existence as a sovereign state, Nigeria has witnessed more years of military than civilian rule. An excursion into this very important aspect of our national history must, of necessity, interrogate the circumstances and dramatis personae that led to the military’s intervention in national politics. One name that has never escaped the scrutiny in this effort is that of Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Though a posthumous research, the intention of this paper is to attempt a reappraisal of the often ignored, misinterpreted and maligned intentions of the principal actors of the January 15, 1966 military coup d’etat, especially the role of Nzeogwu. In order to achieve this objective, the research made use of both primary and secondary sources of data. These were subjected to initial qualitative analysis. The research concludes that part of the reasons for the misinterpretation of Nzeogwu’s role is the need to justify the failure of the government of the First Republic to satisfy the basic human and material needs of Nigeria. In addition, it establishes the fact that subsequent political equations and configurations in Nigeria have evidently been to the benefit of those who have been at pains to justify the brutality that attended the January 1966 coup d’etat.
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GEORGE, Kayode, and Toye MANUWA. "UNDERSTANDING “COMMON GOOD” AND ITS IMPACT ON THE NIGERIAN POLITICS." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 07, no. 02 (December 24, 2022): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2022070204.
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The purpose of the study was to investigate the concept of the common good and its impact on Nigerian politics. To achieve this purpose, the descriptive research design was used with 150 undergraduates (in Political Science Department) randomly selected from three (3) tertiary institutions in Lagos State. The primary source of data collection was derived through a self-structured questionnaire given to the participants within the study area on the subject matter. The reliability of the instrument was determined using the Split-Half Method with a co-efficient of reliability of 0.82. Simple percentage analysis was used to analyze the 4 stated hypotheses at 0.05 alpha level. It was concluded that Nigeria needs a kind of governance that emphasizes public transparency and accountability, rule of law, popular participation and engagement, which are basic features of the common good. The researcher recommended that there is a need for politicians at all levels of government across political parties to create and preserve the conditions which allow people, either as groups or as individuals, to reach their fulfillment more fully and more easily through the concept of the common good. Also, the study recommended that in a multicultural society like Nigeria, Government needs to ensure that agreement on the common goods is reached by popular opinion, participation, and engagement.
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Oladiran, Afolabi, and Asumu Leo Otimeyin. "The Niger Delta Crisis and National Integration in Nigeria." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 5, no. 7 (July 29, 2019): 232–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2019.v05i07.008.
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This paper examines the causes of the Niger delta crisis in Nigeria and assesses the impact of the crisis on the effort at building a strong and virile state where every citizen will have an undoubted feeling of belonging. The amalgamation of over 350 ethnic-nationalities into one nation state, Nigeria in 1914 marked a watershed in the history and politics of the country. Three other phenomena namely the struggle for political independence by the nationalists, the emergence of the oppressed and dominated minorities in the political and economic arrangements of the country , and the struggles for self-determination and resource control by the minority groups, particularly in the Niger-Delta region of the state became central issues. Communities in the Niger-Delta since independence are faced with political instability, ecological degradation, and wide spread poverty; leading to lack of allegiance to the country. Ethnic suspicion and antagonism which has grievous implications for national integration became the order of the day in Nigeria. This paper submits that enduring peace and stability in the Niger delta region of the Nigerian state is a major factor for sustainable national integration. This could only be accomplished with a resolute political will and determination by the citizens and government at all levels of governance in the country to see and treat Nigerians as the same people irrespective of the place of birth or ethno-regional affiliation.
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Oladiran, Afolabi, and Asumu Leo Otimeyin. "The Niger Delta Crisis and National Integration in Nigeria." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 5, no. 7 (July 29, 2019): 232–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2019.v05i07.008.
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This paper examines the causes of the Niger delta crisis in Nigeria and assesses the impact of the crisis on the effort at building a strong and virile state where every citizen will have an undoubted feeling of belonging. The amalgamation of over 350 ethnic-nationalities into one nation state, Nigeria in 1914 marked a watershed in the history and politics of the country. Three other phenomena namely the struggle for political independence by the nationalists, the emergence of the oppressed and dominated minorities in the political and economic arrangements of the country , and the struggles for self-determination and resource control by the minority groups, particularly in the Niger-Delta region of the state became central issues. Communities in the Niger-Delta since independence are faced with political instability, ecological degradation, and wide spread poverty; leading to lack of allegiance to the country. Ethnic suspicion and antagonism which has grievous implications for national integration became the order of the day in Nigeria. This paper submits that enduring peace and stability in the Niger delta region of the Nigerian state is a major factor for sustainable national integration. This could only be accomplished with a resolute political will and determination by the citizens and government at all levels of governance in the country to see and treat Nigerians as the same people irrespective of the place of birth or ethno-regional affiliation.
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Karase, Chakanyuka, and Billy Dudley. "An Introduction to Nigerian Government and Politics." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 1 (1985): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485070.
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Otusanya, Olatunde Julius, and Sarah G. Lauwo. "Corruption and socio-political economic structures: a case of Nigeria." Journal of Financial Crime 26, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 330–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-01-2018-0003.
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Purpose “Corrupt practices” is a recurring feature of media coverage. The paper seeks to encourage debates about the influence of institutional structures on agency to break away from methodological individualism. This paper aims to encourage reflections on the role of both the structures and actors which have shaped the continuous expansion of corrupt practices in Nigeria. Design/methodology/approach Whilst recognising that deviant behaviour by some individuals is always possible, this paper has rejected methodological individualism and shows the value of locating anti-social practices within the broader socio-political and historical context. Within a socio-political framework, this study adopts the theories of critical realism, developmental state and globalisation to understand the relationship between social agency and society, focusing upon the institutional structures and the role of social actors. Findings The evidence shows that socio-political and economic development, politics, power, history and globalisation have continued to reproduce and transform the institutional structures and actors which have facilitated anti-social practices in Nigeria. The paper concludes that large sums of government revenue have been undermined by the anti-social practices of the Nigerian political and economic elite (both local and international), which have enriched a few, but impoverished most, Nigerians. Practical implications As a consequence of recurring corrupt practices in Nigeria, there is a pressing need for reform to curb these practices which have had, and continue to have, a serious effect on Nigeria and its future development. Originality/value It provides a framework for understanding and explaining the inter-relations of actors and institutional structures and the linkages and influences that have shaped the practices in Nigeria.
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Bakare, K. A. "UNIVERSITY ADMINISTRATION IN NIGERIA: HISTORY, ETHICS AND CORPORATE GOVERNANCE." Journal of Education and Practice 5, no. 2 (August 2, 2021): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/jep.629.
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Purpose: This paper is an exploratory work focusing on university administration in practice. The study interrogates ethics and practice of university administration in Nigeria, vis-à-vis service-delivery. It captures and exemplifies the nature and elements of university administration as experienced in the contemporary Nigerian polity, making references to aspects of industrial and organizational psychology, human factor psychology, and others, in the context of diverse interrelationships between theory and practice. It reverts to antecedents of administrative practice, tracing the primal formation of organizational styles to the colonial era in British tropical dependencies, and deftly concludes that the contemporary administrative policies were direct derivatives from the political culture of the colonial masters who sought to enforce “law and order” and through a self-imposed dual mandate sophistry. It concludes by drawing attention to observed infractions in the contemporary practice, and emphasized on the need to upgrade ethics, practice and corporate governance. Contributions on the socio-politics of corporate practice in Nigerian universities is paltry, and more research could be initiated in this area to complement our effort.
