Journal articles: 'New Zealand Trade Unions'

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Barry, Michael, and Pat Walsh. "State Intervention and Trade Unions in New Zealand." Labor Studies Journal 31, no. 4 (January 2007): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x0703100405.

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Barry, Michael, and Pat Walsh. "State Intervention and Trade Unions in New Zealand." Labor Studies Journal 31, no. 4 (2007): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lab.2006.0043.

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Abd Razak, Siti Suraya, and Nik Ahmad Kamal Nik Mahmod. "AN ANALYSIS OF THE GOOD FAITH BARGAINING PRACTICE IN THE TRADE UNION RECOGNITION PROCESS: REFORM OF THE MALAYSIAN TRADE UNION LEGAL FRAMEWORK." IIUM Law Journal 27, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 501–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/iiumlj.v27i2.455.

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The trade union recognition process is a pre-requisite to the collective bargaining action of a trade union. The recognition is important to ascertain the competency of a trade union and the acceptance by the workers to represent them in the collective bargaining action with the employer. However, the ambiguities in the existing legislations on the trade union recognition process in Malaysia and the anti-union practices of the employer are currently depriving the workers of their rights to negotiate for better working conditions. The primary focus of the present work is to identify the weaknesses of the recognition legal framework and the anti-union practices of employers in the recognition process of trade unions. Secondly, is to critically analyse the good faith bargaining practice in other countries and its significance to the recognition process in Malaysia. To explore the anti-union tactics perpetrated by employers, semi-structured interviews have been conducted to analyse the trade unions’ experience in their recognition claims. This research employed a qualitative approach as the instrument to study the good faith bargaining practices in the Australian and New Zealand labour law framework. The findings reveal that the good faith bargaining practices in Australia and New Zealand have improved the odds for trade unions to represent the workers in negotiating collective agreements. The study finally concludes that in order to reform the recognition process of trade unions in Malaysia, the good faith bargaining practice should be implemented in the nation’s industrial relations law framework.

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Crawford, Aaron, and Raymond Harbridge. "Eternal legitimacy of New Zealand trade unions: An update." Journal of Labor Research 19, no. 4 (September 1998): 711–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-998-1057-4.

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Oldham, Sam. "Intersections, Old and New." Counterfutures 1 (March 1, 2016): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v1i0.6443.

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Trade unions and worker cooperatives have always intersected. Worker and consumer cooperatives provided invaluable support to the early growth of trade unionism in Europe in the 19th century. Cooperatives have ebbed and flowed in their prevalence since that time. The current moment is, however, one of proliferation, with cooperatives once again forming innovative and mutually supportive relationships with trade unions. New challenges are driving these developments. The foremost of which is the record levels of carbon emissions fuelling global warming. In this article, it is shown that the intersection of cooperatives and unions can offer a powerful force in this struggle—a force capable of mobilising to defend the climate against unchecked capital. A brief general political history of cooperatives in the West is provided, followed by an appraisal of contemporary cooperative forms in the United States, Australia, and Aotearoa New Zealand.

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Caspersz, Donella. "Asian Working Women and Agency: Their Voices." Economic and Labour Relations Review 14, no. 1 (June 2003): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460301400105.

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the challenges of organising women workers in Asia, and to discuss how trade unions can facilitate their more effective participation in these movements. The paper is primarily informed by research undertaken with Southern Initiative on Globalization and Trade Union Rights (SIGTUR). Formed in Perth, Western Australia in 1991 and made up of delegates from India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand, Malaysia, South Korea, the Philippines, Hong Kong, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand and Brazil, the aim of SIGTUR is to promote collaborative activity by independent trade unions in the ‘South’ or rather countries within the Asia-Pacific. The paper highlights the effects of neo-liberalism on workers and develop appropriate international responses.

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Carter, Bob, and Rae Cooper. "The Organizing Model and the Management of Change." Relations industrielles 57, no. 4 (September 9, 2003): 712–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006907ar.

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Summary Trade unions in nearly all developed countries are facing major difficulties in maintaining membership levels and political influence. The U.S. labour movement has been increasingly attracted to an organizing model of trade unionism and, in turn, this response has caught the imagination of some sections of other Anglo-Saxon movements, most notably in Australia, New Zealand and Britain. Despite similarities in the problems that national union movements face, however, the histories and current experiences of trade unions in the various countries show marked differences. This article, based on extensive fieldwork in Britain and Australia, examines attempts to assess the importance of national contexts in the adoption of the organizing model through a comparative study of an Australian and a British union.

