Academic literature on the topic 'Nigeria – Politics and government – History'

The influence of religion in Nigerian politics can be traced in particular to the Islamic/political legacy of the nineteenth-century Sokoto Caliphate. The legacy of this Islamic state has dramatically influenced Nigerian politics, which became particularly evident during the period of political activity in the 1950s and the subsequent events that stemmed from this activity. The Sokoto Caliphate as a model of government in northern Nigeria was in fact problematic because it only represented part of an historical tradition that was strongly affected by violence and resistance to Islamic expansion. Hence the Caliphate has been a source of tension rather than integration at the national level.

AbstractColonial forest reservation in the Benin Division of southern Nigeria was remarkably extensive, with reserves taking up almost 65 per cent of the Division by 1937. This paper explores both the various strategies employed by the colonial government in order to bring about large scale reservation and the role of reservation in changing land politics. In doing so, it provides nuanced insights into the interaction between the colonial government and local rulers under indirect rule. It shows that both Oba Eweka II (1914–33) and Oba Akenzua II (1933–79) supported reservation for strategic reasons, but also highlights the government's many underhand tactics in dealing with the Obas.

During the Nigeria-Biafra War, the Nigerian government employed shooting and economic blockade as powerful instruments of uniting the country and defending its territorial integrity. Starvation as a potent weapon was of a magnitude that arguably made it the worst catastrophe since the Second World War. The tension was between sovereignty and human rights. Public opinion in Canada strongly favored humanitarian support for Biafra, but the Canadian government argued that humanitarian aid for Biafra might be offensive to the Nigerian government. This article examines the attitude of Pierre Trudeau to the Biafran humanitarian crisis. It argues that Trudeau’s analogical arguments did not represent the true situation of the war. Although Trudeau’s reliance on information from the Commonwealth secretariat affected his understanding of the crisis, his policies were largely influenced by domestic political issues, particularly the Quebec separatist movement. The paper concludes that Canada’s foreign policy reviews that coincided with the Nigeria–Biafra War informed Trudeau’s kneejerk response to the Biafran humanitarian crisis.

Nigeria is at the brink of failure as a state partly because of its inability to control the activities of armed non-state actors. In reality, armed bandits now run their own government in parts of Nigeria; they compel citizens to pay tax, seek permission to work on their farms, and sell their goods at the market. This parallel government system operating in many states in Nigeria have not had equal state-actor forces against them. Extant studies on government response to banditry have extensively examined roles played by security agencies, whereas how the idiosyncrasies of the Nigerian president stimulate the surge in insecurity in Nigeria has been hardly investigated. The article examines this while utilizing qualitative method that relies on desktop reviews. Findings indicated that despite the military background of the Nigerian president, the country and its citizens have hardly felt safe under his current administration. Also, President Buhari’s approach to end banditry has widely been criticized in Nigeria. It concludes that banditry in Nigeria could have been a thing of the past if the Nigerian president effectively enforced his political will.

Abstract When compared to its relative success in the Southern and Western parts of Nigeria, Seventh-Day Adventism (S.D.A.) had some difficulties in establishing its mission in the North from the 1930s onward. This paper argues that there were three reasons why S.D.A. missionaries found the North difficult. First, the S.D.A. joined the Christian missionary scene in Nigeria rather late. Second, due to colonial politics, which did not favor the proselytizing aims of Christian missionaries in the North, Adventist missionaries did not find it easy to immediately establish a mission. Third, the difficult beginnings in northern Nigeria can also be attributed to the relationship between S.D.A. missionaries and other mission bodies, which tended towards rivalry, as a result of the “spheres of influence” established by the colonial government.