Methodology: The research design is descriptive, focusing on answering the how, what, when and where, (i.e. in addition to why) thus, providing rooms for examination of historical evidences, theoretical relevance and practical algorithms. The study used qualitative research method to properly describe the research problem and analyzed the problem based on observed characteristics, behaviours and reactions. The researcher being an active participant in the system, used the instruments of interactive sessions, seminars, workshops and interviews.
The study was carried out among a cross-section of administrative class who are employees in renowned government-run public universities in Nigeria and are being governed by the same regulations under the jurisdiction of the National Universities Commission and the Federal Government of Nigeria.The target population of the work are the academic administrators, the professional administrators, as well as scholars of educational studies in HEIs. A survey is conducted to validate our stance on compromised standards, and to posit measures that re-assert good practice, using the qualitative research method to succinctly describe the research problem by observing the dialectical nuances of the work environment and drawing far-reaching conclusions on the contemporary state of management and administration in our universities. The research is hinged on social exchange theory (SET) which overtly describes the relationship between an organization and its employees in a social context (Blau, 1964; Molm and Cook, 1995; Azim, 2016), while at the same time, extending the social interface description to the individual level to describe relationships between supervisors and subordinates in a leader-member exchange (LMX theory) background (Manzoni and Barsoux, 2002).
Results: The study revealed that ethics and corporate culture have become compromised due to decades of abstruse practices, and that there was the need to urgently revamp work ethics, re-align values and re-orient practice in order to catch up with the meteoric speed of the global space. The nuances and intricacies involved in creating and maintaining standards, and the necessity of recreating a virile work culture is incontestable, not forgetting that our colonial antecedent also provided a skewed background for the practice.
Unique contribution to theory, policy and practice: It was recommended that negatives like excessive bureaucracy should be jettisoned, and open-door policies should displace shoehorned policies of government. Our universities should be nurtured and encouraged to self-regulate, while modern management technique should be entrenched in the system. In order to be able to effectively deliver on their triadic mandates of teaching, research and community services, the workforce in the universities should be adequately motivated and a strong reward system should be put in place to galvanize excellence. The National Policy of Education should be constantly reviewed in tandem with new-age realities, while aggressive digitization should be introduced to simplify operations, reduce stress, and maximize service-delivery.
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Mazov, Sergey V. "“We Are from Biafra”. Igbo Students in the USSR during the Civil War in Nigeria, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 822–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-822-834.
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Drawing on the Russian archival documents the article examines the Soviet policy towards Igbo students who studied in the USSR during the civil war in Nigeria (1967-1970). They sided the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, Eastern Nigeria, seceded from Nigeria in May 1967. The USSR supported the territorial integrity of Nigeria, provided military and other assistance for the Federal Government in its confrontation with Biafra. However, the Soviet authorities took neutrality in the conflict between Nigerian Embassy in Moscow and Igbo students. They did not expel students at the requests of the Embassy as accomplices of the separatists investigating each case carefully, did not hinder the activity of the Biafrian fellowship. Since the dissemination of Biafrian propagandists production was banned in the USSR, they tried to reach the Soviet audience through appeals from Igbo students who studied in the USSR. The appeals did not include the main issues of Biafrian propaganda to the West: accusations of the Federal Government of the Igbo genocide by Nazi methods and the portrayal of the civil war as a religious conflict - a jihad of the Muslim North against the Igbo as the largest and most organized Christian community in Nigeria. The dominant thesis was about the nature of the civil war as a struggle of the socialist East, Biafra, against the feudal-capitalist North, the central government. The students appealed the Soviet officials to recognize publicly the legitimacy of the Biafrians aspirations for self-determination, to stop supplying arms to the Federal Government and to mediate in a peaceful settlement. There were no responses to the appeals, and they were not made public. Based on archival documents, the author established that the Soviet leadership reasonably feared that Biafra would become the fiefdom of the main geopolitical rivals - the United States and Great Britain. To prevent this USSR entered into an alliance with the federals. The calculation was to enhance the Soviet influence throughout Nigeria, albeit with a reactionary government, rather than support the progressive breakaway Eastern Nigeria (Biafra) and receive nothing.
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Alumona, Victor. "The Rhetoric of Unity and the Quest for Political Power in Nigeria." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906777906745.
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AbstractPost colonial African countries, like Nigeria, have been contending, in one form or another, with the problems of nation building. One of these problems in the post independent era is that of forging one nation from a plethora of peoples and cultures brought together under one flag by the erstwhile colonialists. The author argues that even though the various Nigerian political elite usually give the impression that National unity is a sine qua non for the existence of Nigeria as a state and a country, and that every one who must be considered a patriot must be seen to be rooting for it, the real thing, however, is that they emphasize national unity as a leverage for political power. In other words, they see in Unity of the country a topic for generating arguments to support their drive for political power, or to justify their retention of it in spite of the means used to achieve these ends.A careful consideration of the policies of these elite while in government show that they use Unity of Nigeria expediently like the rhetoricians of ancient Greece would do, not out of principles but to serve a contingent purpose. The unity of Nigeria became a source of arguments for power ever before independence because the Northern region feared domination by the Southern region given its many advantages.
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Olanrewaju, John S., and Agaptus Nwozor. "Hegemonic Rivalry in a Peripheral Region: An Assessment of Nigeria–South Africa’s Role in African Politics." Insight on Africa 14, no. 1 (October 17, 2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09750878211042618.
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Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa is evident in her foreign policy articulation of African Centre Piece. From 1960, Nigeria has championed the project of Africa through different diplomatic engagements across the continent of Africa most especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration. Nigeria’s unwavering support against the apartheid regime in South Africa led to the termination of apartheid government in 1994. However, the post- apartheid politics in Africa as well as the post-Cold War politics changed the dynamics of African politics. Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa became more contested and hypothetical with the emergence of notable countries such as Ethiopia and South Africa posing serious challenges to Nigeria’s hegemony in the continent. The most viable and notable threats came from South Africa following the end of apartheid regime in South Africa and coupled with its good governance rating, which had heightened the status of the country as a notable continental leader. This article attempts to explain the leadership roles of Nigeria and South Africa in a peripheral region of Africa with the view of analysing who has the sway to lead the affairs of Africa to the path of prosperity. Through the secondary method of data collection and qualitative method of data analysis (discourse analysis), the study concludes that Nigeria and South Africa roles in Africa were motivated by realist considerations. The study, however, recommends concerted efforts between Nigeria and South Africa in addressing socio-economic challenges in the African continent.
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Egbunike-Umegbolu, Chinwe Stella, and Uriah Bajela. "The Functionality of the Election Tribunal in Nigeria concerning Election Petition." Athens Journal of Law 8, no. 4 (September 30, 2022): 475–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajl.8-4-7.
