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1
Underwood, Jan. "Revolution, connectedness and kinwork : women's poetry in Nicaragua." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61970.
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Schott, Cory L. "Frontiers and Fandangos: Reforming Colonial Nicaragua." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/333351.
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New ideas about trade, society, and the nature of government pulsed throughout the Atlantic World during the eighteenth century. This dissertation explores the relationship between political reforms and life along a colonial frontier. To do so, this project analyzes the effects of new laws imposed by the Spanish monarchy in Central America during the eighteenth century. The policies implemented during this time offered unequal prospects to social groups (e.g., Indians, merchants, soldiers, and farmers), state and non-state institutions (e.g., the Church, town councils, merchant guilds, and regional governments), and individuals to reconfigure traditional local power arrangements. This process, however, produced new conflicts between individuals, communities, and institutions as they attempted to expand and defend their traditional roles in society. I argue Nicaragua's relative isolation from the rest of the Spanish world allowed for the already complex and unwieldy process to become even more difficult. Thus, the majority of the reforms introduced over the eighteenth century remained poorly implemented. Even in areas where royal officials achieved noticeable progress and success, such as the creation of a tobacco monopoly, the new legal regime created new, often unforeseen, problems. In the first part of my dissertation, I examine how vague (and sometimes contradictory) decrees from Spain provided opportunities for new expressions of local power. In the first chapter, I examine the effect that new laws limiting the power of the Church had on local officials and members of the clergy. For example, new ordinance concerning the regulation of private gatherings and dances provoked a major conflict between two pillars of local rule: the bishop and the governor. In the second chapter, I analyze how new laws and decrees contributed to the expansion of an already flourishing black market. New economic ideas, such as ones that established royal monopolies, led to a significant increase in the remittances sent to Spain from Central America; however these same economic policies also eroded local economies and pushed some individuals to participate in illicit trade. The second half of this study analyzes the colonial experiences of indigenous peoples in two very different areas of Central America. In the third chapter, I examine western Nicaragua, where Spanish rule was its strongest and indigenous communities struggled to defend themselves from increasingly onerous demands for labor and tribute. In the fourth chapter, I shift the view to eastern and central Nicaragua and Honduras, where Spain's presence was tenuous or non-existent. There, local indigenous groups capitalized on Spanish fears of a British presence in eastern Central America to extract major concessions and preserve their autonomy while individuals sold their services to the competing empires. This dissertation draws on extensive work with sources, many hitherto untapped, at archives in Spain, Guatemala, the United States, and Nicaragua to demonstrate that residents of Spanish Central America—Spanish, American born Spaniards, natives, mulattos, and mestizos alike—contributed to new understandings of imperial goals that proved that some reforms could be flexible and amendable to local conditions. The legal battles, Church records, military reports, and pleas to the king also highlight shifting ideas about the political, economic, and social organization of society. Beyond its contribution to the limited studies that focus on Nicaragua during the colonial period, my dissertation adds to the broader, comparative fields of colonial studies, economic history, the study of borderlands and frontiers, and the Atlantic World.
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Dugal, Zoe. "The illegitimacy of the state and the revolution in Nicaragua /." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32907.
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The focus of this paper will be revolutions as a Third World phenomena. It will try to analyse what are the conditions and challenges faced by Third World states; and what are the functions that those states perform, or fail to perform. In other words, what are the conditions likely to lead to a revolution within Third World nation-states?Of course, every Third World state possesses its particular circumstances and, therefore, different factors will influence the occurrence of a revolution in each case. It would be presumptuous of me to attempt to address all of these issues which have been raised. My task is indeed more modest. Since it is very unlikely to elaborate a single theory that will fit all cases, this paper will rather consider a theoretical framework and assess its applicability and its explanatory potential of one Third World revolution, the Nicaraguan revolution.
What this paper will also do is to examine what happens when a successful revolution has taken place. How is the new regime constructed? How is the power of the revolutionary government employed? Can we assess the relative success of a revolution?
The use of a single case study, Nicaragua, can be explained by the richness of this particular example. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
4
Velázquez, José Luis. "Nicaragua: Outcomes of revolution, 1979-1990." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298766.
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In Marxist and Dependence theories, revolution has been prescribed as a panacea for developing countries' social evils. However, there is little work dedicated to evaluation of the results of those events that permit the validation of theory. Therefore, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the outcomes of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979-1990) and test this assumption. The assessment was made according to Edward Muller's theoretical framework. It is centered in the idea that revolutions destroy social capital. Their successes depend on the skill of revolutionary leadership in distinguishing obsolete from other forms of valuable social capital. The latter has to be fostered as the base of the revolution's future development. The indicators used were: (1) The extent at which the revolutionary leadership keeps its promises and delivers public goods; (2) The evaluation of power, strength, and centralization of the revolutionary state vs. the ancient regime; (3) The performance of the revolutionary economy; (4) The extension of the policies of land distribution, and; (5) The effects of the revolutionary policies in income distribution, inequality, and the creation of new opportunities for the citizenry. The conclusions were: (1) The Sandinista leadership did not deliver the promises of mixed economy, political pluralism and on alignment; (2) The revolutionary state was: strongest, more centralized and powerful than the Somoza regime; (3) The economic performance was poor, and unable to meet the needs of the people; (4) The policies of land reform were effective in distributing land, but failed in the creation of a new social class of farmers. It became a counterinsurgency land reform directed to create an available political clientele for the ruling party; (5) The contradiction between macroeconomics and distributive microeconomics policies, canceled out the effect of the latter, inducing a process of income concentration; (6) The insertion of the Nicaraguan crisis in the East-West confrontation accentuated dependence; (7) The empirical evidence supports Moller and Weede's theoretical assertion (1995) in the sense that the Sandinista leadership was not able to discriminate between obsolete social capital from valuable social capital, that existed embedded in pre-revolutionary institutional structure. Its attempt to subordinate civil society and substitute it with a spurious civil society ended with the destruction of valuable social capital needed for growth and development.
5
Mande, Anupama. "Subaltern perspectives on a revolutionary state : the Sandinista-Miskitu conflict in Nicaragua, 1979-1990 /." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488191667182051.
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Sweeney, Patrick N. "William Walker in Nicaragua : a critical review in light of dependency literature : a Master of Arts thesis /." Digital Commons @ Butler University, 1986. http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/grtheses/41.
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William Walker's expedition should be a fertile source of examples of such incipient dependency. This is because that expedition was grounded in the political desires of Manifest Destiny and the pragmatic economics of a cross-isthmus connection between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans during the crucial years just before the U.S. Civil war. Walker's actions caused a war in Central America, brought the United States and England to the brink of war, effected a significant economic relationship, and influenced diplomatic relations between Nicaragua and the U.S. for years afterward. Because of these various actions and reactions, this episode in inter-American relations provides instances of many of the basic elements of the putative dependency relationships alluded to above. There were governments seeking economic advantage, businessmen seeking profitable investments, trade treaties negotiated, and military force used. It was a brief and intense period when economic interests were ultimately controlled by policy decisions.
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Riley, Keith. ""I Have My Mind!:" U.S.-Sandinista Solidarities, Revolutionary Romanticism, and the Imagined Nicaragua, 1979-1990." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/386879.
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HistoryM.A.