For the greater part of its existence as a sovereign state, Nigeria has witnessed more years of military than civilian rule. An excursion into this very important aspect of our national history must, of necessity, interrogate the circumstances and dramatis personae that led to the military’s intervention in national politics. One name that has never escaped the scrutiny in this effort is that of Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu. Though a posthumous research, the intention of this paper is to attempt a reappraisal of the often ignored, misinterpreted and maligned intentions of the principal actors of the January 15, 1966 military coup d’etat, especially the role of Nzeogwu. In order to achieve this objective, the research made use of both primary and secondary sources of data. These were subjected to initial qualitative analysis. The research concludes that part of the reasons for the misinterpretation of Nzeogwu’s role is the need to justify the failure of the government of the First Republic to satisfy the basic human and material needs of Nigeria. In addition, it establishes the fact that subsequent political equations and configurations in Nigeria have evidently been to the benefit of those who have been at pains to justify the brutality that attended the January 1966 coup d’etat.

The purpose of the study was to investigate the concept of the common good and its impact on Nigerian politics. To achieve this purpose, the descriptive research design was used with 150 undergraduates (in Political Science Department) randomly selected from three (3) tertiary institutions in Lagos State. The primary source of data collection was derived through a self-structured questionnaire given to the participants within the study area on the subject matter. The reliability of the instrument was determined using the Split-Half Method with a co-efficient of reliability of 0.82. Simple percentage analysis was used to analyze the 4 stated hypotheses at 0.05 alpha level. It was concluded that Nigeria needs a kind of governance that emphasizes public transparency and accountability, rule of law, popular participation and engagement, which are basic features of the common good. The researcher recommended that there is a need for politicians at all levels of government across political parties to create and preserve the conditions which allow people, either as groups or as individuals, to reach their fulfillment more fully and more easily through the concept of the common good. Also, the study recommended that in a multicultural society like Nigeria, Government needs to ensure that agreement on the common goods is reached by popular opinion, participation, and engagement.

This paper examines the causes of the Niger delta crisis in Nigeria and assesses the impact of the crisis on the effort at building a strong and virile state where every citizen will have an undoubted feeling of belonging. The amalgamation of over 350 ethnic-nationalities into one nation state, Nigeria in 1914 marked a watershed in the history and politics of the country. Three other phenomena namely the struggle for political independence by the nationalists, the emergence of the oppressed and dominated minorities in the political and economic arrangements of the country , and the struggles for self-determination and resource control by the minority groups, particularly in the Niger-Delta region of the state became central issues. Communities in the Niger-Delta since independence are faced with political instability, ecological degradation, and wide spread poverty; leading to lack of allegiance to the country. Ethnic suspicion and antagonism which has grievous implications for national integration became the order of the day in Nigeria. This paper submits that enduring peace and stability in the Niger delta region of the Nigerian state is a major factor for sustainable national integration. This could only be accomplished with a resolute political will and determination by the citizens and government at all levels of governance in the country to see and treat Nigerians as the same people irrespective of the place of birth or ethno-regional affiliation.

This paper examines the causes of the Niger delta crisis in Nigeria and assesses the impact of the crisis on the effort at building a strong and virile state where every citizen will have an undoubted feeling of belonging. The amalgamation of over 350 ethnic-nationalities into one nation state, Nigeria in 1914 marked a watershed in the history and politics of the country. Three other phenomena namely the struggle for political independence by the nationalists, the emergence of the oppressed and dominated minorities in the political and economic arrangements of the country , and the struggles for self-determination and resource control by the minority groups, particularly in the Niger-Delta region of the state became central issues. Communities in the Niger-Delta since independence are faced with political instability, ecological degradation, and wide spread poverty; leading to lack of allegiance to the country. Ethnic suspicion and antagonism which has grievous implications for national integration became the order of the day in Nigeria. This paper submits that enduring peace and stability in the Niger delta region of the Nigerian state is a major factor for sustainable national integration. This could only be accomplished with a resolute political will and determination by the citizens and government at all levels of governance in the country to see and treat Nigerians as the same people irrespective of the place of birth or ethno-regional affiliation.