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This paper scrutinises whether it is possible to have Court-Connected Alternative Dispute Resolution, hereinafter ADR, to cover election petitions in Nigeria. An election petition is a peculiar breed of adversarial matters litigated over in courts, which is exclusively created for the sole purpose of reaching a speedy resolution within the allocated time frame provided by the law. There are no provisions, under the extant legal framework for elections and election disputes in Nigeria, for the use of court-connected ADR to resolve or settle election disputes. The zero-sum nature of Nigerian politics, characterised as the winner takes all; the loser takes none, coupled with the fact that elections are prone to violence and corruption because the seats for grabs are very lucrative- government positions make election disputes unarguably unsuitable for ADR mechanisms. However, the ADR strategy of looking at the interests of the parties rather than at their positions may hold some hope for applying ADR options to election disputes. An interest-based perspective to resolving disputes holds more promise than the traditional position-based perspective. Hence, the paper will analyse what the election tribunal does and whether it has ever used ADR as an option in its history. If not, what hopes are held out that Court-Connected ADR or induced ADR could ever be introduced to disputes concerning an area hotly contested as an election petition? The paper employs qualitative, primary and secondary resources to tackle the above-stated questions. Keywords: Alternative Dispute Resolution; Election Tribunal; Election Petition; Political Parties and Nigeria.
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Arthur, Tori Omega, and Bekeh Utietiang Ukelina. "Gateway to Africa: The History of Television Service in Late Colonial Nigeria." Africa Bibliography 2020 (2021): vii—xiv. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266673121000039.
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AbstractThe constitutional changes that took place in Nigeria in the decade before independence granted significant authority to the colonial state's three regions. The 1954 constitution gave both the federal and regional governments the authority to legislate on broadcasting issues. In 1959, Western Region leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, established the Western Nigeria Television Service (WNTV), a service considered the ‘Gateway to Africa’. This article historicizes the processes and politics of the founding of this station, revealing metropolitan efforts to control the television service's direction in order for it to remain aligned with British cultural and imperial interests. It also shows the BBC's attempts to stall the successful launch of a service that it considered a competitor. The study argues that the broadcasting service's creation was an act of dissent against British colonial rule and its cultural imperialism and sheds light on how the Western Region's political elites embraced emerging public communication technologies to undermine colonialism.
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Chiluwa, Innocent. "Media construction of socio-political crises in Nigeria." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 1 (June 28, 2011): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.1.05chi.
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This paper attempts to show how social and political crises are constructed, represented/mediated in the Nigerian print media news headlines. Nigeria’s leading newsmagazines and newspapers namely The News, Newswatch, Tell, The Guardian and The Punch are selected for the study. From a corpus of thirty-two news headlines being the publications of the above news media between 2000 and 2006, fifteen headlines and their overlines covering the years that marked the end of military rule and the consolidation of democratic government in Nigeria are purposively selected and analyzed within the framework of the systemic model and critical linguistics. The study shows that socio-political crises have been frequent in Nigeria and that the much anticipated recovery associated with democracy has so far eluded the country. In fact the country has witnessed more social crises, national disasters and ethnic violence in the seven years of civil government than at other times. The study also shows that news headlines — an integral part of media discourse, is an instrument for molding social actions, attitudes and perceptions and are also used as an ideological tool for social criticism. Some of the headlines however, exaggerated the crises and indeed misinformed the general public about the identities and activities of certain people as well as the state of security in Nigeria.
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Ogbomo, O. W. "Precolonial History of the Owan People: A Research Agenda." History in Africa 18 (1991): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172069.
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The trend in precolonial Nigerian historiography has been the attempt to concentrate studies on prominent kingdoms, major ethnic nationalities, and coastal communities. Consequently, the histories of acephalous societies have been neglected by historians. A. E. Afigbo once warned Nigerian historians against the danger inherent in the overconcentration of research on the history of megastates to the neglect of ministates, arguing that the history of the smaller polities should not be presented as footnotes to the history of major states.The raison d'être of this paper is to draw attention of historians to one of these neglected communities, the Owan peoples of Nigeria. They inhabit Owan Local Government Area of Bendel State, and consist of eleven clans: Emai, Ighue, Ihievbe, Ikao, Iuleha, Ivbiadaobi, Evbiomoin, Ora, Otuo, Ozalla, and Uokha. Linguistically, they belong to the Edo-speaking people centered in Benin. While it is true that Owan history has been neglected, that of their women suffers doubly because of their gender and as members of the society. Clearly such questions as what Owan society has been like in the past; how it has come to be what it is; what factors operate within it; what currents and forces move the people; and what general and personal factors have shaped events in the area should be the concern of historians interested in Owan history. In answering these questions the origins of the people and the evolution of precolonial sociopolitical institutions should be investigated. The economic arrangements which have sustained the society over the years will no doubt be of interest to would-be researchers. In addition, the links between the various groups and clans in term of trade, politics, and social relations should be studied. An examination of precolonial judicial arrangements and how they coped with crime and punishment will lead to an understanding of the currents within Owan society. Since all societies are dynamic, changes which occurred in the precolonial setting may reveal the resilience of indigenous institutions. Any reconstruction of Owan history must of necessity examine published, archival, and oral evidence. It is hoped that this research agenda will spur historians to focus attention on major aspects of Owan history—origins, economic, political, and social relations—with equal attention to the roles of men and of women.
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Okolie, Ugo Chuks, and Mevayerore Daniel Igbini. "Leadership Failure and Acute Youth Unemployment in Nigeria." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 254–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-3-254-271.
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The history of Nigeria is tainted with the absence of good moral and ethical values in the conduct of the ruling elites; this has adversely affected economic growth and development. Continued poverty reinforced by acute youth unemployment is a barrier to Nigerias quest for consolidating her democracy. A society of beggars, parasites and bandits cannot develop. Youth unemployment has been and is still a major problem in Nigeria. The statistics is staggering despite the political clamours against unemployment. The root of this problem originated in the visionless, selfish, mediocre, tribalistic and opportunistic small money-minded people masquerading as leaders who have continued to regenerate Nigerian political landscape over time. It is against this backdrop that this study examines the relationship between leadership failure and acute youth unemployment in Nigeria. A cross-sectional method was adopted and data was collected via a survey of three hundred (300) respondents in south-south geopolitical zone of Nigeria using non-probability sampling technique. Data collected were analyzed using correlation and linear regression analysis with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 21. The results of the study revealed that there is significant relationship between leadership failure and acute youth unemployment. As predicted, the study also showed that leadership failure exerts a positive and statistically significant impact on acute youth unemployment in Nigeria. On the basis of these findings, the study recommends among others that the government at all levels should empower the jobless youths through genuine empowerment schemes that would equip them to be self-employed and employer of labor, revamped agricultural development schemes to create job opportunities for the unemployed youths roaming about on the Nigeria streets and the actualization of youth empowerment would be impossible if the war against corruption is not intensified.
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Rasheed, Zuwaira, Muhammad Isah, Musa Kuttu, Rufai Adamu, Bashir Hassan, Asmau Bunza, and Ibrahim Saidu. "GENDER DISCRIMINATION IN THE 21STCENTURY, SUSTAINABLE EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT (SED) AMONG WOMEN, AND LEGAL EXPLANATION ON HUMAN RIGHTS SPECIFICATION ON FREEDOM OF KNOWLEDGE A STUDY OF NORTH OF WESTERN NIGERIA." International Journal of Operational Research in Management, Social Sciences, and Education 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2022): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijormsse.v8.i1.10.
