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Journal articles on the topic 'Nicolas Bourbon'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Taylor, Andrew W. "Between Surrey and Marot: Nicolas Bourbon and the Artful Translation of the Epigram." Translation and Literature 15, no. 1 (March 2006): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2006.0013.

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2

Laigneau-Fontaine, Sylvie. "L’épithalame de Nicolas Bourbon pour Jeanne de Navarre : du mariage réel au mariage idéal." Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance N° 92, no. 1 (May 19, 2021): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhren.092.0049.

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3

LY-TIO-FANE, MADELEINE. "A reconnaissance of tropical resources during Revolutionary years: the role of the Paris Museum d'Histoire Naturelle." Archives of Natural History 18, no. 3 (October 1991): 333–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1991.18.3.333.

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SUMMARY The recent extensive literature on exploration and the resulting scientific advances has failed to highlight the contribution of Austrian enterprise to the study of natural history. The leading role of Joseph II among the neutral powers which assumed the carrying trade of the belligerents during the American War of Independence, furthered the development of collections for the Schönbrunn Park and Gardens which had been set up on scientific principles by his parents. On the conclusion of peace, Joseph entrusted to Professor Maerter a world-encompassing mission in the course of which the Chief Gardener Franz Boos and his assistant Georg Scholl travelled to South Africa to collect plants and animals. Boos pursued the mission to Isle de France and Bourbon (Mauritius and Reunion), conveyed by the then unknown Nicolas Baudin. He worked at the Jardin du Roi, Pamplemousses, with Nicolas Cere, or at Palma with Joseph Francois Charpentier de Cossigny. The linkage of Austrian and French horticultural expertise created a situation fraught with opportunities which were to lead Baudin to the forefront of exploration and scientific research as the century closed in the upheaval of the Revolutionary Wars.

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4

Horsley, Adam. "Blasphemy Hunters: Nicolas de Verdun and the Punishment of Criminal Speech in Early Bourbon France." French Studies 75, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knaa263.

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5

Isaikova, Oleksandra. "«We don’t believe you, Nicolas»: royalist publicism as a source of French anti-Napoleonic caricature." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2020): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2020.2.06.

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The article refers to the connection between royalist publicism and anti-Napoleonic caricature through the example of two etchings from the Khanenko Museum collection. The task of royalist propaganda was to undermine the authority of Napoleon Bonaparte and, at the same time, to set society in favor of the Bourbon restoration. This causes the specifics of the anti-Napoleonic pamphlets and caricatures, which were usually focused on creating of the repulsive images of the emperor. At the same time, it is easy to notice that the authors of texts and images operated with a common set of motifs, images, as well as they used similar techniques. Therefore, the analysis of pamphlets provides better understanding of the subject of studied etchings and helps to clarify the meaning of certain details. Furthermore, taking into account that caricature was often secondary to the texts, author strived to find the literary sources of the studied caricatures and came to the conclusion that Charon’s famous engraving “The Height of Cannibalism” was strongly influenced by the François-René Chateaubriand’s “Report on the State of France” (1815). The matching texts, as well as the general consonance of the caricature “Arrival of Nicolas Buonaparte in Tuileries on January 20, 1815” with Rougemaitre’s popular anti-Napoleonic pamphlet “Life of Nicolas” (1815) suggests that the latter was among the caricaturist’s sources of inspiration at least.

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6

Dias, Elaine. "Os retratos de Maria Isabel e Maria Francisca de Bragança, de Nicolas-Antoine Taunay." Anais do Museu Paulista: História e Cultura Material 19, no. 2 (December 2011): 11–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-47142011000200002.

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Nicolas-Antoine Taunay, pintor de paisagens francês, também realizou alguns retratos durante sua estadia na corte do Rio de Janeiro. Nessa cidade, em 1816, ele pinta a rainha Carlota Joaquina e todas as suas filhas. Nesse conjunto, dois retratos sobressaem-se de modo especial: os hoje ainda inventariados como de Maria Francisca e de Maria Teresa, mas que provavelmente são o de Maria Isabel e o de Maria Francisca de Assis - princesas que, nesse ano, deixavam o Brasil para casar-se, respectivamente, com Fernando VII, o rei espanhol, e com seu irmão Carlos Isidro de Bourbon. Neste artigo, além de descrevermos os retratos (e analisarmos a questão da identidade das princesas retratadas), abordamos suas funções na sociedade das cortes e os principais artistas do gênero na Europa. Discutimos, também, as hipóteses que permeiam as escolhas de Taunay para sua execução. Nesse sentido, tratamos da possível circulação de tipologias entre Itália, Portugal, Espanha e França, buscando entender a forma como Taunay os realizou e as funções que doravante tais retratos ocupariam nas relações entre o Brasil e a Europa.

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7

Ford, Philip. "An Early French Renaissance Salon: The Morel Household." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i1.8942.

