Academic literature on the topic 'Ngbandi (langue)'

The verb 'be' in Pidgin Sango is an innovation, for vernacular Sango has no copula. The development in Sango had important grammatical consequences. It is argued, with data both from Ngbandi and Kituba, that the most likely source of this verb is some form of Kikongo, which went through the process of pidginization in the nineteenth century.

This PhD thesis consists of the documentation, reconstruction and classification of ten Bantu langages (bolondó, bonyange, ebudzá, ebwela, libóbi, lingͻmbε, mondóngó, monyͻngͻ, mosángé, págaɓéte) spoken in the geographical area between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers in the northwestern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study examines the interaction between these languages and seven neighboring Ubangian languages (gbánzírí, gͻbú, maɓó, mbānzā, monzͻmbͻ, ngbandi, ngbaka-mīnāgendē). By means of a lexicostatistical study which determines the degree of lexical similarity between the languages under study, a phylogenetic classification has been established which integrates these languages in the larger sample of 401 Bantu languages used by Grollemund et al. (2015). This quantitative approach has generated Neighbor-Net and Neighbor-Joining networks as well as Bayesian trees, which indicate the internal sub-groups of the Bantu family in general, and more specifically of the Bantu languages of the central Congo basin to which the Bantu languages spoken between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers belong. Subsequently, we have undertaken a descriptive and comparative study of the those languages as well as a study of regular sound correspondances with regard to Proto-Bantu. They possess certain foreign phonemes that have not been reconstructed to Proto-Bantu, such as implosives and labiovelar stops, which have the status of distinct phonemes. The study of these specific sounds suggests that they were borrowed from the neighboring Ubangian languages. The lexical comparison also revealed an interaction between Bantu and Ubangian languages. Certain lexical borrowings were transferred from Bantu to Ubangian, while others moved in the opposite direction. Through the comparative method, we have obtained a phonological reconstruction of the hypothetical ancestor language of these langues. This Proto-Congo-Ubangi Bantu split into two sub-branches, i.e. Proto-Congo Bantu and Proto-Ubangi Bantu.

This PhD thesis consists of the documentation, reconstruction and classfication of ten Bantu languages (bolondo , bonyange, ebudzà , ebwela, lib bi, ling mb , mond ng , mony ng , mos ngé, pagabéte) spoken in the geographical area between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers in the north- western part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study examines the interaction between these languages and seven neighboring Ubangian languages (gb nz r , g b , ma , mb nz , monz mb , ngbandi, ngbaka-m n gend ). By means of a lexicostatistical study which determines the degree of lexical similarity between the languages under study, a phylogenetic classi cation has been established which integrates these languages in the larger sample of 401 Bantu languages used by Grollemund et al. (2015). This quantitative approach has generated Neighbor-Net and Neighbor-Joining networks as well as Bayesian trees, which indicate the in- ternal sub-groups of the Bantu family in general, and more speci cally of the Bantu languages of the central Congo basin to which the Bantu languages spoken between the Congo and Ubangi Rivers belong. Subsequently, we have undertaken a descriptive and comparative study of the those languages as well as a study of regular sound correspondances with regard to Proto-Bantu. They possess certain foreign phonemes that have not been reconstructed to Proto-Bantu, such as im- plosives and labiovelar stops, which have the status of distinct phonemes. The study of these spe- ci c sounds suggests that they were borrowed from the neighboring Ubangian languages. The lexical comparison also revealed an interaction between Bantu and Ubangian languages. Certain lexical borrowings were transferred from Bantu to Ubangian, while others moved in the opposite direction. Through the comparative method, we have obtained a phonological reconstruction of the hypothetical ancestor language of these langues. This Proto-Congo-Ubangi Bantu split into two sub-branches, i.e. Proto-Congo Bantu and Proto-Ubangi Bantu.