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The paper focused on Girl-child education policy in Sokoto State Nigeria. The movement of education from primitive society to organic society had been a very beautiful transition in the history of human civilization. The study adopted the fundamental right of girl education in Nigeria, which had been a policy established by government (education for all). The study had technically, observed that girls child education in Nigeria was associated with number of socio-economic and political challenges faced by women in Nigeria, indeed Sokoto State. In order to achieve this epistemological task among government, stakeholders, spiritual and community leaders, indeed parents, vital awareness is needed particularly, from the family level. The study utilized and highlighted secondary information to ensure adequate and valid data. The study therefore, introduced, and assessed governmental policy such as National Gender Policy in Basic Education that’ served as response to the challenges of achieving gender equality in education, as expressed in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which states that access to quality education is the right of every Nigerian child male or female. The findings, therefore, revealed that, the possible actions Taken by the parents, government, traditional rulers, spiritual leaders, communality elders and stakeholders where very weak. The attainment of gender equality is not only seen as an end in itself, being a human rights issue, but is also a prerequisite for the achievement of national and international sustainable women education in the 21st century, targeting Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) before the year 2020. The study recommendations with some adoptable strategies as tools for enhancing women or girls child education.
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Pierce, Steven. "Looking Like a State: Colonialism and the Discourse of Corruption in Northern Nigeria." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 4 (August 9, 2006): 887–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000338.
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In the international press Nigeria is represented almost exclusively as a state in crisis. Recurrent military coups, ethnic and religious sectionalism, a civil war, a series of bloody riots and local unrest (of which the Niger delta situation is the best-known example), economic turmoil, and the re-imposition of the Islamic criminal code in many northern states have all been used to paint a picture of chaos and collapse. Journalists and government officials alike tend to find the roots of Nigeria's problems in intractable ethnic conflict, the collapse of oil prices in 1983, structural adjustment mandated by the International Monetary Fund in 1986, and hatred between Muslims and Christians. The trouble with Nigeria is also understood to illustrate the trouble with Africa. With 25 percent of the population of sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria appears as representative of Africa. Potentially wealthy from its oil revenue, it symbolizes Africa's promise denied.
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Sidi Attahiru, Mustapha. "An Analysis of Corruption and Inefficiency in Nigerian Public Service: Islamic Point of View." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 10, no. 01 (January 18, 2022): 2962–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v10i1.em13.
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This research aims to determine the effect of corruption on Inefficiency in the Nigerian public sector from Islamic point of view. This is because corruption has adversely affected the socio-cultural, political and economic development of Nigeria.The survey was conducted at Sokoto State Nigeria. Primary data was collected and SmartPLS 3 version was used for the analysis. 150 questionnaires were distributed to the senior staff of Local Government Service Commission, Sokoto, but only 96 were used for the analysis. The study found that there is significant relationship between corruption and inefficiency in Nigeria’s public service. The study also established that inefficiency that bedevilled the public service is as a result of corruption. This research is significant as there is dearth of literature on Islamic approach linking inefficiency to corruption in Nigeria. While this paper sets the stage, there is however, the need for future research.
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Wyss, Marco. "The Challenge of Western Neutralism during the Cold War: Britain and the Buildup of a Nigerian Air Force." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00817.
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In the wake of decolonization, Britain wanted to maintain its strategic interests in Nigeria and to keep the newly independent African country in the Western orbit. Having abrogated a defense agreement in reaction to Nigerian domestic opposition, the British government counted on military assistance to secure its postcolonial security role. The British thus hoped to gain responsibility for the buildup of a Nigerian air force, which the authorities in Lagos wished to establish for national prestige and protection against potential enemies such as Ghana. The Nigerians, however, first tried to secure the requisite assistance from Commonwealth countries other than Britain before opting for a West German air force mission. The Nigerian government aimed to reduce its dependence on Britain and thereby burnish its neutralist credentials. Yet London was challenged by a Western version of neutralism, similar to Western neutrality, because the Nigerians never attempted to approach the Soviet bloc about military assistance.
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Gadau, Yau Idris, and Murjanatu Abubakar Malami. "Youth and the electoral violence in Nigeria’s democratic regime: Lesson for youth ahead of 2023 general election." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 3, no. 4 (July 1, 2022): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v3i4.225.
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This study is a qualitative research data in which data where collected from the secondary sources from books, journals and the government reports. Youth in democratic governance have been used to thwarting the election process or creating confusion that could led to generate doubt in the conduct of free, fair and credible election. Employing thug to boycott the legal procedure in order to win the election or disruption the election creating avenue for electoral violence to manifest. Electoral violence is among the major factors that affect the democratic regime in Nigeria. Throughout the history of democratic governance in Nigeria, electoral violence have affected negatively the socio-political and economic wellbeing and democratization process that has been struggled to put place in the country since the independence. This paper examines the manifestations of electoral violence instigated by youth in Nigerian democracy. The findings showsnumerous factors that contributed to the electoral violence in democratic governance of Nigeria. These factors comprise electoral rigging which manifests in various stages such as snatching of ballot box, and voters buying, godfatherism and institutional incapacity in managing election and mismanagement.
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Omilusi, Mike State. "Gender Based Terrorism and Armed Conflicts in Nigeria: The Chibok Girls’ Abduction and the Changing Narratives in Sambisa Forest." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 8, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 266–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2019.v8n2.04.p266.
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Nigeria has had a chequered history of conflict situations such as civil war, inter and intra ethnic conflicts, religious conflicts among others. Northern Nigeria, in particular, has been greatly threatened by armed conflicts in recent years. Indeed, the remote northeast region is ground zero for many of the world’s most vexing problems, including an Islamic militant insurgency, crippling poverty, and declining development. In 2014, no fewer than 276 schoolgirls were abducted in Borno state by the Boko Haram sect that has ravaged the region since 2009. The audacious kidnapping brought the insurgency to world attention, triggering global outrage that galvanised support from many local and international actors. The girls have become a symbol of Nigeria’s brutal conflict. The failure of Nigeria's former government to act quickly to free the girls sparked a global Bring Back Our Girls movement. While the abduction sparked international outrage in a frantic bid to rescue the girls, some undercurrents were playing out locally that now deserve academic review. This essay is thus, an attempt to further interrogate the nature, nuances, shenanigan, politics and various rescue missions that characterise the Chibok girls’ abduction. It particularly reviews the activities of both local and international dimensions of #Bring Back Our Girls campaign within the socio-cultural and political contexts of the time while putting on spotlight issues of post-trauma facilities expected for the rescued girls and the fate of those still in captivity.
Recebido em: setembro/2018.
Aprovado em: setembro/2019.
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IBANI, BUBARAYI GODDY. "PROMOTING RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF THE COMMUNITYSELF-HELP STRATEGY IN BAYELSA STATE." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 4, no. 1 (March 10, 2019): 126–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/9102.40.010280.
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The main purpose of this study was to seek for a more viable strategy in dealing with the perennial problems of poverty and underdevelopment in the rural areas of Bayelsa State , and worsened by the nature of politics and governance that undermine the values of democratic development by the political elite. Indeed, the principles of democracy such as economic freedom, political participation, competition, mass mobilization, rule of law etc. that would have promoted rural development have been sacrificed for personal interest as against public interest. The Marxian political economy theory was adopted in explaining the dynamics of production, distribution and exchange relations. The analysis was anchored on the productive forces, (the unity of labour power and the means of production) being the major determinants of the dynamics of society and its history. The study adopted descriptive survey reliant on the qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection. Data analysis was based on the statistical method using the simply percentages and frequency distribution. The study revealed that government support to community self-help projects was not adequate. Also, official development policies have tended to urban biased thereby laying bare the necessary amenities and facilities to raise their socio-economic wellbeingof the area The study advocates the introduction of economic empowerment policies, programmes and legislations that would promote participatory rural development culture aimed at making the rural populace more productive and self-reliant.
