Academic literature on the topic 'Niccolò di Pietro Gerini'

This essay explores the Neapolitan background of Niccolò Franco and argues that although the main purpose of his Il Petrarchista (Venice, 1539) was certainly a kind of Erasmian and Aretinian satire of the Petrarchist mode which grounded Pietro Bembo’s Prose della volgar lingua (1525), still not enough critical attention has been given to the Neapolitan background of Franco’s education (until 1536), which is essential to an understanding of Il Petrarchista. Indeed, not only did Franco praise the Neapolitan heirs of Pontano’s and Sannazaro’s Academy (Epicuro, Rota and Tansillo), contrasting them with the Venetian imitation of Bembo’s canon, but he himself was also imbued with that Neapolitan humanism which had used poetical satire to shape the intellectual space in sixteenth-century Italy. This paper recalls some passages of Fabrizio Luna’s Vocabulario (1536) and, especially, of Benedetto Di Falco’s Rimario (1535), in order to compare them with Franco’s literary positions—whose conception of imitatio derived also from Erasmus’. In conclusion, this paper suggests that the satirical scheme of Di Falco’s Rimario formulated in nuce a cultural stance that Niccolò Franco would later reinforce in his Il Petrarchista. L’article explore le contexte napolitain de l’oeuvre de Niccolò Franco et montre que la formation que Franco reçut à Naples, jusqu’en 1536, est essentielle à la compréhension de son ouvrage, même s’il ne fait aucun doute qu' Il Petrarchista (Venise, 1539) fait, dans la lignée d'Érasme et de l'Arétin, la satire de la mode pétrarquiste lancée par les Prose della volgar lingua (1525) de Pietro Bembo. En effet, Franco ne fait pas seulement l’éloge des héritiers napolitains de l’académie de Pontano et de Sannazar (Epicuro, Rota et Tansillo), en les opposant au canon vénitien de l’imitation de Bembo. Lui-même est imprégné de la leçon de l’humanisme napolitain, qui a eu recours à la satire poétique pour défendre sa place dans le champ intellectuel de l’Italie du Cinquecento. L’article rappelle quelques passages du Vocabulario (1536) de Fabrizio Luna et, surtout, du Rimario (1535) de Benedetto Di Falco, pour les comparer aux positions littéraires de Franco — dont la théorie de l’imitatio a été par ailleurs influencée par Érasme. Finalement, on propose que le schéma satirique formulé par Di Falco dans le Rimario contient in nuce une position que Niccolò Franco développa et renforça ensuite dans Il Petrarchista.

Abstract Art historians have long been interested in the Portal del Mirador of the cathedral of Majorca. While the account books provide a wealth of information on the identities of the artists who worked on the Portal, several issues still need to be reexamined. This article conducts an in-depth reassessment of the artistic culture of Guillem Sagrera. Against the most widely held opinions, which relate Sagrera’s style to that of Claus Sluter and trends in Burgundy, the author stresses the need to relocate the Majorcan’s formative itinerary and place it in the context of artistic strands and exchanges whose nerve center was in Paris. However, the attribution of the Mirador Madonna to Sagrera is definitively ruled out in favor of the Florentine school and specifically Niccolò di Pietro Lamberti.

Nel presente articolo è stata trattata la problematica della successione apostolica (delle ordinazioni episcopali) dei pastori della diocesi (dal 1818 archidiocesi) di Varsavia. Prima sono presentati insieme i dati riguardanti le ordinazioni episcopali dei singoli vescovi ordinari, arcivescovi metropoliti ed ausiliari, nonché degli insigniti di dignità vescovile amministratori apostolici della Chiesa di Varsavia. Poi, questi presuli sono stati aggregati alle distinte, nella letteratura d’argomento, linee della successione delle ordinazioni episcopali. I trattati nel presente lavoro membri dell’episcopato cattolico – enumerando in ordine cronologico secondo la data dell’ordinazione episcopale – sono: Adalberto Giuseppe Skarszewski (1791), Giovanni Battista Albertrandi (1796), Giuseppe Miaskowski (1800), Francesco Malczewski (1815), Giovanni Paolo Woronicz (1816), Daniele Elia Ostrowski (1816), Stefano Hołowczyc (1819), Niccolò Giovanni Manugiewicz (1822), Francesco Pawłowski (1827), Stanislao Choromański (1829), Tomasso Chmielewski (1837), Antonio Melchiore Fijałkowski (1842), Giovanni Dekert (1859), Enrico Lodovico Plater (1859), santo Sigismondo Feliński (1862), Vincenzo Teofilo Popiel (1863), Casimiro Ruszkiewicz (1884), Alessandro Kakowski (1913), Stanislao Gall (1918), Ladislao Szcześniak (1925), Augusto Hlond (1926), Antonio Ladislao Szlagowski (1928), Stefano Wyszyński (1946), Sigismondo Choromański (1946), Venceslao Majewski (1946), Giorgio Modzelewski (1959), Bronislao Dąbrowski (1962), Ladislao Miziołek (1969), Sbigneo Giuseppe Kraszewski (1970), Giuseppe Glemp (1979), Casimiro Romaniuk (1982), Mariano Duś (1986), Stanislao Kędziora (1987), Casimiro Nycz (1988), Giuseppe Zawitkowski (1990), Slavoj L. Głódź (1991), Pietro Jarecki (1994), Stanislao Wielgus (1999) e Taddeo Pikus (1999). Tra essi la maggioranza apparteneva alla linea polacca (famiglia di Lorenzo Gembicki/Claudio Rangoni) e solo tre – G.B. Albertrandi, G. Miaskowski, C. Nycz – rappresentano la linea romana (famiglia di Scipione Rebiba).