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Dès la fin des années 1540, la famille de Jean de Morel accueillait dans sa maison de la rue Pavée à Paris les poètes et les humanistes les plus proéminents de la capitale: Nicolas Bourbon, Jean Salmon Macrin, Jean Dorat parmi les néo-latins; Joachim Du Bellay, Ronsard, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, pour ne citer que quelques-uns des poètes de langue vulgaire. Or, la femme de Morel, Antoinette de Loynes, et ses trois filles, Camille, Lucrèce et Diane, avaient toutes les quatre reçu une éducation humaniste, leur permettant non seulement de participer aux activités littéraires et humanistes de ce que l'on a appelé le premier salon en France, mais encore d'attirer l'admiration du monde cultivé de l'époque. En examinant la correspondance des membres de la famille ainsi que certains ouvrages imprimés, cet article se propose d'illustrer les relations que les membres de la famille ont entretenues avec les visiteurs du salon ainsi que les changements d'attitude qui ont eu lieu au cours du XVIe siècle à l'égard de l'éducation des jeunes filles.

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8

Reid, Jonathan A. "Nicolas Bourbon. Nugae (Bagatelles). Ed., Sylvie Laigneau-Fontaine. Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance 446. Geneva: Librairie Droz S.A., 2008. 1064 pp. index. append. bibl. €130.55. ISBN: 978–2–600–01226–3." Renaissance Quarterly 62, no. 4 (2009): 1234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/650046.

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9

Heidenreich, Conrad E. "An analysis of the 17-th century map ‘novvelle france’." CISM journal 45, no. 1 (April 1991): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/geomat-1991-0004.

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This paper presents an analysis of the manuscript map ‘Novvelle France’ now located at the Ministry of Defence, Taunton, England. It is one of the few maps of New France that depicts the growth of geographical knowledge between the publication of Champlain’s last map (1632) and those of Nicolas Sanson (1650-57), and it is the earliest surviving map on which an attempt was made to give the locations of native groups. As such, the map is an important historical document that can be used to approximate the human geography of native Canada prior to the dispersal of these groups by 1650. The evidence suggests that the map was drafted late in 1641 using Champlain’s 1632 map, a ‘Huron map’ acquired or compiled by the Jesuit Father Paul Ragueneau in 1639 or 1640, and information supplied by two Frenchmen who had been in the Mohawk country from 1640 to 1641 as captives of the Iroquois. The native locations and names on the map were incorporated on Nicolas Sanson’s maps of 1656 and 1657. Although the author of the map ‘Novvelle France’ is not known, circumstantial evidence points to the surveyor Jean Bourdon who was active in New France from 1634 on.

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10

Dinzelbacher, Peter. "Kritische Bemerkungen zur Geschichte der religiösen Toleranz und zur Tradition der Lessing'schen Ringparabel." Numen 55, no. 1 (2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x271279.

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AbstractAlthough the medieval tradition of the famous parable which stands in the centre of Lessing's Nathan der Weise is quite well known, the present writer holds that the older versions of this motive are usually misinterpreted, being habitually read in the light of the German poet's text written during the age of enlightenment. An analysis, however, of the original stories of Etienne de Bourbon, Busone, Boccaccio et al., shows that their real aim was to illustrate an aporia and the shrewdness necessary to escape from it, not to call for religious tolerance. Indeed, the latter idea grew out of the disasters of the Thirty Years' War only, and was nearly completely alien to the Middle Ages. The few exceptions (Wolfram von Eschenbach, Ramon Llull, Nicolaus Cusanus) — and their limitations — are briefly discussed.

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11

Jiméno Solé, Frédéric. "Goya y Francia, un ensayo sobre la recepción del gusto francés en la obra de Francisco de Goya." Artigrama, no. 25 (December 9, 2022): 9–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_artigrama/artigrama.2010257553.

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Este ensayo estudia de forma sumaria la aportación del arte francés a la cultura visual de Goya, a través de toda su larga y prolífica carrera pictórica desde sus inicios académicos al exilio y muerte en Burdeos (1828), todo ello dentro del contexto español. Si durante su formación inicial con Francisco Bayeu, Goya y sus coetáneos copiaron regularmente modelos de Simon Vouet, fue en Italia, en la Academia de Francia en Roma, donde descubrieron otra realidad: los pintores franceses se interesaron de nuevo por el arte del Grand Siècle y de Nicolas Poussin. Es así, a través del gusto o la manera franceses como Goya interpretó frecuentemente la pintura de la escuela italiana enlos murales de la cartuja de Aula Dei y en su obra religiosa, mezclada también con otros modelos como los de Pierre Subleyras y Sébastien Bourdon. Se trata de un renacimiento del clasicismo que coincide en España con un renovado interés por Velázquez y que marca la obra de Goya.

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12

Krause, Katharina. "Die Kamele Eliezers und die Elephanten des Porus. Typologie und 'Parallele' in Historien von Nicolas Poussin, Sebastien Bourdon und Charles Le Brun." Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 24 (1997): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1348695.

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13

Samson, André. "Les jeunes et le travail. BOURDON, Sylvain, et Mircea VULTUR (sous la direction de), Les jeunes et le travail, Saint-Nicolas, Presses de l’Université Laval et Éditions de l’IQRC, série Analyses et Essais, 2007, 308 p." Reflets: Revue d’intervention sociale et communautaire 14, no. 1 (2008): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018863ar.