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Iheukwumere, Emmanuel, David Moore, and Temitope Omotayo. "Investigatingthe challenges of refinery construction in Nigeria: A snapshot across two-timeframes over the past 55 years." International Journal of Construction Supply Chain Management 10, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14424/ijcscm100120-46-72.
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he sub-optimal performance of state-owned refineries in Nigeria has led to a significant gap in the supply of refined petroleum products (RPPs) in the country. More so, the growing demand for these products has further widened the gap to the range of 500,000 –600,000 barrels per day (bpd). Consequently, most of the imports for RPPs in Nigeria are being filled from the United States and North-Western Europe at the expense of the Nigerian economy. However, given the abundance of petroleum resources in Nigeria and its long history in the production of oil, it is unfortunate that the local refineries are hardly maintained to meet the needs of the local population. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian state to build additional refining capacity to cushion its domestic supply gap for RPPs has become a major concern. With more than 40 licenses issued to private companies since 2002, only two companies (Niger Delta Petroleum Resources Refinery and Dangote Oil Refinery) have made noticeable progress in new refinery construction.This paper is focused on investigating the current challenges of refinery construction in Nigeria. This is done with a view of comparing the drivers and enablers of productivity in construction in this sector during the period of 1965 –1989 and how they differ from the current period of 2000 -2019 in Nigeria.A systematic literature review within the academic journals, source documents from the industry, relevant interviews from published news media and consulting organisations were used to identify and categorise these challenges. The findings of this study were validated by interviews from experts across key industries in this sector.The study reveals that change of ownership structures from the government sector to the private sector between the two eras, present additional challenges. These challenges cut across availability of capital, inconsistent government priorities and access to land for construction. Others include cronyism and corruption, weak political will, unstructured refinery licensing scheme, security challenges and economic factors regarding the regulated downstream market inNigeria. Key recommendations proffered to help solve these problems include a private sector-led partnership with the government in the form of public private partnerships (PPPs), a review of existing methods for licensing refineries for private organisations, the development of local manpower with relevant technical skills to help lower the cost of expatriate labour and the establishment of more designated clusters as free trade zones within the oil-producing Niger Delta. These recommendations will help lower the entry barriers for private organisations in this sector
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Sekulić, Dubravka. "Energoprojekt in Nigeria." Southeastern Europe 41, no. 2 (June 9, 2017): 200–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04102005.
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The foundation of the Non-aligned Movement in Belgrade, Yugoslavia in September 1961 represented a new opening, not only for a joint political representation of the countries trying to challenge the bipolar division of the world and imperialism during the Cold War, but also for the establishment of the direct economic relations. In the first decades of the movement, Yugoslavia was trying to match political with economic cooperation, an important part of which was involvement of the construction companies in the large infrastructural projects being constructed in countries gaining their independence. This study focuses on the work of “Energoprojekt” construction enterprise from Belgrade, one of the most successful Yugoslav construction companies on the international markets, whose portfolio of projects beside infrastructural included also architectural projects. Closely examining the sequence of Energoprojekt’s project in Nigeria in the 1970s, the paper will look into the economic, political, and architectural conditions that enabled their construction, as well as how they influenced the design and construction process. The paper introduces some of the most important protagonists, architects and directors, who shaped Energoprojekt’s approach to architecture, and an overview of organizational formats used to support economic relationship between Yugoslav and the Non-aligned government and enterprises.
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Ashindorbe, Kelvin. "Electoral Violence and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 1 (January 24, 2018): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417749639.
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Elections are the hallmarks of democracy; they also serve the purpose of peaceful change in government and confer political legitimacy on the government. Viewed from this prism, elections represent the expression of the sovereign will of the people. However, the conduct of elections in a plural society like Nigeria is often fraught with animosities and violence. Failing is the process to satisfy the test of popular participation and legitimacy. At the core of this bitter contest is the struggle for power by factional elite groups perceived as representing ethno religious and regional interest. Electoral seasons more than anytime else reveals the fragility and soft underbelly of the Nigerian state. The country’s electoral history is replete with narratives of flawed and disputed elections that have turned violent, resulting in numerous fatalities and reversing previous attempts at democratic consolidation. The 2015 general election was unprecedented in the annals of the country because for the first time an entrenched and incumbent party was defeated at the polls, and the country witnessed a peaceful alternation of power between contending political parties thereby fulfilling one of the preconditions for democratic consolidation. A tensed pre-election political atmosphere occasioned by the activities of the terrorist group, Boko Haram, that then controlled a large swath of Nigeria’s territory and a fragmented elite divided along ethno-religious and regional lines foreshadowed the election. Shuttle diplomacy by the United States secretary of state and the constitution of body called ‘National Peace Committee’ comprised of Kofi Anan, the immediate past secretary general of the United Nations, past presidents of Nigeria and leading clergymen and the postponement of the election date by six weeks before the electoral management body could deliver an election whose outcome was accepted by the contending political parties and averting the prediction of an apocalyptic endgame. This study seeks to engage the factors that make conduct of elections in Nigeria to be violent prone and undermine attempts at institutionalising a democratic tradition. The methodology is qualitative in approach, relying on secondary data from books, journal articles and newspaper commentaries.
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Dami, Caleb Danjuma. "The #EndSARS protest, corruption and insecurity debates in Nigeria." IKENGA Journal of Institute of African Studies 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2021/22/2/009.
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The mass protest to end the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (known as the #EndSARS protest) was a decentralized social movement and series of mass protests against police brutality in Nigeria. The protest started in 2017 as a Twitter campaign using the hash tag #ENDSARS to demand the disbanding of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. This paper argues that the #EndSARS protest in Nigeria was a microcosmic manifestation of the deeply rooted dissatisfaction of Nigerians with the social, economic and political situation of the country. Data was collected using secondary sources such as internet material, journal, research reports and textbooks, and were analyzed using the expository and analytical method of inquiry, the paper demonstrates that the protest was just the avenue the Nigerian youths got to ventilate their frustration, disappointment and anger with the government. The paper asserts that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the underlying issues that fuelled the protest. Restructuring and resource control, which underline the gross inequality in Nigeria, are other current debates that gave rise to the protest. Following the analysis, the paper concludes that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the bane of Nigeria’s economic, political and social ill.
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Akinola, Anthony A. "A Critique of Nigeria's Proposed Two-Party System." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1989): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015652.
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Shortly after assuming office as Head of State in August 1985, President Ibrahim Babangida inaugurated a 17-member Political Bureau, headed by Professor Sylvanus Cookey, whose terms of reference included ‘The review of Nigeria's political history, identifying the basic problems which led to failure in the past and suggesting ways of resolving and coping with these problems’.1 One of the most controversial of the Bureau's proposals was that the number of political parties should be limited to two in order to ensure that Nigeria's future politics would be based on principles and not ethnicity.2 The Government accepted this recommendation as part of the programme for a return to civilian rule in 1992, and has decided that two parties will be registered in 1989.3
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Akinola, Ayodele James. "Pragmatics of musical rhetoric in the post-2015 elections in Nigeria." Journal of Language and Education 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/jle.2019.7338.