This paper examines activists in the United States that supported the socialist Nicaraguan government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front and opposed efforts by the Reagan Administration to militarily undermine Nicaragua’s new government during the 1980s. Such scholarship examines the rise of a leftist political coalition organized around supporting Nicaragua’s government and this solidarity movement’s eventual demise after the Sandinistas lost their country’s 1990 Presidential election. The work ultimately asks how did U.S. leftists and progressives of the late 1970s and 1980s perceive Nicaragua’s new government and how did these perceptions affect the ways in which these activists rallied to support the Sandinistas in the face of the Contra War? In answering this question, this paper consults a variety of primary sources including articles from socialist newspapers, the meeting minutes and notes of solidarity organizations, and oral histories with former activists. “I Have My Mind!” also consults cultural sources such as the protest and art benefit flyers and the lyrics to punk rock songs of the period to make its claims. This Masters Thesis argues that U.S. Americans’ solidarity with the Sandinistas relied upon a romanticization of Nicaraguan revolutionary reforms representative of movement participants’ own political aspirations.
Temple University--Theses
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Espinoza, Torrez Eliana Maria. "La Rivoluzione in Nicaragua: il ruolo delle donne Sandiniste." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2021.
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The Nicaraguan Revolution was a decades-long process meant to liberate the small Central American country from both U.S. imperialism and the repressive Somoza dictatorship. The massive participation of women in the this revolution was unprecedented in the history of the Western hemisphere, but the official history of the country has little focused on experiences and contribute of these women, that fought and collaborated in the revolution. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse women’s actively participation in the guerrilla’s movement and during the revolution. Based on the film-documentary “Las Sandinistas” a qualitative research was conducted, in order to describe the most relevant social-political events presented in the film and how women’s participation in the revolution led them to overcoming barriers as to lead combat and social reforms.
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Arguello, Vargas Tatiana. "Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996)." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281638909.
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Ellersick, Linda J. "Expanding Fair Trade to Garment Production in Ciudad Sandino, Nicaragua." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1236817596.
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Lee, David Johnson. "The Ends of Modernization: Development, Ideology, and Catastrophe in Nicaragua after the Alliance for Progress." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/358072.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation traces the cultural and intellectual history of Nicaragua from the heyday of modernization as ideology and practice in the 1960s, when U.S. planners and politicians identified Nicaragua as a test case for the Alliance for Progress, to the triumph of neoliberalism in the 1990s. The modernization paradigm, implemented through collusion between authoritarian dictatorship and the U.S. development apparatus, began to fragment following the earthquake that destroyed Managua in 1972. The ideas that constituted this paradigm were repurposed by actors in Nicaragua and used to challenge the dominant power of the U.S. government, and also to structure political competition within Nicaragua. Using interviews, new archival material, memoirs, novels, plays, and newspapers in the United States and Nicaragua, I trace the way political actors used ideas about development to make and unmake alliances within Nicaragua, bringing about first the Sandinista Revolution, then the Contra War, and finally the neoliberal government that took power in 1990. I argue that because of both a changing international intellectual climate and resistance on the part of the people of Nicaragua, new ideas about development emphasizing human rights, pluralism, entrepreneurialism, indigenous rights, and sustainable development came to supplant modernization theory. The piecemeal changes in development thinking after modernization corresponded not to a single catastrophic shift, but rather obeyed a catastrophic logic of democratic empire, in which U.S. and Nicaraguan politics were characterized by a dialogue about ideas of development but U.S. power remained the final determining factor. Though the new ideas did not replace modernization's former unifying power, they nonetheless constitute the contemporary paradigm of neoliberalism.
Temple University--Theses
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Coplin, Janet C. (Janet Cecile). "The Politicization of Public Education in Nicaragua: 1967-1994, Regime Type and Regime Strategy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279077/.
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Understanding how change occurs in lesser developed countries, particularly in Latin America has been the subject of a prolonged theoretical academic debate. That debate has emphasized economics more that politics in general and predictability over unpredictability in the Latin American region. This paper challenges these approaches. Explaining change requires an examination of the politics of public policy as much as its economic dimensions. Second, change in the Latin American region may be less predictable than it appears. Scholars maintain that change in Latin America occurs when contending elites negotiate it. Their power comes from the various resources they possess. Change, therefore, is not expected to occur as a function of regime change per se. This paper considers the treatment of education policy in Nicaragua during the regimes of the dynastic authoritarianism of Anastasio Somoza Debayle (1967-1979), the revolutionary governments of the Sandinistas (1979-1990), and the democratic-centrist government of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). The central research question is: When regimes change, do policies change? The methodology defines the independent variable as the regime and education policy as the dependent variable. It posits three hypotheses. The right-wing regime of Somoza was expected to restrict both the qualitative aspects and the financing of education; (2) the left-wing regimes of the Sandinistas were hypothesized to have expanded both; and (3) the democratic-centrist regime of Chamorro was expected to have both expanded and restricted certain aspects of education policy. Several chapters describe these regimes' expansive or restrictive education strategies. A comparative analysis of these 26 years demonstrates several variables' effect over time. An OLS regression and a times series analysis specifies the relationship between regime change and percent of GDP each regime devoted to education. Both the statistical and qualitative findings of this study confirm the hypotheses. The study reveals that, as regimes changed, education strategies and policies changed. Such findings challenge some current thought about political behavior with respect to Latin American development in particular and development theory in general.
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Casey, Walter Thomas. "Unexpected Unexpected Utilities: A Comparative Case-Study Analysis of Women and Revolutions." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2728/.
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Women have been part of modern revolutions since the American Revolution against Great Britain. Most descriptions and analyses of revolution relegate women to a supporting role, or make no mention of women's involvement at all. This work differs from prior efforts in that it will explore one possible explanation for the successes of three revolutions based upon the levels of women's support for those revolutions. An analysis of the three cases (Ireland, Russia, and Nicaragua) suggests a series of hypotheses about women's participation in revolution and its importance to revolutions' success.
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Calla, Ortega Pamela 1957. "Experiencing revolution in Nicaragua: Gendered politics in the negotiations between Nixtayolero Theater Collective and the Sandinista state." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282107.
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This dissertation examines the meanings, mechanisms and logic of gendered political negotiations between Nixtayolero theater Collective and the Sandinista state in Nicaragua between 1979-90. I explore the drafting of the cultural policy of the FSLN as a party in government and the way Nixtayolero members worked that policy through over time; i.e., the way they envisioned the state/revolution and constructed their own identities in relation to and against it. For this I focus on the inter-connectedness of dominant tropes in Nicaraguan leftist political culture: the popular, vanguardism and production. I analyze this inter-connectedness asking how and why, under the pressure of U. S. sponsored aggression, the construction of the external enemy involved the creation of the enemy within in the process of building national unity. Focusing on the inter-connectedness of these three tropes also guided my examination of the contradictions and conflicts of authority within the group itself. Out of these contradictions and conflicts concerning authority came emergent cultures; i.e., local-specific counter-narratives and cultural praxes that defied the official "popular culture" of the state. In my analysis, the gendering effects of power techniques such as pastoral power became central. This notion allowed me to look at the gendered premises of Sandinista state formation (production associated with work outside the home as reason, patriarchal respect mores and honor-shame codes in the construction of masculinity) as generative logics affecting people's experience of revolution. Using this notion of power I was able to dispel the privileged knowledge position of the leaders of the party in government. As the state was forced to militarize there was a shift in notions of leadership related to production (increase in production for the war effort) and the popular. This shift involved going from communion with the people, consciousness raising and democratization of culture, towards a policy of professionalism and exclusive vanguard representation based on power as knowledge. This privileged knowledge position allowed guidance of consciousness and affirmed modernization. My thesis thus explores (a) the masculinization of nationalism and of revolutionary authority accompanied by (b) a simultaneous process of marginalization of difference and feminization of marginality, and (c) the eventual and also simultaneous subversion and reproduction of this gender order by Nixtayolero members in the latter half of Sandinista rule. Waging war against the external enemy thus became a matter of masculine honor, strength and virility. Internal ideological differences and conflict, on the other hand, involved feminization of the enemy within.