By tracing the history of Badagry, from its reconstruction after 1784 until its annexation in 1863, it is possible to trace a number of themes which have implications for the history of the whole 'Slave Coast' and beyond. The enormous impact of the environment in shaping this community and indeed its relations with other communities, plays a vital part in any understanding of the Badagry story. As a place of refuge, Badagry's foundation and subsequent history was shaped by a series of immigrant groups and individuals from Africa and Europe. Its position as an Atlantic and lagoonside port enabled this community to emerge as an important commercial and political force in coastal affairs. However, its very attractions also made it a desirable prize for African and European groups. Badagry's internal situation was equally paradoxical. The fragmented, competitive nature of its population resulted in a weakness of political authority, but also a remarkable flexibility which enabled the town to function politically and commercially in the face of intense internal and external pressures. It was ultimately the erosion of this tenuous balance which caused Badagry to fall into civil war. Conversely, a study of Badagry is vital for any understanding of these influential groups and states. The town's role as host to political refugees such as Adele, an exiled King of Lagos, and commercial refugees, such as the Dutch trader Hendrik Hertogh, had enormous repercussions for the whole area. Badagry's role as an initial point of contact for both the Sierra Leone community and Christianity in Nigeria has, until now, been almost wholly neglected. Furthermore, the port's relations with its latterly more famous neighbours, Lagos, Porto-Novo, Oyo, Dahomey and Abeokuta, sheds further light on the nature of these powers, notably the interdependence of these communities both politically and economically. Badagry's long-standing relationship with Europe and ultimate annexation by Britain is also an area which has been submerged within the Lagos story. But it is evident that the, annexation of Badagry in 1863 was a separate development, which provides further evidence on the nature of nineteenth century British imperialism on the West Coast of Africa.

The body of writing collectively referred to as third generation or contemporary Nigerian literature emerged on the international literary scene from about the year 2000. This writing is marked by attempts to negotiate contemporary identities, and it engages with various developments in the Nigerian nation: Nigeria’s past and current political and socio-economic state, different kinds of cultural hybridization as well as the writers increasing transnational awareness. This study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction obsessively returns to the period from 1985-1998 as a historical site for narrating the individual and collective Nigerian experience of the trauma of military dictatorship, which has shaped the contemporary reality of the nation. The study builds on existing critical work on contemporary Nigerian fiction, in order to highlight patterns and ideas that have hitherto been neglected in scholarly work in this field. The study seeks to address this gap in the existing critical literature by examining third-generation Nigerian writing’s representation of this era in a select corpus of work spanning from 2000-06: Okey Ndibe’s Arrows of Rain (2000), Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel (2002), Sefi Atta’s Everything Good will Come (2005), and Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus (2006). The four novels chosen were written in response to military rule and dictatorship in the 80s and 90s, and they all feature representations of state violence. This study finds that, despite variations in the novels aesthetic modes, violence, control, silencing, dictatorship, alienation, the trauma of everyday life and resistance recur in realist modes. Above all, the study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction’s insistent representation of the violent past of military rule in Nigeria is a means of navigating the complex psychological and political processes involved in dealing with post-colonial trauma by employing writing as a form of resistance.