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In linguistics, most studies on rhetoric are approached from the perspective of persuasive ideologies of social actors such as community, religious, and political leaders with a concentration on their speeches and the impacts of the speeches on their followers and society at large. As a result, music as a form of persuasion and political strategy has been under-researched. This paper investigates the rhetoric embedded in politically-motivated musical renditions in the post-2015 elections in Nigeria and identifies ideologies of persuasion, pragmatic choice(s), and implications of the narratives on the Nigerian political landscape. Mey’s pragmatic acts serve as the theoretical base. Two popular and viral musical renditions in (Nigerian pidgin) English from social media were selected for the study. Analysis of the selected songs which critiqued the leadership style of President Muhammadu Buhari from two opposing angles was carried out. Both songs exhibited the Pragmemic activity of (in)direct speech acts as well as conversational and psychological acts through their rhythm and lyrics adapted from Harry Song’s popular ‘Reggae Blues’ and re-titled as ‘The (Change/Truth) Blues’. Musical political rhetoric relies on co-texts conveyed through verifiable information, (satiric) visuals, history, antecedents, and socio-political realities and sentiments as strategies of persuasion. The pragmatic acts employed include narrating, condemning, accusing and counter-accusing, blaming, justifying, (partial) veiling, threatening, hoping, and praying. The study reveals the political consciousness and conflicting perceptions of some Nigeria citizens in governance and makes a case for ‘truth awareness’ among the governed. Citizens’ active participation and better access to information about the political leadership of the day is, therefore, advocated. All these are invaluable for the reposing of trust in the government and also engender citizens’ active participation.
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Hammed, Hanafi A., and Wahab O. Egbewole. "Re-Emergence of Shari'ah Penal Law in Northern Nigeria: Issues and Options." ICR Journal 8, no. 3 (July 15, 2017): 368–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v8i3.180.
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It was in quest of political legitimacy as well as religious purity that former governor of Zamfara state, Senator Sani Ahmed Yerima, started a crusade in 1999 to re-establish Shariah. That initiative immediately found spacious reverberation with many Muslims. For the clerics, it was an opportunity to restore a religious and moral heritage that had been suppressed after colonial conquest. Many people saw Shariah as an instrument for achieving a just, safe, compassionate and less corrupt society. Thus, the Zamfara governments actions were soon taken up by other states, whose governors followed with varying degrees of enthusiasm. The federal government, however, declared Shariah to be incompatible with the constitutional guarantee of freedom of religion. The northern governors responded by highlighting that the same constitution vested in states concurrent powers to establish their own court systems. The writers develop this narrative and look into the constitutional provisions that guarantee freedom of religion and international and national judicial decisions where the right of religion has been vindicated.
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Edem, Okokon Effiom, and Ogaboh Agba. "Centrifugal Cause of Household Poverty in Nigeria." FWU Journal of Social Sciences 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.51709/fw12724.
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The study assessed the centrifugal cause of poverty in Obudu, Cross River State, Nigeria. Utilising the survey research method, data was collected from 417 participants from Obudu Local Government Area of Cross River State, Nigeria using cluster, purposive and simple random sampling technique. A semi-structured self-developed questionnaire was used for data collection. Collected data were analysed using simple percentages, graphs, frequency distribution and simple lineal regression at 0.05 confidence level. The result from the analysed data revealed that a correlation exists between family size correlates with household poverty from the descriptive analysis. It was discovered that 84.75 per cent of the participants could not afford to take care of their family because of family composition. Results also revealed that family income significantly correlates within household poverty. The descriptive statistics revealed that 96 per cent of the participants could hardly afford three square meal. The study concludes that family income and size significantly determine household poverty in Obudu Local Government Area of Cross River State, Nigeria. There is a need for policy change by the government towards poverty alleviation programs and financial inclusion of people of Obudu.
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Watts, Michael J. "State as Illusion?" Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 551–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885513.
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Abstract Moral Economies of Corruption is an important intervention, and Steven Pierce provides an alternative way of viewing the long history of anticorruption programs in Nigeria. As Michael J. Watts' contribution discusses, there are a number of dangers that lurk in the discursive and performative orientation of the book. Sometimes the shifting character of what constitutes corruption produces less a systematic account of corruption than a history of shifting political cultures (much of which has, of course, been covered in a variety of ways by scholars of Nigeria). But if the purpose is to see the work that corruption undertakes, then it would also require a careful and granular accounting of the shifting pacts, coalitions, and political cartels linking the business world, the security forces, and the vast fiscal federalism composed of thirty-six states and seven-hundred-odd local government councils covering the last seven decades. The political settlements that have arisen through different conjunctures and across the turbulent history of oil busts and booms need to be clearly explicated if both state effects and the political work of corruption claims are to be fully realized.
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Ibelema, Minabere. "The Nigerian Press and June 12: Pressure and Performance During a Political Crisis." Journalism & Communication Monographs 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 162–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/152263790300400401.
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The Nigerian press faced its most turbulent years to date between 1993 and 1998, a span that has been described as the “darkest period of its 140-year history.” This was the period during which the military annulled a national election and sought to perpetuate itself, a development that precipitated a political crisis that brought Nigeria close to another civil war. This study examines the fate of the Nigerian press during the crisis, which Nigerians refer to simply as June 12 in reference to the date of the annulled election in 1993. Specifically, the study examines the dynamics of a press system in which the forces of repression and the forces of freedom manifest strong oppositional trends. In this case, an illegitimate (and therefore insecure) military government sought to repress a press that was growing in size and independence in a volatile political context and difficult economic circumstances. The paper analyzes the interplay of the various factors and trends in engendering repression while also facilitating press resistance. The paper notes the implications for press systems analysis.
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Orji, Nkwachukwu. "Why Biafran struggle persists: A study in conflict termination and recurrence." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2022/23/2/005.
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This article examines the reasons for the resurgence, persistence and recent intensification of the Biafran separatist struggle in Nigeria. It argues that three key contextual issues account for the resurgence of Biafra separatism, namely identity politics, political economy, and state-society relations. While the level of feeling of exclusion and collective victimisation by the separatists explain the persistence of Biafra separatism, the current momentum and escalation of the struggle can be linked to the perceived decline in the capacity of the state and certain government actions and inactions, which have led to a rapid increase in the corps of willing agitators. To de-escalate the conflict and achieve lasting peace, the article calls for a peacebuilding programme that is anchored in social justice, where the goal is not just to stop direct violence, but to address the underlying issues that gave rise to the conflict in the first place.
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Gathogo, Julius Mutugi. "FRANCIS AKANU IBIAM (1906-1995): A LEADER WHO HAD A MISSION BEYOND ECCLESIA." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 1 (August 3, 2015): 222–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/111.
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Sir Francis Akanu Ibiam KCMG, KBE (1906-1995) was a distinguished medical missionary who was appointed Governor of Eastern Region, nigeria from December 1960 until January 1966 during the nigerian First Republic. From 1919 to 1951 he was known as Francis Ibiam, and from 1951 to 1967 as Sir Francis Ibiam. This article explores his profile; the profile of a man whose contribution as a medical doctor, a missionary doctor, an educationist, a statesman and a churchman is outstanding, hence inspiring to the new crop of leadership in Africa of the 21st century. Was he too emotional when conducting his political discourses? Did he make the right choices all along? Does his role in the Biafra War of 1967 with the government of nigeria smack of his main weakness as a public servant? nevertheless, he comes out in this article as one of the early pre-colonial professionals in Africa who had received a quality education during the dark days of African history, who had worked hard to remain relevant in their days; and who are indeed relevant in the 21st century. In Francis Ibiam, the article shows a decisive leader who chose to work for the church rather than the colonial government, thereby making a strong statement that the church can be developed into an alternative forum of progress, a kind of alternative government where the deprived can still find justice, a job and other lifetime comforts. Despite the article being greatly indebted to Agwu Kalu’s book, Dr ibiam: The challenge of his life (1986), it has also derived materials from the internet and other published works. Certainly, it is geared towards celebrating a leader who had a mission beyond ecclesia.