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Lambert, Nicole M. "The Influence of Identity and Opportunity on the Nicaraguan Women's Movement." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1279229099.
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Morlina, Fabio Clauz. "Teologia da libertação na Nicarágua sandinista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-05102009-165528/.
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O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar a produção de imaginários políticos e culturais orientados pela Teologia da Libertação durante o governo sandinista na Nicarágua (1979 1990) procurando mostrar a mescla que aí se deu entre religião e revolução. Pretendemos investigar como se constituíram esses imaginários expressos em discursos de políticos e religiosos, jornais, livros, cartilhas, músicas, poemas, fontes visuais produzidas por membros das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base (CEBs) atuantes na Nicarágua, com a meta de ampliar a adesão de setores populares à Revolução Sandinista. Procuramos averiguar em que medida uma comunidade de fé atuou, através da cultura, da educação e das ações políticas, no sentido de colaborar com o projeto revolucionário da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN). Uma questão que aqui se coloca é a da identificação entre os ideais revolucionários no poder que se orientavam por concepções marxistas e os dos cristãos que, a partir do Concílio Vaticano II e das Conferências de Medellín e Puebla fizeram a opção preferencial pelos pobres, inserindo-se nas lutas sociais da América Latina. Pretendemos discutir as possibilidades e limites de uma proposta socialista cristã que se constrói a partir de pressupostos teóricos conflitantes como é o caso do materialismo marxista e a doutrina católica que o recusa. A relação entre imaginários sociais e práticas políticas constitui o eixo central desta análise que se propõe verificar como os imaginários se constituem a partir de conflitos diversos e se transformam em armas de luta que orientam as práticas dos agentes envolvidos nesse processo.The present study has the objective to analyse the production of political and cultural imaginariness oriented by the Theology of Liberation during the sandinist government in Nicaragua (1979-1990) trying to demonstrate the mixture of religion and revolution. Our intention is to investigate how were constituted the imaginariness expressed on political and religious speeches, newspapers, books, spelling books, music, poems and visual materials produced by members of the Base Communities (CEBs) acting in Nicaragua, with the goal to increase the adherence of popular sectors to the Sandinist Revolution. We attempt inquiring in what extension a community of faith acted through the culture, the education and political actions, with the objective to collaborate with the revolucionary project of the Sandinist National Liberation Front (FSLN). One question here presented is the one of the identification between the revolucionay ideals in power that were oriented by marxist conceptions and the christian ones that, with the Vatican II Council and the Conferences of Medellin and Puebla, made a preferred option for the poor, inserting themselves in the social fights in Latin America. We intent to discuss the possibilities and limits of a christian socialist proposal built based on conflicting teorical purposes which is the case of the marxist materialism and the catolic doutrine that refuses it. The relationship between social imaginariness and political practices constitutes the main point of this analysis which has the purpose to verify how the imaginariness constitutes itself from different conflicts transforming itself in weapons of fight which orients the practices of the agents involved in this process.
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Cameron, Calla. "Grave Breaches: American Military Intervention in the Late Twentieth- Century and the Consequences for International Law." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1677.
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The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.
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Maciel, Fred [UNESP]. "Da montanha ao quartel: atuação e influência do Exército Popular Sandinista na Nicarágua." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93203.
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maciel_f_me_fran.pdf: 1127584 bytes, checksum: 7177dc4aeb97864063a17ae7da50517b (MD5)Com este presente trabalho pretendemos analisar a atuação do Exército Popular Sandinista (EPS) na década de 1980 e sua transição de exército guerrilheiro para exército profissional e regular, marco da etapa de transformação pela qual passava a Nicarágua e inserida em uma cultura política de quase permanente uso da violência como amparo às forças políticas. Desse modo, buscaremos elucidar a subordinação do EPS à Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN), efetivando a confusão Estado-Partido-Exército, eixo do regime sandinista. O entendimento da real participação, interferência e influência do EPS no governo e sua posterior profissionalização contribuem para a reflexão acerca de como o regime sandinista, enquanto sistema político, resolveu a institucionalização do exército e do campo político-militar. Ademais, a constante situação de guerra fomentada pela contrarrevolução (os chamados “Contras”) fez com que o EPS emergisse como um dos principais atores do cenário nacional nicaraguense; assim, buscaremos compreender a maneira como as forças armadas agiram no ambiente político-social, de maneira a transformar e/ou reorganizar esses campos. A consequente derrocada sandinista e a emergência de um novo governo após as eleições de 1990 reorganizou o EPS, transformando-o em uma força apolítica e nacional, um instrumento estabilizador na polarizada e conflitante sociedade nicaraguense. É inegável a relevância do EPS na Nicarágua sandinista da década de 1980 e visaremos elucidá-la nesta pesquisa, bem como a importância de sua transformação, reorganizando e inserindo novos parâmetros em um conturbado ambiente político-social
With this present work we intend to analyze the performance of the Sandinista Popular Army (EPS – spanish acronym) in the 1980s and his transition from guerrilla army to a professional and regular army, mark of the transformation step by which Nicaragua crossed and inserted in a political culture of almost permanent use of violence as a support to political forces. In this way, we’ll try to elucidate the subordination of the EPS to Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN – spanish acronym), making effective the confusion State-Party-Army, axis of the Sandinista regime. The understanding of the real participation, interference and influence of EPS in government and their subsequent professionalization contribute to reflection about how the Sandinista regime, as political system, resolved the institutionalization of the army and the military-political field. Moreover, the constant state of war fomented by counterrevolution (called “Contras”) make with which the EPS emerged as a major actor of the Nicaraguan national scene; so, we’ll seek to understand how the armed forces acted on political and social scene, in order to transform and/or rearrange these fields. The consequent Sandinista collapse and the emergence of a new government after the 1990s elections reorganized the EPS, turning it into a national and apolitical force, a stabilizer instrument in the polarized and conflicting Nicaraguan society. Is undeniable the EPS relevance in the Sandinista Nicaragua of the 1980s and we aim elucidate it in this research, as well as the importance of its transformation, reorganizing and adding new parameters in a turbulent political-social environment
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Maciel, Fred. "Da montanha ao quartel : atuação e influência do Exército Popular Sandinista na Nicarágua /." Franca, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93203.