The Office du Niger irrigation scheme, located on the Niger River in the Republic of Mali, originated in a grandiose but seriously flawed proposal devised in 1920 by a French colonial Public Works engineer named Emile Bélime. Originaly conceived as a means of transforming the Niger Valley into a cotton belt, and later promoted as the heart of a French West African granary, the scheme never attained more than a tiny fraction of its presumed agricultural potential. Its construction and exploitation required the forced uprooting of tens of thousands of Africans. It absorbed a large portion of scarce colonial revenues until after the Second World War and generated no profits. During the inter-war period, the Office du Niger gradually acquired the de facto status of a state within the State, with Emile Bélime at its head. When the scheme was finally recognized as an economic and humanitarian failure in 1945, colonial authorities endeavoured to eliminate its worst shortcomings and give it a new identity as a prototype of economic and technical assistance to an underdeveloped area. After 1961, Malian leaders felt that the scheme could be used as a pilot project for agricultural development in the new republlc, and the scheme's existence has dictated the course of Malian agricultural policy ever since.
Le projet d'irrigation de l'Office du Niger, situé dans le delta intérieur du Niger au Mali, est né d'une proposition très insuffisante mais grandiose conçue en 1920 par un ingénieur des Travaux Publics Coloniaux, Émile Bélime. Conçu à l'origine comme un moyen de transformer la Vallée du Niger en une vaste plantation de coton, et envisagé par la suite comme le grenier central de l'Afrique Occidentale, ce projet n'a jamais atteint qu'une petite partie de son potentiel agricole espéré. Sa réalisation et sa mise en exploitation on nécessité le déracinement par contrainte de dizaines de milliers d'Africains. Même après la deuxième guerre mondiale, le projet a absorbé encore une grande partie des revenus coloniaux, déjà limités, mais il n'a généré aucun revenu. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, l'Office du Niger a acqui petit à petit le statut de facto d'un état dans l'État, dirigé par Émile Bélime. En 1945, quand le projet a été finalement reconnu comme une échec sur le plan économique et humanitaire, les autorités coloniales ont essayé de corriger les erreurs les plus graves et lui ont accordé le nouveau statu de prototype pour d'autres projets d'assistance économique et technique aux régions sous-développées. En 1961, le Gouvernement du Mali, qui avait récemment accédé à l'indépendance, pensait en faire un projet pilote pour le développement agricole du pays. Sa réalisation détermine encore aujourd'hui la politique agricole du Mali. fr

This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.

This study is about the vicissitudes of democratisation in the context of neo-patrimonialism. It examines the aborted transition to democracy in Nigeria (1985--1993) by critically adopting the arguments proffered in the 'new institutionalism' literature. The key insight of the 'new institutionalism' approaches is that they neither privilege structures nor human agency. Instead they seek to explicate how pre-existing institutions and rules shape the choices of political actors. To this end, the 'new institutionalism' approaches lend themselves to a more comprehensive understanding of the processes of regime change.
The annulment of 1993, and the country's continuous failure to establish a viable democratic regime, can be attributed to the underlying political process in Nigeria, which puts an emphasis on capturing power for personal and sectional gains. Given this situation, political competition becomes a struggle of the survival of the fittest between those with power and those without. Thus, this study contends that the constitutive rules of a polity, while not determining the outcome of regime transitions, shapes actors' behavior towards specific goals and interests. The breakdown of the Babangida-initiated transition programme is an interesting example of this dynamic. The challenge to regime transitions therefore is understanding how inherited rules and institutions structure the political actors' choices. To meet this challenge an integrative approach is required for the study of regime transitions.

This study surveys the issue of military coups in Nigerian politics. An attempt is made to explain the causes of coups d'etat. To this end, Thompson's thesis of military grievances has been rigorously employed to explain the occurrences of military coups in Nigeria. The Thompson thesis asserts that coups occur because the military is aggrieved. A study of the opinions of expert observers familiar with Nigerian politics confirmed that four out of the six military coups occurred due to problems emanating from the Nigerian military establishment. Although military grievances such as its political positions, resource bases, ethnicity, and factions within the military caused most coups, there is sufficient evidence that societal factors like economic crises, election decisions, and the need for reforms also encouraged the military to overthrow governments in Nigeria.

Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.

The Covid-19 pandemic has created the largest disruption of education system in human history. This has brought far-reaching changes in all aspects of our lives. All public and private schools had to shut the doors of their schools following government directive. The pandemic has unmasked substantial inequalities in the education sector. Some institutions engaged their students through online teaching, a large number of students who are less privileged or are in rural areas are left out. The pandemic has affected all levels of the education system, from pre-school to higher education. The need of the hour is to innovate and implement alternative educational system and assessment strategies. The Covid-19 pandemic has provided us with an opportunity to pave the way for introducing digital learning. The paper provided answers on how governments and institutions of learning in Nigeria have scaled up teaching and learning to make up for the disruption and strengthen education. How tertiary education can build the systems and processes for lifelong learning and what government can do to prepare teachers to meet the challenges of the 21st century and create a sustainable educational infrastructure that is resilient in the face of the pandemic.