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Ibrahim, Musa. "The Formation of Muslim Minorities within a Muslim Majority Context: the Case of Shia Groups in Nigeria." Islamic Africa 13, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 220–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01302003.
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Abstract Focusing on al-Ḥaraka al-Islamiyya fī Nayjīriyā (Islamic Movement in Nigeria), which is the largest Shia group in the country, this article examines Shia’s growth and social relations between its members and the Sunni majority. It analyses how the imn uses its structure, networks, and reform programs to spread Shia at the grassroots despite theological and political opposition from the Sunni majority. Beyond engaging in doctrinal polemics with the Sunnis, the Shias organized themselves into a well- structured religious movement with a political agenda challenging the Sunni majority and the Nigerian state. They are construed as a threat by the state, a notion supported by the Sunni Muslims within and outside the government. Subsequently, these dynamics inform how both Shia minorities and Sunni majority react to each other and how they both partake in remaking the wider social fabric of the society they share through interpersonal encounters and their relationship with the state.
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Adefisoye, Taiwo Oladeji, and Ifeyinwa Arum. "Inter-agency collaboration and the dilemma of flood management and policy implementation in Nigeria." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2021/22/3/007.
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Flooding remains the most common disaster in Nigeria since its first occurrence in 1948. While the subject of flood management has enjoyed sufficient attention in the literature, the primacy of inter-agency collaboration in managing the effects of flood emergencies and in implementing flood management-related policies remain less explored. This forms the basis for this article. The qualitative research approach was adopted to elicit information from ten key informants from federal, state and local government agencies directly involved in flood management. Three states from three of the six geo-political zones with the highest records of floods were purposively selected. Besides, publications/reports and other secondary materials were reviewed to generate secondary data, while a conceptual framework was woven around the importance of government institutions in implementing public policy. Results show that despite the appreciable level of collaboration among the government institutions/agencies in managing floods in the country, such collaboration is yet to translate into improved service delivery. Identified causes include low institutional capacity, inadequate funding and bureaucratic corruption. Based on these findings, it was recommended that institutions/agencies should be repositioned to play more active roles in Nigeria’s flood management system and implement related public policies. If this is done, it would save the country from the socio-economic effects of flood disaster, which has placed a burden on government spending and infrastructural development.
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Obijiofor, Levi, Richard Murray, and Shailendra B. Singh. "Changes in journalism in two post-authoritarian non-Western countries." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682147.
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There have been significant changes in journalistic practices in various countries over the years. Yet little is known about the nature of changes in journalism in transitional developing countries following military rule. Drawing on email surveys of journalists in Nigeria and Fiji, two countries with recent histories of military dictatorship that are rarely examined in the research literature, this comparative study investigates journalistic practices in the two countries. Results show that in Nigeria, the transition from military rule to democratic system of government in May 1999 and the enactment of the Freedom of Information Act in 2011 have ushered in significant changes in the way journalism is practised. However, there remains an adversarial relationship between the government and journalists. In Fiji, the 2006 coup, the fourth in the country’s history, led to a more restrictive environment for journalists, despite democratic elections in 2014. Under pressure, journalists are rethinking their roles, with some now considering ‘development journalism’ as a legitimate journalistic genre. These findings contribute to our understanding of journalistic practices in non-Western cultures following transition from military rule to democracy.
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Aderogba, Ademola, and Tunde Oseni. "THE EFFECTS OF STATE-LOCAL-GOVERNMENTS JOINT ACCOUNT ON LOCAL GOVERNMENTS’ IMPACT ON RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 05, no. 02 (December 3, 2022): 309–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2022-05-02-016.
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This paper examines how the operation of State-Local Government Joint Account affects the impact of local government, in executing rural development programmes at the grassroots. The intention of the constitution is to forge cooperation between the state and local governments in managing efficiently local government allocations from Federation Account for the benefit of local people, but reports and agitation of the people on nature of operation of the account proves otherwise. For the purpose of contributing towards the reform of the operation of the account, the paper examines the nature of the operation of the account in some selected states, evaluates the effects of the operation on the local government impacts on rural development, and identifies ways of improving the operation of the account to achieve its objectives. In the process, descriptive analysis method was adopted in examining the available secondary data. However, the findings indicate that the state governments manipulate the account to the disadvantage of local governments. Also, most local governments are unable to contribute significantly to rural development activities because of paucity of funds. Therefore, the paper recommends way out to improve the operation of the account, instead of abolishing it, through effective budgeting; compliance, monitoring, and enforcement by Community Development Associations (CDAs); and prevention of mismanagement and diversion of funds by Anti-corruption agencies.
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Oghuvbu, Ejiroghene A., Daniel E. Gberevbie, and Samuel O. Oni. "Technology Policy and Sustainable Development in Nigeria." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 2 (July 3, 2022): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-2-385-396.
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In the 21st century, the government and people of Nigeria are placing special emphasis on the technological component of development. In today’s world, technology has a critical impact on people and all areas of societal development, from communications and transport to construction and health care. In this study, the term “technology” is used in a broad context, referring to the knowledge, competencies and skills strongly required for technological development. Methodologically, the research is based on the secondary sources - monographs, academic articles and Internet resources. The main idea of the research is to comprehensively analyze the Nigeria’s technology and sustainable development policies. The performance of these efforts has been rather poor, preventing Nigeria from reaching a technological level comparable with that of developed economies. Rich in mineral resources Nigeria must initiate the development and adoption of modern technology to accelerate its economic growth. A review of Nigeria’s technology policy in the context of a long-term development is required. With a more thorough approach to the development of production functions and operations, such as quality control, maintenance, planning, etc., the level of national development would be much higher than at present. In the case of Nigeria, qualitative improvements in industrial production are directly linked to such factors as knowledge, expertise and experience. Overall, the authors conclude that vocational training for the sub-Saharan Africa sub-region is the key to bringing the respective countries to a new level of technological development. Meanwhile, in seeking technology, Nigeria must strive to strike a balance between industrial development and the environment in order to achieve sustainability.
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Akingbe, Niyi. "Subverting Nationalism." Matatu 49, no. 1 (2017): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04901003.
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The thematics of Femi Fatoba’s They Said I Abused the Government (2001) and Wole Soyinka’s Samarkand and Other Markets I Have Known (2002) demonstrate the potential of art to bear witness to the bizarre, depressing anomie bedevilling Nigeria between 1993 and 1998. This anomie was ruinously orchestrated by the power-hungry military, who annulled the free and fair presidential election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola. This military incursion into Nigeria’s political sphere was facilitated by a nebulous nationhood plagued by contending differences among its federating units. The notorious brutality of General Abacha’s regime was a cavalcade of incarceration and killings of real and imagined political dissidents. Especially, outspoken politicians who fell victim to unstable power-plays were kept in detention facilities across the country. They Said I Abused the Government and Samarkand and Other Markets I Have Known’s articulation of these ‘years of the locusts’ is epitomized by the closing of newspapers, brain drain, and the imagery of stasis and displacement. These occurrences are captured by the accusatory tone of Femi Fatoba and Wole Soyinka’s poetics as they protest the military brigandage in their works. The essay seeks to explicate how protest and satire have been harnessed to articulate the subversion of nationalism in postcolonial Nigeria.