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Orientador: Hector Luis Saint-PierreBanca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Luis Fernando Ayerbe
Resumo: Com este presente trabalho pretendemos analisar a atuação do Exército Popular Sandinista (EPS) na década de 1980 e sua transição de exército guerrilheiro para exército profissional e regular, marco da etapa de transformação pela qual passava a Nicarágua e inserida em uma cultura política de quase permanente uso da violência como amparo às forças políticas. Desse modo, buscaremos elucidar a subordinação do EPS à Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN), efetivando a confusão Estado-Partido-Exército, eixo do regime sandinista. O entendimento da real participação, interferência e influência do EPS no governo e sua posterior profissionalização contribuem para a reflexão acerca de como o regime sandinista, enquanto sistema político, resolveu a institucionalização do exército e do campo político-militar. Ademais, a constante situação de guerra fomentada pela contrarrevolução (os chamados "Contras") fez com que o EPS emergisse como um dos principais atores do cenário nacional nicaraguense; assim, buscaremos compreender a maneira como as forças armadas agiram no ambiente político-social, de maneira a transformar e/ou reorganizar esses campos. A consequente derrocada sandinista e a emergência de um novo governo após as eleições de 1990 reorganizou o EPS, transformando-o em uma força apolítica e nacional, um instrumento estabilizador na polarizada e conflitante sociedade nicaraguense. É inegável a relevância do EPS na Nicarágua sandinista da década de 1980 e visaremos elucidá-la nesta pesquisa, bem como a importância de sua transformação, reorganizando e inserindo novos parâmetros em um conturbado ambiente político-social
Abstract: With this present work we intend to analyze the performance of the Sandinista Popular Army (EPS - spanish acronym) in the 1980s and his transition from guerrilla army to a professional and regular army, mark of the transformation step by which Nicaragua crossed and inserted in a political culture of almost permanent use of violence as a support to political forces. In this way, we'll try to elucidate the subordination of the EPS to Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN - spanish acronym), making effective the confusion State-Party-Army, axis of the Sandinista regime. The understanding of the real participation, interference and influence of EPS in government and their subsequent professionalization contribute to reflection about how the Sandinista regime, as political system, resolved the institutionalization of the army and the military-political field. Moreover, the constant state of war fomented by counterrevolution (called "Contras") make with which the EPS emerged as a major actor of the Nicaraguan national scene; so, we'll seek to understand how the armed forces acted on political and social scene, in order to transform and/or rearrange these fields. The consequent Sandinista collapse and the emergence of a new government after the 1990s elections reorganized the EPS, turning it into a national and apolitical force, a stabilizer instrument in the polarized and conflicting Nicaraguan society. Is undeniable the EPS relevance in the Sandinista Nicaragua of the 1980s and we aim elucidate it in this research, as well as the importance of its transformation, reorganizing and adding new parameters in a turbulent political-social environment
Mestre
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Hernández, Elvira Riba. "Alianças trans-fronteiriças: memória política de ações de solidariedade na Costa Rica no contexto da ditadura militar somozista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-23062015-005426/.
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A presente pesquisa de mestrado, trata sobre um processo coletivo de construção de uma memória política sobre ações de solidariedade na Costa Rica durante os últimos anos da ditadura militar somozista, periodo identificado como o mais sangrento desse capítulo da história política recente da Nicarágua. Trata-se de um estudo qualitativo que tem como base para suas análises, as narrativas de 13 mulheres, da Costa Rica e da Nicarágua, que foram coletadas por méio de uma entrevista semiestruturada, aplicada no país de origem de cada uma delas. Para uma melhor compreensão sobre o contexto no qual se deram as ações de solidariedade, apresentamos brevemente um capítulo histórico com fatos relevantes sobre a historia política de ambos países para assim entender como na Nicarágua se instaura uma ditadura e quais eram as características da Costa Rica para que a solidariedade, com o povo nicaraguense, acontecesse no país. Em relação à memória, trouxemos a autores contemporâneos que dialogam com os clássicos, e nos apresentam as formas como ela tem sido estudada através da história das ciências sociais. Para posteriormente incorporar um enfoque psicopolítico, que nos permite desdobrar a memória na sua dimensão política, e assim entender essas ações de solidariedade como formas de participação política. A memória, desta forma, constitui-se como um lugar de resistência em que mulheres dos dois países, imersas em diferentes grupos políticos e condições socioeconômicas, resignificam e desconstróem seu lugar na história e explicitam sua função como agente coletivo de mudança políticaThis master\'s research deals with a collective process of building political memory, about solidarity actions in Costa Rica while the last years of the Somoza\'s military dictatorship, identified as the most bloody period of this chapter of the recent Nicaragua\'s political history. It\'s a qualitative study that analyses the narratives of 13 women from Costa Rica and Nicaragua, collected by semistructured interviews, applied in the country of each one of them. For a better comprehension about the context in which did happen the solidarity actions, we present a historic chapter with important facts about the political history of both nations, for then, understand how was established a dictatorship in Nicaragua and what are the particularities of Costa Rica that made possible the solidarity of ticos with nicas. Regarding memory, we brought the contemporary writers who dialogue with classics, showing us the ways in which memory has been studied throughout the history of the social sciences. To further embed a psychopolitical approach that allows us to deploy memory in its political dimension, and thus to understand these solidarity actions as forms of political participation. Memory, therefore, is constituted as a place of resistance in which women of the two countries, immersed in different political groups and socioeconomic conditions, deconstruct and reframe their place in history and explain its function as a collective agent of political change.
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Krämer, Raimund. "Historie: Nicaragua Sandinista : Bilanz einer Revolution." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3405/.
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Im Juli 1979 begann unter dem Begriff „Sandinistische Revolution“ eine tief greifende Umgestaltung in Nicaragua. Diese fand weltweit starkes Interesse. Das „neue Nicaragua“ wurde zur Zielscheibe der Konservativen und zur neuen Ikone der Linken, die einen Sozialismus jenseits totalitärer Strukturen ersehnte. Nach zehn Jahren endete dieses Projekt. 30 Jahre danach diskutiert der Autor, der in jenen Jahren selbst in Nicaragua weilte, die Ursachen der Revolution, ihre Erfolge und ihr letztliches Scheitern.
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Maciel, Fred. ""Alterar la historia haciéndola, no solo contándola" : intelectualidade e cultura política sandinista em Sergio Ramírez /." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/153836.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Neste trabalho analisamos a atuação e obra do intelectual nicaraguense Sergio Ramírez, buscando identificar a existência de uma cultura política sandinista. Personagem ativo desde a luta antiditatorial até a transição do regime da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN) nos anos 1990, Ramírez pode ser considerado um dos interlocutores responsáveis pela mobilização de uma tradição política sandinista de destaque do viés ético-histórico e igualmente uma fonte para sua verificação. A identificação da intelectualidade nicaraguense e de suas marcas mostra-se relevante na apreensão dos projetos histórico-culturais atuantes no país, de modo a entender como especificidades locais influenciaram no desenvolvimento e na prática de tais “homens de letras”. Através principalmente do estudo de suas ações e produção literária, visaremos aclarar como referida ampla cultura política sandinista fornecia símbolos e representações políticas com as quais Ramírez dialogou, pautando suas ações políticas e elaborações intelectuais. Desse modo, não esquecendo que os intelectuais desempenham uma função social responsável por organizar representações políticas e produzir interpretações sobre a realidade de seu tempo e comunidade, objetivamos retratar como, por meio de Ramírez, projetos políticos nicaraguenses foram edificados e como as atuações desse intelectual também contribuem no reconhecimento da diversidade do sandinismo, com suas ressignificações, releituras e vertentes identificáveis especialmente após a derrota eleitoral da FSLN em 1990. Enquanto força mobilizadora e ideal aglutinador, o sandinismo (e sua cultura política e tradições) é uma marca fundamental da história política recente da Nicarágua, assim como Ramírez é a grande referência intelecto-cultural dessa mesma época, e analisá-los é fundamental na compreensão dos caminhos atuais desse ainda pouco estudado país centro-americano.