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14

"APPENDIX I: SUPPLEMENTARY FRENCH CORRESPONDENCE ON THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND AND ENGLAND IN 1560–1561." Camden Fifth Series 45 (July 2014): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116314000050.

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The duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine to Marie de Lorraine, regent of Scotland, Vendôme, 19 February 1559/1560Francis II to Marie de Lorraine, Amboise, 7 March 1559–1560The duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine to Marie de Lorraine, Amboise, 7 March 1559/1560Mary queen of Scots to Marie de Lorraine, [Amboise, 7 March 1559/1560]Mary queen of Scots to Elizabeth I, [7 March 1560]Catherine de Medici to Elizabeth I, [c.7 March 1560]The duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine to Marie de Lorraine, Amboise, 12 March 1559/1560Instructions of Jean de Monluc, bishop of Valence, for negotiations with Elizabeth I, 25 March 1560; extractsMarie de Lorraine to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, Edinburgh, 27 March 1560Jacques de La Brosse and Nicolas de Pellevé to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, Edinburgh, 27 March 1560Henri Clutin, sieur d’Oysel, to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, Dunbar, 27 March 1560Nicolas de Pellevé to the cardinal de Lorraine, Edinburgh, 27 March 1560The duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine to the sieur d’Oysel, Nicolas de Pellevé, and Jaques de La Brosse, Amboise, 31 March 1560Francis II and Mary queen of Scots: Commission to Jean de Monluc, Nicolas de Pellevé, and Jacques de La Brosse, 1 April 1559/1560The duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine to Marie de Lorraine, [Amboise, 31 March]; Marmoutier, 9 April 1560‘Memoire pour envoyer à la Royne Regente d’Escosse du xj d’apvril’ [1560]Marie de Lorraine to Jean de Monluc, Edinburgh castle, 14 April 1560Marie de Lorraine to Francis II, Edinburgh castle, 26 April 1560Marie de Lorraine to the sieur d’Oysel, Edinburgh castle, 27 April 1560Marie de Lorraine to the sieur d’Oysel, and Jaques de La Brosse, 29 April 1560Marie de Lorraine to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, 30 April 1560Francis II and Mary queen of Scots: Commission to Jean de Monluc and others, Chenonceau, 2 May 1560Francis II to Elizabeth I, Chenonceau, 2 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to the sieur d’Oysel, 3 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, mid-May 1560Marie de Lorraine to Francis II, Edinburgh castle, 17 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to [the sieur d’Oysel], 17 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, Edinburgh castle, 21 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, Edinbugh castle, 26 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to Francis II, 26 May 1560Marie de Loraine to Mary queen of Scots, 26 May 1560Marie de Lorraine to the duc de Guise and cardinal de Lorraine, Edinburgh castle, 28 May 1560Reply of Francis II on the ratification, 15 September 1560Francis II to Elizabeth I, Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 17 September 1560Charles IX to Elizabeth I, Fontainebleau, 20 February 1560/1561Catherine de Medici to Elizabeth I, Fontainebleau, 20 February 1561Antoine de Bourbon, king of Navarre, to Elizabeth I, 20 February 1561Anne de Montmorency to Elizabeth I, Fontainebleau, 20 February 1560/1561The duc de Guise to Elizabeth I, Fontainebleau, 26 February 1560/1561Charles IX to Elizabeth I, Fontainebleau, 26 April 1561Elizabeth I to Charles IX, 14 July 1561The duc de Guise to Elizabeth I, Corbeil, 27 March 1561/1562

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15

Glotova, Elizaveta. "Nicolas Bourgoin, La révolution sécuritaire (1976-2012)." Champ pénal, Vol. XI (January 21, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/champpenal.8880.

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16

Francou, Lionel. "Nicolas Bourgoin, La révolution sécuritaire (1976-2012)." Lectures, March 28, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lectures.11077.

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17

Arnould, Guillaume. "Nicolas Bourgoin,Les chiffres du crime. Statistiques criminelles et contrôle social (France, 1825-2006)." Lectures, December 7, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lectures.854.

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18

Didier, Emmanuel. "Compte rendu du livre de Nicolas Bourgoin. Les chiffres du crime : statistiques criminelles et contrôle social (France, 1825-2006), Paris, L'Harmattan, 2008, 174 pages." Champ pénal, December 16, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/champpenal.7444.

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19

"“How can we minimise the use of regular oral corticosteroids in asthma?” Arnaud Bourdin, Ian Adcock, Patrick Berger, Philippe Bonniaud, Philippe Chanson, Cécile Chenivesse, Jacques de Blic, Antoine Deschildre, Philippe Devillier, Gilles Devouassoux, Alain Didier, Gilles Garcia, Antoine Magnan, Yan Martinat, Thierry Perez, Nicolas Roche, Camille Taillé, Pierre Val and Pascal Chanez. Eur Respir Rev 2020; 29: 190085." European Respiratory Review 29, no. 155 (February 12, 2020): 195085. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/16000617.5085-2019.

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