Cette thèse propose pour la première fois une étude comparative de deux créoles indianocéaniques avec une langue centrafricaine, à partir des marqueurs préverbaux. Elle s’appuie sur une constatation empirique : il existe un marqueur préverbal a en sango (langue nationale de République centrafricaine) dont la fonction syntaxique peut être comparée à celle du i en créole réunionnais et du créole seychellois. Ce parallélisme forme le point de départ d’une interrogation qui s’est exprimée ainsi : peut-on définir une règle expliquant la restructuration du pronom personnel de la 3e personne en différents morphèmes, quelles que soient les langues d’origine ?Pour répondre à cette question, j’ai comparé les pronoms personnels d’une trentaine de langues de contact présentées dans The Atlas of Pidgin & Creole Language Structures, et j’ai cherché à comprendre les logiques de restructuration qui ont abouti à la formation d’autres morphèmes, notamment des copules et des marqueurs préverbaux. Je constate des logiques parallèles entre quelques langues oubanguiennes et deux créoles indianocéaniques à base française, notamment dans la « fabrication » d’un marqueur préverbal, lui-même issu de la restructuration d’un pronom personnel de la langue-cible. En revanche, la proximité phonologique du préfixe pluralisateur a- avec le marqueur préverbal a du sango ne se retrouve pas dans les créoles indianocéaniques, qui ont chacun un pluralisateur très différent du marqueur préverbal i.à l’instar du a du sango, le marqueur préverbal i est réservé à la 3e personne en seychellois, alors qu’il s’est étendu à toutes les personnes du réunionnais. Ces spécificités ne s’expliquent pas par un présumé « substrat » africain des créoles, car l’étude de divers morphèmes des langues africaines (et du malgache) contributrices des créoles ne montre pas de traces syntaxiques de ces langues. Seule la présence d’un pronom a dans les créoles du golfe de Guinée, issu de l’edo, constitue une exception qui s’explique par l’histoire du peuplement de cette région. Cette particularité n’a pas été reproduite dans les créoles indianocéaniques.Cette thèse montre le caractère « normal » (au sens des règles d’évolution des langues) des créoles réunionnais et seychellois, tout en insistant sur leurs singularités. Réunionnais et seychellois sont les seuls créoles à base française à posséder un marqueur prédicatif, en l’occurrence de forme i, et celui-ci n’obéit pas aux mêmes règles en réunionnais et en seychellois. Cette thèse montre que ces singularités s’expliquent plus par des logiques internes que par des contacts de langues. Elle appelle d’autres comparaisons avec d’autres langues, pour tenter notamment de préciser les descriptions morphosyntaxiques des différents i seychellois
This thesis proposes for the first time a comparative study of two Indian Oceanic Creoles with a Central African language, with particular reference to preverbal markers. It is based on empirical observation: there is a preverbal marker a in Sango (national language of the Central African Republic) whose syntactic function can be compared to that of i in Reunion and Seychelles Creoles. This parallelism forms the starting point of an interrogation that expresses itself as follows: can we define a rule accounting for the restructuring of the 3rd person pronoun into different morphemes, regardless of the original languages?To answer this question, I compare the personal pronouns of about thirty contact languages presented in The Atlas of Pidgin & Creole Language Structures, and I try to understand the restructuring principles resulting in the formation of other morphemes, including copulas and preverbal markers. I note parallel principles between some Oubanguian languages and two French-based Indian Creoles, particularly in the creation of a pre-verbal marker, itself resulting from the restructuring of a personal pronoun of the target language. On the other hand, the phonological proximity of the pluralizing prefix a- with the preverbal marker a of Sango is not found in the Indian Oceanic Creoles, each of which has a pluralizer that is very different from the preverbal marker i.Like the a of Sango, the preverbal marker i is reserved for the 3rd person in Seychelles Creole, while it has been extended to all persons in Reunion Creole. These specificities cannot be accounted for by an alleged African “substrate” of the Creoles, because the study of various morphemes of the African languages (and Malagasy) which contributed to these Creoles does not show any syntactic traces of these languages. Only the presence of a pronoun a in the Creoles of the Gulf of Guinea, inherited from Edo, constitutes an exception which can be accounted for by the history of settlement in this region. This peculiarity has not been reproduced in the Indian Oceanic Creoles.This thesis shows the “normal” character (in the sense of rules of linguistic change) of Reunion and Seychelles Creoles, while insisting on their singularities. Reunion and Seychelles Creoles are the only French-based Creoles possessing a predicative marker (more precisely, a morpheme i). This unit does not obey the same rules in Reunion and Seychelles Creole. This thesis aims to show that these singularities are best explained by internal dynamics than by language contacts. It calls for further comparisons with other languages, in particular in order to try to clarify the morphosyntactic descriptions of the different Seychelles Creole i