In this work, we analyze the performance and work of the Nicaraguan intellectual Sergio Ramírez, seeking to identify the existence of a Sandinista political culture. Active character since the anti-dictatorial fight until the transition of the regime of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in 90’s, Ramírez can be considered as one of the interlocutors responsible for the mobilization of a Sandinista political tradition that highlights the ethical-historical bias and also a source for his verification. The identification of the Nicaraguan intellectuality and its brands is relevant in the apprehension of the historical-cultural projects in the country, in order to understand how local specificities influenced the development and practice of such “men of letters”. Through mainly the study of his actions and literary production, we aim to clarify how this broad Sandinista political culture provided symbols and political representations with which Ramírez dialogued, guiding his political actions and intellectual elaborations. Thus, not forgetting that intellectuals play a social function responsible for organizing political representations and producing interpretations about the reality of their time and community, we aim to portray how, through Ramírez, Nicaraguan political projects were built and how the performance of this intellectual also contributed to the recognition of the diversity of Sandinismo, with its re-significations, re-readings and strands identifiable specially after the FSLN 's electoral defeat in 1990. As a mobilizing force and agglutinator ideal, Sandinismo (and its political culture and traditions) is a fundamental mark of Nicaragua's recent political history, just as Ramírez is the great intellectual-cultural reference of the same epoch, and analyzing them is fundamental in understanding the current ways of this still little studied Central American country.
En este trabajo analizamos la actuación y obra del intelectual nicaragüense Sergio Ramírez, buscando identificar la existencia de una cultura política sandinista. Personaje activo desde la lucha antidictatorial hasta la transición del régimen del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) en los años 1990, Ramírez puede ser considerado uno de los interlocutores responsables por la movilización de una tradición política sandinista que destaca el sesgo ético-histórico y también una fuente para su verificación. La identificación de la intelectualidad nicaragüense y de sus marcas se muestra relevante en la aprehensión de los proyectos histórico-culturales actuantes en el país, de manera a entender cómo las especificidades locales influenciaron en el desarrollo y la práctica de tales “hombres de letras”. A través principalmente del estudio de sus acciones y producción literaria, pretendemos aclarar como referida amplia cultura política sandinista proporcionaba símbolos y representaciones políticas con las que Ramírez dialogó, pautando sus acciones políticas y elaboraciones intelectuales. De este modo, no olvidando que los intelectuales desempeñan una función social responsable de organizar representaciones políticas y producir interpretaciones sobre la realidad de su tiempo y comunidad, objetivamos retratar cómo, por medio de Ramírez, proyectos políticos nicaragüenses fueron edificados y cómo las actuaciones de ese intelectual también contribuyen en el reconocimiento de la diversidad del sandinismo, con sus resignificaciones, relecturas y vertientes identificables especialmente después de la derrota electoral del FSLN en 1990. En cuanto fuerza movilizadora e ideal aglutinador, el sandinismo (y su cultura política y tradiciones) es una marca fundamental de la historia política reciente de Nicaragua, así como Ramírez es la gran referencia intelecto-cultural de esa misma época, y analizarlos es fundamental en la comprensión de los caminos actuales de este todavía poco estudiado país centroamericano.
CAPES/DS: 1397080
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Santos, Flores Kevin A. "The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1268941542.
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Elliott, Michael H. "Economic Specialization in Sugar Cane Wage Labor: Ethnographic Case Study of a Rural Nicaraguan Community." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1212519949.
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Sebrian, Raphael Nunes Nicoletti. "A repercussão do movimento sandinista na imprensa brasileira : 1926-1934 /." Assis : [s.n.], 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93435.
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Orientador: José Luís Bendicho BeiredResumo: Neste trabalho objetiva-se analisar, no período de 1926 a 1934, e de forma comparativa, a produção jornalística a respeito do conflito entre Nicarágua e EUA, e suas diversas configurações e desdobramentos, produzida pelos periódicos Folha da Manhã, Folha da Noite, O Tempo, Correio da Manhã e O Estado de S. Paulo. Procuraremos fundamentalmente compreender como cada periódico se posicionou em relação à questão da intervenção e ao movimento sandinista, quais foram os aspectos privilegiados por cada um dos jornais, e se houve mudanças na postura dos mesmos em relação ao conflito, dentre outros aspectos.
Abstract: This work aims to analyse, comparatively, the production by the newspapers Folha da Manhã, Folha da Noite, O Tempo, Correio da Manhã and O Estado de S. Paulo on the conflict between Nicaragua and the USA from the year 1926 to 1934 as well as its various configurations and implications. We will fundamentally seek to understand which position each newspaper took regarding the intervention matter and the sandinist movement, which aspects were privileged by each newspaper, and whether changes in their posture regarding the conflict occurred, among other aspects.
Mestre
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Petrus, John Stephen. "Gender Transgression and Hegemony: the Politics of Gender Expression and Sexuality in Contemporary Managua." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429609857.
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Madrigal, Fornos Samuel Danilo. "La formation de l'état-nation et la révolution au Nicaragua." Paris 10, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA100033.
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Sharper, Donna C. "Llamadas para la liberación en los salmos de Ernesto Cardenal." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1481326494397004.
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Morton, Donald. "President Reagan's Rhetorical War Against Nicaraugua, 1981-1987." TopSCHOLAR®, 1992. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2669.
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The Reagan administration launched a two term campaign to win support for the Contra rebels fighting Nicaragua. The rhetorical war began in secrecy and ended in scandal. With Reagan's reputation as a "great communicator" and the priority he assigned to the Contra cause it seemed surprising to find virtually nothing on the topic in a search of the communication journals through mid 1992.
The central research question of this thesis is whether President Reagan used rhetorical strategies and similar depictions to other presidents in his prowar rhetoric against Nicaragua. A common theme of war rhetoric is the dehumanizing of the enemy in order to justify retaliation and to deflect the attention of the audience away from the realities of war. Robert 'vie, using Burke's dramatistic analysis, found over a hundred and fifty years of presidential rhetoric a predictable pattern of justifications for war. He found motives for war arranged in a hierarchy with "rights" as the primary god-term for purpose. Before a textual evaluation this study reviewed the history of the region the role of the rhetor and of the media.
'The data included a computer scan covering all of Reagan's statements on Nicaragua (59,000 words), a brief overview of 45 speeches and a detailed examination of three nationally televised speeches. The television speeches were analyzed in light of the following:
a) Rhetorical exigencies surrounding the appeal were researched.
b) Key players in the drama and their effect on the rhetoric were reviewed.
c) Main arguments and counter-evidence were related to the speeches.
d) A metaphoric analysis was conducted with particular emphasis on mega-images.
e) Identification strategies in Burkeian terms were applied to the speeches.
f) The speeches were subjected to a pentadic analysis to determine ratios and their relationship to motive.
g) The effects were reviewed in terms of the press, Congress and polls.
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Sebrian, Raphael Nunes Nicoletti [UNESP]. "A repercussão do movimento sandinista na imprensa brasileira: 1926-1934." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93435.
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Neste trabalho objetiva-se analisar, no período de 1926 a 1934, e de forma comparativa, a produção jornalística a respeito do conflito entre Nicarágua e EUA, e suas diversas configurações e desdobramentos, produzida pelos periódicos Folha da Manhã, Folha da Noite, O Tempo, Correio da Manhã e O Estado de S. Paulo. Procuraremos fundamentalmente compreender como cada periódico se posicionou em relação à questão da intervenção e ao movimento sandinista, quais foram os aspectos privilegiados por cada um dos jornais, e se houve mudanças na postura dos mesmos em relação ao conflito, dentre outros aspectos.
This work aims to analyse, comparatively, the production by the newspapers Folha da Manhã, Folha da Noite, O Tempo, Correio da Manhã and O Estado de S. Paulo on the conflict between Nicaragua and the USA from the year 1926 to 1934 as well as its various configurations and implications. We will fundamentally seek to understand which position each newspaper took regarding the intervention matter and the sandinist movement, which aspects were privileged by each newspaper, and whether changes in their posture regarding the conflict occurred, among other aspects.
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Vargas, González Hugo Mauricio. "Procesos electorales en Nicaragua : legitimidad y conflicto : siglo 19." Toulouse 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOU20020.