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Parker, Jane, and Julie Douglas. "Can Women’s Structures Help New Zealand and UK Trade Unions’ Revival?" Journal of Industrial Relations 52, no. 4 (September 2010): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185610375508.

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Aikman, Colin. "New Zealand and the origins of of Universal Declaration." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 29, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v29i1.6052.

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Dr Aikman here provides a personal perspective on the New Zealand's role at the United Nations Conference on International Organisation, held at San Francisco in 1945, and at the time of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the meeting of the United Nations General Assembly, held in Paris in 1948. Dr Aikman was adviser to the member of the New Zealand delegation who presented the New Zealand case at the Paris meeting of the UN General Assembly in September 1948. The author provides New Zealand's positions on economic and social rights, trade unions, and the right to petition. The author then discusses the adoption of the Declaration, and core conventions which were later adopted. The author concludes with a discussion on the legal status of the Declaration, as well as its Māori translation.

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Harbridge, Raymond, and Kevin Hince. "Bargaining and Worker Representation under New Zealand's Employment Contracts Legislation : A Review After Two Years." Articles 49, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050960ar.

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This paper examines the significant shift in the central philosophic and léegislative base of labour relations in New Zealand since the adoption of the Labour Relations Act in 1987 and the Employment Contracts Act in 1991. It reports two empirical studies. The first examines the collective bargaining System. The second study reports the structure and membership of trade unions in New Zealand in this new environment.

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McCallum, Ron. "Trade Union Recognition and Australia’s Neo-Liberal Voluntary Bargaining Laws." Articles 57, no. 2 (July 28, 2003): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006779ar.

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Summary When Australia deregulated its economy in the 1980s, political pressures built up leading in the 1990s to the dismantling of Australia’s industry-wide conciliation and arbitration systems. New laws established regimes of collective bargaining at the level of the employing undertaking. This article analyzes the 1993 and 1996 federal bargaining laws and argues that they fail to protect the right of trade unions to bargain on behalf of their members. This is because the laws do not contain a statutory trade union recognition mechanism. The recognition mechanisms in the Common Law countries of the United States, Canada, Britain and New Zealand are examined, and it is argued that Australia should enact trade union recognition mechanisms that are consonant with its industrial relations history and practice.

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Douglas, Julie, and Jane Parker. "The Role of Women’s Groups in New Zealand, UK and Canadian Trade Unions in Addressing Intersectional Interests." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 3 (September 1, 2010): 295–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010018.

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Trade union women’s groups (WGs) may be defined as collective mechanisms such as women’s committees, conferences, networks, caucuses, branches/locals and training courses located within the wider union setting (cf. independent, self-organized WGs). The study draws on national surveys of trade unions in the UK, Canada, and New Zealand to examine the role(s) played by WGs, particularly in terms of voicing and advancing diverse or intersectional interests. Diversity builds on the more or less stable identities on which ‘difference’ ideas of (gender) equality are premised. Intersectionality is defined here as recognition of a person or group’s membership in more than one marginalized group, and intersectional interests as (i) interests held by subgroups of women (e.g., ethnic minority women); (ii) interests which transcend gender but may have gendered impacts; and (iii) more traditionally conceived gender interests which emphasize women’s situation relative to that of men (i.e., ‘intra-’, ‘trans-’ and ‘inter-gender’ interests). We also examine the equality approaches that underpin these pursuits before considering how intra-WG, union, and wider contexts help account for similarities and differences in union WG foci in the three countries. Based on extant research and the study’s empirical findings, the concluding discussion considers the broad directions in which UK, Canadian and New Zealand WGs may be headed in terms of representing intersectional interests and what this may mean for internal cohesion and union revitalization.

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Saunders, Caroline, and Anita Wreford. "Agricultural Trade Liberalization and Greenhouse Gas Emissions: Modeling the Linkages Using a Partial Equilibrium Trade Model." Agricultural and Resource Economics Review 34, no. 1 (April 2005): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1068280500001556.

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Global attempts to limit greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions may impact on agricultural trade and producer returns, particularly in countries such as New Zealand, where a relatively large proportion of GHG emissions originate from the agricultural sector. This study uses an extended partial equilibrium agricultural trade model to analyze the effects of trade policy liberalization on agricultural production and trade, as well as on GHG emissions. Further analysis combines trade liberalization with GHG mitigation policy in the New Zealand and European dairy sectors, and the effects on producer returns and GHG emissions are predicted. As expected, full trade liberalization in the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries enhances producer returns in New Zealand's dairy sector, but reduces returns in the European Union's dairy sector.