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Nkwap, John P. "Kwamteng Deity: A Culture-Historic Perspective in Demshin, Shendam Local Government Area Plateau State Nigeria." Anthropology – Open Journal 5, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17140/antpoj-5-128.
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Background This paper examines and document the culture-historic and symbolic perspectives of Kwamteng in Demshin, Shendam Local Government Area Plateau State Nigeria. This paper has shown the communal values, norms and the symbolic perspectives of the infamous cult in Shendam. The research argues that in pre-colonial times, Kwamteng was a tool used in measuring moral and worthwhile characters in Demshin. It is shown here that the cult and the deity they worshipped ensured trust, loyalty and fulfilment of agreements between parties. Kwamteng also checked social vices including witchcraft, killing and stealing of peoples property or economic crops. This study shows the significant roles played by this cult within Demshin community, including assisting them out of tough challenges like conflicts (war), financial crises, infertility, sickness and low agricultural produce. The initiation process, initiation items and requirements, mode of worship, items of worship, taboos and other socio-cultural practices tied to this revered cult has been discussed in this work. Also, this work sheds light on its contributions to the socio-political landscape of Demshin. Methods The study also employed the use of archival materials or written documents, oral tradition through oral interviews and ethnography through participant observation, this research has revealed new information on Kwamteng from a culture-historical perspective. Findings Kwamteng has an organized religious system, Sustainable conflict management strategy, cultural heritage management, Kwamteng serves as the security and custodian of Goemai cultural history as well as judicial roles. Conclusion The research has shown that Kwamteng is an ancient tradition in the Goemai area and it played a very significant role in the upbringing of the male child through rigorous training as well as endurance of hardship from a very tender age to prepare the boy from the task that associates the man later in life.
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Abioro, Tunde A., and E. E. Mutambara. "Understanding insecurity in Nigeria from the prism of terrorism and insurgency in the Fourth Republic." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 23, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2022/23/3/009.
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The Nigerian state is faced with the challenge of curbing the menace of terrorists that engage in economic sabotage, and kidnapping for ransom, and whose attacks on national and international installations are capable of threatening the peaceful coexistence of the citizenry. However, economic disenfranchisement, ideological orientations and religious convictions have mostly influenced the support base of these terrorist activities, thus making the situation intractable. This study examined the effects and strategies adopted to combat the activities of the terrorists and insurgents in Nigeria. Conflict and political economy theories were employed as the framework of analysis. Data from secondary sources were adapted and utilized. The study found that the security situation has improved in the southern region due to the timely response and approach adopted by the federal government. However, it recommended decisive steps to consider engaging existing traditional institutions and religious organisations to deconstruct the already ideologically brainwashed sympathizers of the members of the groups in the northern region.
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Nuruddeen, Abba Abdullahi. "AN EXPLORATORY STUDY ON PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES OF XBRL ADOPTION IN NIGERIA." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 05, no. 02 (December 3, 2022): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2022-05-02-02.
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The information technology revolution has profound implications on financial reporting, financial information preparers and users. Today, speed, quality, accuracy and transparency are components for timely and useful corporate reports. This study explores the concepts, potential benefits and challenges of implementing eXtensible Business Reporting Language (XBRL) in Nigeria. The study uses both primary data and secondary data sources towards achieving its stated objectives. It reviews, existing literature in the context of developing countries, to analyze the prospects of XBRL adoption in Nigeria. Whereas interviews were conducted with stakeholders relevant to the process of XBRL adoption in Nigeria. Also, the study reports XBRL adoption effort in Nigeria. Findings indicate that there is a lack of awareness about XBRL among key stakeholders, including professional accountants. It was also found that there are inter-stakeholders’ rivalry which hampered the formation of XBRL Provisional Nigerian Jurisdiction thus the drive for the implementation of XBRL requires greater cooperation and collaboration of the major stakeholders, including government regulators, professional accountancy organizations, public entities, technology experts, educators, investors and other users of financial reports. The study concludes that XBRL could benefit stakeholders across the supply chain in corporate reporting, and there were options to address the challenges. It recommends that the authorities should consider persuasion for voluntary regulatory compliance with XBRL reporting system by large entities rather than mandatory compliance. The initiative for the establishment of XBRL Nigeria Provisional Jurisdiction should be accelerated and sustained towards fast XBRL adoption in Nigeria.
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Edith, Chinwe, and Emeka M. Onwuama. "Social consequences of wife-battering in Ogbaru and Onitsha North Local Government Areas of Anambra State, Nigeria." FWU Journal of Social Sciences 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.51709/fw12727.
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Domestic violence is gaining increasing notoriety in Nigeria, yet, it is treated with little importance. This could be attributed to a number of reasons; one of which is underreporting. This article examines the social consequences of wife-battering in Ogbaru and Onitsha North LGAs of Anambra State, Nigeria. Using qualitative and quantitative research approaches, a sample of 364 respondents comprising of 196 males and 168 females was drawn from Anambra State. The study adopted multi-stage and purposive sampling techniques in reaching the respondents. The quantitative data were analyzed using percentages, while thematic method of analysis was employed in the qualitative data. We found out and argue in this paper that wife-battering causes divorce, miscarriage, and children growing up to be aggressive. This paper proposes the need for emotionally incompatible couples to be allowed to get divorce. Also, the study calls for the government to encourage battered wives and children to get emotionally stabilized by establishing marriage counseling units in the communities that make up the Local Government Areas. And the units should make use of the services of personality psychologists and social workers.
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Afigbo, A. E. "The Spell of Oral History: A Case Study from Northern Igboland." History in Africa 33 (2006): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0003.
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My case study is taken from the northern Igbo of Nigeria and focuses on the village-group of Ihuwe, which name is today rendered as Ihube— thanks to its Anglicization during the period of colonial rule. This not-withstanding, the people still call themselves “Ihuwe,” the form I use in this paper. The Northern Igbo area, especially the area around Awka, Orlu, and Okigwe, is commonly regarded as the heartland of Igbo culture and civilization. Ihuwe, in that portion of old Okigwe Division known today as Okigwe Local Government Area (LGA), lies in a region of southern Nigeria that has been identified as having witnessed human activity from very early times, at least from the period of Acheulean culture. It also lies on the geographically and historically prominent Nsukka-Udi-Okigwe cuesta, which archeology tells us entered the Iron Age quite early in African history, no later than about the eighth century BCE. We are thus dealing with one of the areas of ancient human occupation, as well as an area known for its dense demographic profile. It is these features–early human settlement and occupation with its attendant consequence of severely attenuated oral history, dense demographic profile, and being the cradle land of Igbo culture—that help to define the Northern Igbo and mark them out from the Western, Eastern, Southern, and North-Eastern Igbo, believed to be relatively more recent descendants from them.Perhaps another feature that calls for mention here is their political culture. Although, like their other Igbo kinsmen, they could boast of having evolved only micro-, and therefore weak, states (what social anthropologists of the colonial period refused to refer to as states), they had their own special model of these micro-states.