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Les changements très développés au début du 19e siècle, ont eu une incidence décisive sur la vie politique et institutionnelle de l'Amérique hispanique, où les gens ont assumé un rôle comme un acteur clé. Toutefois, les institutions traditionnelles et imaginatives survécu sous diverses formes, vont vivre avec le processus d'intronisation de la modernité politique. Cette dynamique était présente au Nicaragua, principalement pour le développement du processus constitutionnel de Cadix en 1812. Ainsi naît la figure du citoyen, détenteur des droits individuels, politiques et de devoirs. Cette transformation participe à une collision brutale avec l'imaginaire social hérité de la période coloniale, dont beaucoup ont survécu tout au long du siècle. Les puissants pouvoirs locaux au Nicaragua ont limité la consolidation de l'État. Les différentes étapes du processus électoral ont été basées sur la municipalité, étant le représentant de l'imaginaire local. En conséquence, davantage de citoyens faisaient partie d'une communauté traditionnelle plutôt que d'une nation moderneThe changes strongly developed, early 19th century, have a decisive bearing on the political and institutional life of Hispanic America, where people assumed a role as a key player. However, the imaginative and traditional institutions survived in various forms, living well with the process of enthronement of political modernity. This dynamic was present in Nicaragua, primarily for the development of the constitutional process of Cadiz in 1812. Thus arises the figure of the citizen, holder of individual political rights and duties. This transformation involved an abrupt collision with social imagination inherited from the colonial period, many of which survived throughout the century. He local strongman in Nicaragua limited the consolidation of the rule, the various stages of the electoral process were based on the municipality, being the representative of the local imaginary. Accordingly, more citizens were part of a traditional community rather than a modern nation
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Lassonde, Miriam. "La religiosité comme élément du discours de légitimation du sandinisme au pouvoir, 1979-1981." Thesis, Université Laval, 2007. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2007/24230/24230.pdf.
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Foulds, Abigail. "BUYING A COLONIAL DREAM: THE ROLE OF LIFESTYLE MIGRANTS IN THE GENTRIFICATION OF THE HISTORIC CENTER OF GRANADA, NICARAGUA." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/geography_etds/18.
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This dissertation aims to expand our understanding of how lifestyle migrants from the Global North impact the urban space of a Global South city, particularly the built environment. In order to situate the questions posed in this dissertation, I focus on how lifestyle migrants from the Global North and their foreign capital transform the city of Granada, Nicaragua through processes of gentrification, and how the social and economic climate of the city and its residents are impacted. This research allows for empirically informed theoretical critiques to be made about the economic and social implications of the globalization of gentrification resulting from heterogeneous lifestyle migration.
The property markets in many Global North locations, most notably the US, have pushed lifestyle migrants to look abroad; gentrification has gone international, spreading to the Global South. For reasons such as affordability and proximity to the US and Canada, many Global North property-buyers are looking to the colonial historic city center of Granada, Nicaragua as a site for relocation and investment. These migrants are purchasing and remodeling colonial-style homes as part of a broader transformation of the historic center to cater to international tourism and elite consumption.
Many lifestyle migrants involved in the gentrification processes occurring in Granada are choosing transnational lifestyles by maintaining citizenship in their home countries, and simultaneously engaging in economic and social relationships in both Nicaragua and their home (or other) countries. The advantages that accompany their positions as migrants from the Global North greatly affect the lifestyle migrants’ roles in the transformation of the city, regardless of their own personal social and economic status at home. Many lifestyle migrants embrace a role of economic and social developers, and often enact a racist and neocolonialist understanding of the Nicaraguan people and culture as needing “improvement”. Lifestyle migrants are generally able to benefit from capital accumulated in Global North markets and their Global North citizen status enables them to live a mobile, transnational lifestyle. Such economic and mobility opportunities are unavailable for many Nicaraguans, further exacerbating the inequalities between local Nicaraguan residents and privileged lifestyle migrants.
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Sá, Roger dos Anjos de. "A revolução sandinista: do triunfo à derrota (1979-1990)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/4063.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG
In July 1979, the Sandinista Revolution triumphed in Nicaragua, thus constituting a political framework of great importance for the history of the last quarter of the twentieth century. In front of the revolutionary process, was the FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front), an organization founded in the early 1960s inspired by Augusto César Sandino, a nationalist who fought against the domination exerted by the United States of America in that country in the late 1920s and in the beginning of next decade. Sandino was assassinated at the behest of the then chief of the National Guard, Anastasio Somoza García, in 1934. In 1937, Somoza took over the government of Nicaragua inaugurating the longest of all dictatorships of America, which lasted until 1979. Associated various political ideologies derived from various social segments the FSLN led a popular uprising that toppled the dictatorship and began a period of intense disputes and social, economic and political transformations in Nicaragua. The tactic of economic transformation was conducted by the mixed economy and the political model was guided by plurality. Meanwhile the Sandinista Front sought to consolidate its hegemony through the cooptation of popular and mass organizations and also through the establishment of an Army. A few years after the revolutionary triumph came one armed counterrevolution, what made the consigning a war that consumed in huge sums of money following years and a concentration in military defense of the Revolution. The counterrevolutionary forces were formed under the auspices of the American government of Ronald Reagan. In this sense, the period between 1979 and 1990, Nicaragua became an important center of American interference, which combined the groups opposing the Sandinista Front, mainly the bourgeoisie and the upper hierarchy of the Catholic Church constituted together, armed groups, the cons, who fought with the government a civil war. The Sandinista Revolution lasted until 1990, when the FSLN was defeated electorally by a counterrevolutionary coalition called UNO (National Union Opposition) that was financed by the United States.
Em julho de 1979, a Revolução Sandinista triunfou na Nicarágua, constituindo assim um marco político de grande relevância para a história do último quartel do século XX. Na dianteira do processo revolucionário, estava a FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional), organização fundada no início da década de 1960 inspirada em Augusto César Sandino, um nacionalista que lutou contra a dominação exercida pelos Estados Unidos da América naquele país no final dos anos 1920 e no início da década seguinte. Sandino foi assassinado a mando do então chefe da Guarda Nacional, Anastásio Somoza García, em 1934. Em 1937, Somoza assumiu o governo da Nicarágua, inaugurando a mais longa de todas as ditaduras da América, que durou até 1979. Associados a diversas ideologias políticas oriundas de variados segmentos sociais, a FSLN liderou uma insurreição popular que derrubou a ditadura e iniciou um período de intensas disputas e transformações sociais, econômicas e políticas na Nicarágua. A tática de transformação econômica foi conduzida pela economia mista e o modelo político foi pautado pela pluralidade. Entrementes a Frente Sandinista buscou consolidar sua hegemonia mediante a cooptação de organizações populares e de massa e também através da constituição de um Exército. Poucos anos após o triunfo revolucionário, surgiu uma contrarrevolução armada, o que fez com que se consignasse uma situação de guerra que consumiu nos anos seguintes enormes somas monetárias e uma concentração na defesa militar da Revolução. As forças contrarrevolucionárias foram formadas sob a tutela do governo norte-americano de Ronald Reagan. Neste sentido, no período entre 1979 e 1990, a Nicarágua tornou-se um importante polo da ingerência norte-americana, que aliada a grupos opostos a Frente Sandinista, principalmente à burguesia e à alta hierarquia da Igreja Católica, constituíram juntos grupos armados, os contras, que travaram com o governo uma guerra civil. A Revolução Sandinista durou até 1990, quando a FSLN foi derrotada eleitoralmente por uma coalização contrarrevolucionária denominada UNO (União Nacional Opositora), financiada pelos Estados Unidos.