Abstract Oil price is primarily determined by global supply and demand forces as well as governments policies and action or inaction of institutions like OPEC. However, in recent times, it has become evident that public health is a vital factor influencing demand and in turn oil price. In US, oil price reached a negative value for the first time in history by April 2020. Personnel and public health have been shown to have profound effect on operational expenditure (OPEX) of organizations, this in turn affecting the profitability of such organizations. Extra measures involving cost, had to be taken by organizations all over the world to ensure health and safety of their personnel in their sites. In Nigeria, effect of covid-19 measures for companies were, shut in of production, declaration of force majeure on ongoing contracts, slashing of costs, suspension on evaluation of future projects, profile assets for sale, remote/tele working, etc. Huge costs were also incurred as a part of corporate social responsibility for host communities/states where they operate. The consequential outcome is that there are reports of lower than planned profitability and liquidity positions. This paper examines action taken during this covid crisis and their impact on the financial status of their organizations. Using a quantitative and descriptive research design, an online survey has been used to gather information from respondents from different oil and gas companies of cost incurred by them. Secondary data was also obtained from quarterly reports of some companies of the oil majors to show their profitability comparing Q1-Q4 of 2019 and 2020. The paper also appraises action and inaction by corporate/government bodies to stimulate economic growth and help its personnel/citizenry. An attempt is also made to glean experience and lessons from organization that lived through the periods being examined.

Este trabalho pretende analisar a paisagem urbana na área central de Blumenau/SC - Brasil, a partir da década de 1950, para demonstrar a importância dessa paisagem historicamente construída como um bem patrimonial que deve ser valorizado. Esse patrimônio, culturalmente e socialmente constituído, que é a paisagem, encontra-se ameaçado por sucessivas políticas públicas de desvalorização da história da cidade e pela construção de grandes cenários com imagens urbanas emblemáticas, principalmente a partir da década de 1970, quando ocorre uma ameaça mais efetiva à área de estudo. A principal problemática, atualmente, são as sucessivas tentativas do próprio poder público em tentar vender a cidade como um objeto, através dessas imagens emblemáticas. Essas políticas públicas tratam da espetacularização urbana, da mercantilização dos espaços e da própria paisagem da cidade. This study aims to examine the urban landscape in the central area of Blumenau/SC - Brazil, from the 1950s, to demonstrate the importance of this landscape historically constituted as a heritage that should be valued. This heritage, culturally and socially constituted, which is the landscape, is threatened by successive politics of devaluation of the city's history and the construction of large scenarios with emblematic urban images, mainly from the 1970s, when a threat occurs more effectively to the study area. The main problem currently are the successive attempts of the government in trying to sell the city as an object through these emblematic urban images. These public politics dealing with a urban spectacle, the commercialization of space and the landscape of the city.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.

Why do some fuel protests in Nigeria lead to a response from government, but others are barely noticed? What are the politics behind government response and who are the winners and losers? Using a multi-method approach, this study focuses on the period between 2007 and 2017 to investigate the dynamics of fuel protest in Nigeria to ask how, and under which conditions, struggles over energy access in Nigeria produce accountability and empowerment. The findings suggest that accountability and empowerment outcomes of the struggles over fuel access in Nigeria are severely limited by the very conditions that define the state as fragile: weak institutions, elite capture, widespread corruption, and a citizenry that is protest-fatigued and disempowered. This could be true of other fragile and conflict-affected settings. Therefore, frameworks that open up the civic space for dialogues between the government and citizens may produce better outcomes than protests.

Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.

Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.

Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.