Niccolò di Pietro Gerini's painting “The Temptation of Saint Anthony” (1390-1400) serves as a point of departure for this essay. It depicts Saint Anthony during a lapse of self-control as he attempts to resist an alluring mound of gold. Since the mound is in fact made of genuine gold leaves applied to the painting's surface, it works both as a representation of temptation as well as an object of desire affecting the beholder. The aim of this essay is to explore different approaches to materiality before the material turn within the art history discipline by examining two opposing directions within the writing and practice of art history: the tradition of connoisseurship; and the critique of the fetish within the theoretical apparatus of new art history and visual culture studies of the 1980s and 90s. As an expression of positivism within art history, it is argued that connoisseurship be considered within the context of its empirical practices dealing with objects. What is commonly described as the connoisseur's “taste” or “love for art” would then be just another way to describe the intimate relationship formed between art historians and the very objects under their scrutiny. More than other humanist disciplines, art history is, with the possible exception of archaeology, an object-based discipline. It is empirically anchored in the unruly, deep sea of objects commonly known as the history of art. Still, there has been a lack of in-depth theoretical reflection on the materiality of artworks in the writings of art historians before the material turn. The question however, is not ifthis is so, but rather, why?In this essay, it is suggested that the art history discipline has been marked by a complicated love-hate relationship with the materiality of which the very objects of study, more often than not, are made of; like Saint Anthony who is both attracted to and repelled by the shapeless mass of gold that Lucifer tempts him with. While connoisseurship represents attraction, resistance to the allure of objects can be traced to the habitual critique of fetishism of the first generations of visual culture studies and new art history. It reflects a negative stance towards objects and the material aspect of artworks, which enhanced a conceived dichotomy between thinking critically and analytically in contrast to managing documents and objects in archives and museum depositories. However, juxtaposing the act of thinking with the practice of manual labour has a long tradition in Western intellectual history. Furthermore, it is argued that art history cannot easily be compared to the history of other disciplines because of the simple fact that artworks are typically quite expensive and unique commodities, and as such, they provoke not just aesthetic but also fetishist responses. Thus, this desire to separate art history as a scientific discipline from the fetishism of the art market has had the paradoxical effect of causing art historians to shy away from developing methodologies and theory about materiality as an act of resistance.

Francesco di Marco Datini (c. 1335-1410) left his native city of Prato, near Florence, in about 1350 to become a successful merchant in Avignon, France. He returned three decades later to decorate his newly built private residence in the historic center of Prato. Under his patronage, frescoes of sacred and secular subject matter were executed in the residence from 1389-95. The artists that have been concretely identified, or suggested, as working in the Palazzo Datini include: Arrigo di Niccolò, from Prato; minor painters Dino di Puccio, Jacopo d’Agnolo, and Agnolo; Florentine artists Tommaso del Mazza, Bartolomeo di Bertozzo, and Pagolino d’Ugolino; and the master artists Niccolò di Pietro Gerini and Agnolo Gaddi. Many of the original frescoes were uncovered during renovations of the 1950s. Those in the entry hall and ground floor rooms survive in varied condition. This recovery is significant because the survival of large scale private works of this kind in Italy is rare. Datini’s legacy also comprises hundreds of ledgers, account books, and thousands of personal and business letters dating from 1363 to 1410. These are now contained in the Archivio Storico di Prato. Using the surviving visual and written material as a reference point, this thesis examines the contexts behind Datini’s choices as patron. In particular, the influence of predominant values in merchant culture will be considered. The frescoes are explored in comparison with the interior decoration in the palaces of contemporaries. Precedence is given to residences in Florence and other urban centers in Tuscany. Related paintings from Avignon are also considered, as Datini lived there for many years. Visual parallels can also be drawn between the Datini frescoes and manuscript illuminations, among other sources. The murals were influenced by Datini’s own interests, larger cultural values, and the painters, who derived from the Florentine tradition. This thesis seeks to examine the cultural and artistic environment in late Trecento Prato, Datini’s contact with the artists, the subject matter and style of the frescoes, and their reception.
Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2010-10-25 16:44:10.326