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Bermúdez, González María Antonia. "El proyecto intelectual de la narrativa nicaragüense: de la utopía a la paradoja (1970-2020)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672522.
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El campo cultural nicaragüense se desarrolla en una modernidad dependiente en donde conviven formas económicas y sociales pre-modernas y modernas, hecho que sitúa a la sociedad en la paradoja de convivir entre dos mundos, el de la aldea global posmoderna y el de la local, periférica, alejada de las metrópolis rectoras de los hábitos, gustos, y modas culturales. Ello genera la carencia de una cultura democrática que facilita la instauración de regímenes de carácter dictatorial frente a los cuales los intelectuales han de tomar posición: en la medida en que la coyuntura se aboca a una situación límite, mayor es la responsabilidad de los escritores y artistas, que, ejerciendo una actitud crítica, se comprometen en aras de exigir justicia y libertad. En el ejercicio de la cultura de la resistencia, las formas narrativas expresan las contradicciones vitales del ser humano y la búsqueda permanente de la comprensión de la evolución social e histórica del país.The Nicaraguan cultural field develops in a dependent modernity where pre-modern and modern economic and social forms coexist, which places society in the paradox of coexisting between two worlds, that of the global postmodern village and that of the local, peripheral, away from the governing metropolises of cultural habits, tastes, and fashions. This generates the lack of a democratic culture that facilitates the establishment of dictatorial regimes which intellectuals have to take a position against: to the extent that conjuncture reaches an extreme situation, the greater the responsibility of writers and artists who, exercising a critical attitude, commit themselves in order to demand justice and freedom. In the exercise of the culture of resistance, narrative forms express the vital contradictions of the human being and the permanent search for the understanding of social and historical evolution of the country.
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Brandão, Letícia Araujo. "A utopia de Ernesto Cardenal: um poema de amor à Nicarágua Sandinista." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12893.
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Previous issue date: 2015-09-03Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This thesis aims to research the literary trajectory of Ernesto Cardenal, as well as the political consequences of his thought during the period leading up to the Sandinista Revolution, during which this revolution was developed in Nicaragua. Throughout his life, Cardenal took on not only the role of a poet, whichbrought him worldwide fame as an intellectual, but also that of a religious man and a revolutionary committed to the fight against social inequality in his country. In this way, he united ethical-Christian values to the Sandinistacause and contributed decisively to the project of construction of a hegemonic Christian and revolutionary culture that, for ten years (from the triumph of therevolutionin 1979 until the elections that brought the oppositioncandidate, Violeta Chamorro,to power in 1989), gave legitimacy to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Every trace of his human and literary thought, therefore, can be seen in his role as a formerof opinion in the period when he founded the contemplative community of Our Lady of Solentiname; and during the Revolution, in his role as Minister of Culture. Understanding the faces of Love that emanate in his life and work is, therefore, of fundamental importance for a concrete analysis of the process of formation of an alleged revolutionary cultural hegemony in Nicaragua, a fundamental project of the SNLF government which Cardenalwas part of
Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória literária de Ernesto Cardenal, bem como das consequências políticas de seu pensamento durante o período que antecedeu, e no qual se desenvolveu, a Revolução Sandinista, na Nicarágua. Ao longo de sua vida, Cardenal assumiu não apenas a faceta de poeta, que o consagrou mundialmente enquanto intelectual, mas também a de religioso e de revolucionário comprometido na luta contra a desigualdade social em seu país. Dessa forma, uniu valores éticos-cristãos à causa sandinista, tendo contribuído de forma decisiva no projeto de construção de uma cultura hegemônica cristã e revolucionária que, durante dez anos (desde o triunfo revolucionário em 1979, até as eleições que levaram ao poder a candidata de oposição, Violeta Chamorro, em 1989), conferiu legitimidade ao governo da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional. Cada traço de seu pensamento humano e literário, portanto, pode ser revelado em sua atuação enquanto formador de opinião no período em que fundou a comunidade contemplativa de Nossa Senhora de Solentiname e durante a Revolução, em sua atuação como Ministro da Cultura. Compreender as faces do Amor emanadas em sua vida e obra, portanto, revela-se de fundamental importância para uma análise concreta do processo de formação de uma pretensa hegemonia cultural revolucionária na Nicarágua, projeto elementar do governo da FSLN do qual Cardenal fez parte
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Stephens, Jason Henry. "Tectonic and depositional history of an active forearc basin, Sandino basin, offshore Nicaragua." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24980.
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High-resolution (20-250 Hz) multichannel seismic (MCS) reflection data with record lengths of 4-8 s TWT, totaling approximately 4620 line km on the shelf and slope of the Sandino forearc basin of offshore western Nicaragua, were acquired in November-December 2004 (cruise EW04-12) and subsequently processed at the University of Texas Institute for Geophysics. Seismic sequence interpretation was conducted using these MCS data in conjunction with deeper penetration (16-20. s TWT) MCS profiles from a previous survey (cruise EW00-05). Age estimates were based on cuttings from intersecting industry wells. Structure and isochron maps were created for 16 sequences and used to identify structural and depositional trends within the Sandino basin. The Tectonostratigraphic evolution of the basin varies considerably along-strike and is divided into five general stages from Late Cretaceous to recent. Evidence for multiple episodes of terrane accretion is observed from Late Eocene to Late Oligocene and potentially during Mid- to Late Miocene as well. Stratal stacking patterns suggest the Nicaraguan margin has not been dominated by subduction erosion during its history and extensional features beneath the slope are interpreted to have originated as a result of processes related to collision of allochthonous terrane of the downgoing plate, sediment underplating, and slab roll-back. With more precise age control, the stable northwestern region of the Sandino basin, where sediment is relatively undeformed since Late Oligocene and measures ≥ 16 km thick, offers a unique convergent margin setting for investigations of forcings on sequence development.text
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McWilliams, Brittany. "Treating the Revolution: Health Care and Solidarity in El Salvador and Nicaragua in the 1980s." 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/897.
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Health care played an important role in the revolutions of El Salvador and Nicaragua. Both the Sandinistas and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) prioritized popular health throughout the 1980s. Clinics and hospitals served as sites of revolution that drew healthcare solidarity activists from the United States. These health internationalists worked to build community-level networks that relied upon trained medical volunteers. In both El Salvador and Nicaragua, women comprised a bulk of the community health workers. These women chose to interact with revolution by building on radical promises of universal healthcare access. Healthcare solidarity activists trained community volunteers and encouraged women to pursue their own needs within the revolutionary frameworks. Health internationalists actively undermined United States’ policies toward Central America. In the 1980s, the United States implemented economic policies and supported military violence that targeted healthcare infrastructure. In training community health workers, treating civilians, sharing knowledge through international exchange, and sending funds and medical supplies, health activists mitigated some of the damage being done. This thesis posits that health care was an important site of revolution for Central Americans and internationalists alike. By choosing to mend bodies, medical activists stood in direct opposition to the violence of the decade. They also served as fundamental to the revolution because they helped carry out the will of the people. The revolutions rested on the hope of improving the lives of every day Nicaraguans and Salvadorans. As the violence of the 1980s forced the guerillas of El Salvador and the leaders of Nicaragua to focus on war, the people continued to implement revolutionary health goals at the community level. This thesis argues that understanding how health internationalists, women, and community activists engaged revolutionary ideas of medicine is vital to the study of 1980s Central America.
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Saginor, Ian. "Volcanic history of western Nicaragua and geochemical evolution of the Central American volcanic front." 2008. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.17561.
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"Workers' control in Nicaragua and Cuba in the 1990s." Tulane University, 2003.
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Fieldwork was conducted in Nicaragua and Cuba between 1990 and 1997 with 150 in-depth interviews and observations of 48 production units. Assessments were made of workers' attitudes toward workers' control, actions they engaged in to get it, and the degree of workers' control and economic success achieved. Assessments were made of how workers' control affected values, competencies, and actions at the society, class, workplace, and individual levels. The informants do want workers' control, preferring: first, their own land or small enterprise; second cooperative ownership; and least of all working in an enterprise owned by either capitalists or the state. They see both workers' control and employment as critical for democracy. Workers struggled for control of production in dramatic ways, through revolution, land seizures and general strikes taking advantage of counterbalanced elites to make real conquests. They contended for control of production with conventional collective and individual bargaining methods, and they used quiet daily tactics to fill up the spaces of workers' influence opened by more dramatic actions. They used overt tactics when they could and when they had formal mechanisms of participation. They used covert tactics when institutional repression forced them to do so. The relation of social and institutional forces created the main opportunities for workers' control, although economic crisis and class consciousness played a role in both countries, and a culture of resistance and political pluralism played a role in Nicaragua. Initiatives for greater workers control came from above and below and workers sought support from institutions to secure their advances. More intensive desire for control of production resulted in more intensive actions and more success in getting workers' control. Greater opportunities also provoke greater interest and activity to get it. Workers are more likely to win control of problematic enterprises. Seizing control of enterprises creates problems of securing titles and financing, but sometimes workers alone are able to keep the enterprises functioning. Workers' control promotes values, competencies, and actions favoring democracy at the society level, empowerment at the class level, more workers' control at the workplace level, and idealism, self-respect, self-improvement at the individual levelacase@tulane.edu
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Campbell-Jeffrey, Nancy. "Social movement theory and the reconstruction of the past: a case study of Augusto César Sandino and the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1837.
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Bishop, Adam. "With Them And Against Them: Canada's Relations With Nicaragua, 1979-1990." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/4681.
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Canada's relations with Nicaragua changed greatly during the 1980s after the Sandinista National
Liberation Front (FSLN) came to power in a revolution which overthrew the Somoza dynasty. For the
first few years of the new regime in Nicaragua, Canada provided little support, declaring that
Canadians had no significant interests in the country and there was no reason for them to get involved
in Central America's ongoing conflicts. When Brian Mulroney first came to power with Joe Clark as
his Secretary of State for External Affairs, the Progressive Conservatives generally held to the course
set by the previous Liberal government. However, as the 1980s went on the Conservatives began
providing Nicaragua with more bilateral aid, and became increasingly involved in the regional peace
process known as Esquipulas; this culminated in Canadian peacekeepers entering the region in 1990 as
part of a UN peacekeeping force. The major impetus for the government's change in attitude was the
strong and consistent pressure placed on the government by the Canadian public. Aid raised privately
by Canadians for Nicaragua overshadowed government aid for much of the decade, making the
government response look weak. The support of the Canadian public for action in Central America
was the major factor which pressured the federal government into becoming more involved in
Nicaragua, even though the government was not as supportive of the new regime in Nicaragua as a
large portion of the Canadian public often was.
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"Cultivating the "Blossomy Tree of Gratitude": Chamorristas and Caudillo Politics in Nicaragua (1912-1928)." Tulane University, 2017.
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ADAM, MAXWELL JOHN ROGER. "The Güegüencista Experience: Masquerade, Embodiment, and Decolonization in Early Twenty-First Century Nicaragua." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6739.
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This thesis is about exploring and theorizing about the contemporary meanings and (re)production of El Güegüense, a politically charged ancient Nicaraguan dance-drama. The ethnographic affair revolves around the researcher’s experiences learning the Güegüense tradition at the Nicaraguan Academy of Dance in Managua. Utilizing “the apprenticeship” as methodology, which has perhaps most effectively been teased out in Loïc Wacquant’s (2004) Body and Soul, the researcher fleshes out under what circumstances one becomes a practitioner of the Güegüense tradition, what it means to be a cultural performer, and whether this ancient physical tradition still demonstrates and embodies its anti-colonial themes. After conducting interviews with leading practitioners, the author utilizes the performance as a vector of knowledge and speaks not only to how the performance culturally manifests but also to how contested its meanings truly are, as well as the recent depoliticizing of the performance, which it is argued is a direct result of the state becoming involved with this ancient physical tradition.Thesis (Master, Kinesiology & Health Studies) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-21 08:53:02.248
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Rogers, Robert Douglas. "Jurassic-recent tectonic and stratigraphic history of the Chortis block of Honduras and Nicaragua (northern Central America)." Thesis, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3122784.
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Rogers, Robert Douglas Mann Paul. "Jurassic-recent tectonic and stratigraphic history of the Chortis block of Honduras and Nicaragua (northern Central America)." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3122784.
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Hohenstein, Thomas A. "The Terrorist Doppelganger: Somoza and the Sandinistas." 2013. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/995.
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This thesis makes two arguments. First, that the analytical lens of terrorism is useful to understanding the modern state because it pits the state against its antithesis. Additionally, the discursive contest between the state and terrorists is best understood within a gendered framework. Second, the Sandinista Revolution did not revolutionize the discourse the Nicaraguan state used to legitimate itself, thus limiting the movement’s revolutionary nature.
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"The Sandinista Revolution portrayed in the autobiographical texts El país bajo mi piel by Gioconda Belli and Adiós Muchachos by Sergio Ramirez." Master's thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.14616.
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abstract: The revolution that took place in Nicaragua during the 70's led the country into misery; this war was a consequence of the Somoza dictatorship that had been in power for forty-five years. The Nicaraguan people were hoping to recover their peace and freedom by rising in arms against the dictatorship. Augusto Cesar Sandino is known to be the most significant patriotic figure for the Sandinista revolutionaries. His legacy inspired the foundation of the revolutionary party Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN). The FSLN was able to overthrow the Anastasio Somoza regime and declared their victory on July 19, 1979. The memories of the Sandinista Revolution are portrayed in the autobiographies of two Nicaraguan writers: Gioconda Belli and Sergio Ramirez. El país bajo mi piel (2001) y Adiós muchachos. Una memoria de la revolución sandinista (1999) are the texts analyzed in this study as part of those remembrances that revive the most significant events of the revolution from very unique perspectives. In order to develop this analysis we have consider the theoretical work of Phillip Lejeune. We have based our research in his definition of autobiography, his concept of autobiographical pact and the idea of contract between author and reader. Also, we have incorporated Evelyne Ender´s research on memory as the principal element in the literary construction of reminiscences. Ender explains the role of the rememberer, who is responsible of constructing their memories based on a subjective, cognitive, emotional and esthetic performance. At the same time, we have included the concept of biographical space explained by Leonor Arfuch, which is perceived as multi-faced space where different tendencies coexist. The purpose of this study is to explore the autobiographies of these Nicaraguan writers as an esthetical process where remembrances of the Sandinista Revolution come to live in a prose reflective narrative. Analyzing Belli and Ramirez's memoirs, we perceived their private and public stories of life that depict the most significant events of their lives and nation. The Sandinista Revolution is part of the Nicaraguan history and it cannot be forgotten that's the purpose behind this autobiographies to document these transcendental happenings.Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. Spanish 2012
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Koutsoyannis, Sophia. "Augusto César Sandino : hero myth of the Nicaraguan nation." Thèse, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/14824.
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Fabbri, Kimberly. ""Go and make disciples of all the nations": Moravian missionaries in Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast from 1912--1933." 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1463969.
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