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Duncan, Grant. "Social Unemployment Insurance: A case (more or less) in favour." Policy Quarterly 17, no. 4 (November 25, 2021): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/pq.v17i4.7312.

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Budget 2021 announced a social unemployment insurance (SUI) system, to be developed in partnership with BusinessNZ and the New Zealand Council of Trade Unions, and modelled on the accident compensation (ACC) scheme. This new policy addresses the needs of workers involuntarily laid off as industries restructure and seek new skills. This article considers concerns raised about the SUI proposal, drawing comparisons with the ACC experience. While SUI would perpetuate market income inequalities and may not do much to prevent poverty, it could also reduce other sources of inconsistency and disadvantage.

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Ellem, Bradon, and Peter Franks. "Trade Union Structure and Politics in Australia and New Zealand." Labour History, no. 95 (2008): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516309.

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Parker, Jane, and Ozan Alakavuklar. "Social Movement Unionism as Union-Civil Alliances: A Democratizing Force? The New Zealand Case." Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations 73, no. 4 (March 6, 2019): 784–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1056977ar.

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This exploratory study examines union-civil alliances in New Zealand (NZ). It focuses on the involvement of NZ’s peak union body, the Council of Trade Unions, in three civil group coalitions around the Living Wage Campaign, Decent Work Agenda and Environmental Agenda. It assesses how the CTU and its affiliates’ coalition involvement are informed by and seek to progress liberal (representative), participatory and/or more radical democratic principles, and what this means for organizational practice; the relations between the coalition parties; workplaces; and beyond.Through case discussions, the study finds that civil alliances involving the CTU and its affiliates do not reflect a core trait of union activity in NZ. Among the union-civil alliances that do exist, there is a prevailing sense of their utility to progress shared interests alongside, and on the union side, a more instrumental aim to encourage union revival. However, the alliances under examination reflect an engagement with various liberal and participatory democratic arrangements at different organizational levels. More radical democratic tendencies emerge in relation toad hocelements of activity and the aspirational goals of such coalitions as opposed to their usual processes and institutional configurations.In essence, what emerges is a labour centre and movement which, on the one hand, is in a survivalist mode primarily concerned with economistic matters, and on the other, in a position of relative political and bargaining weakness, reaching out to other civil groups where it can so as to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. Based on our findings, we conclude that Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) view of radical democracy holds promise for subsequent coalitions involving the CTU, particularly in the context of NZ workers’ diverse interests and the plurality of other civil groups and social movements’ interests. This view concernson-goingagency, change, organizing and strategy by coalitions to build inclusive (counter-) hegemony, arguing for a politic from below that challenges existing dominant neo-liberal assumptions in work and other spheres of life.

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Parvin, Saida, Geetha Subramaniam, Nahian A. Sadman, and Victoria Shahaya Baptist. "Brexit and Its Impact on New Zealand Economy: A Conceptual Analysis." Journal of International Business, Economics and Entrepreneurship 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jibe.v2i2.14449.

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‘Brexit’ which means exit of United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) is not only a European issue but has varied implications throughout the world, especially amongst its trading nations. This conceptual paper first discusses pros and cons of Brexit on UK and EU. This is seen in the light of Brexit impact on trade, unemployment rate and inflation rate. It further discusses some of the immediate implication Brexit might have on New Zealand, which is the EU’s third largest trading partner. The discussion is based on the impact post-Brexit may have in terms of trade, employment, GDP and the tourism sector in New Zealand.

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Wright, Chris F., and Colm McLaughlin. "Trade Union Legitimacy and Legitimation Politics in Australia and New Zealand." Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society 60, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/irel.12285.

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Locke, Cybèle. "The New Zealand Northern Drivers’ Union: Trade Union Anti-Racism Work, 1937-80." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.3.

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In 1960, the Northern Drivers’ Union of New Zealand instituted its anti-racism policy. How this came about, and what it meant for union struggles in the following two decades, are the central concerns of this article. Effectively, the implementation of democratic organising principles within the Northern Drivers’ Union assisted the formation of anti-racism policy and practice. Union officials linked domestic racism with the experiences of black workers under apartheid in South Africa from 1960, which generated calls for a boycott of South Africa and local support for the Citizens’ Association for Racial Equality. Anti-apartheid sentiment in relation to South African rugby tours, which had galvanised unionists in the 1960s, became a source of division by the 1970s as attention turned to more “local” experiences of racism. In particular, this article considers how Māori rank and file, working together with Pākehā union officials such as communist Bill Andersen, extended trade union anti-racism work across the northern regions of the country, especially Auckland.

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Leitch, Shirley, and Juliet Roper. "AD Wars: Adversarial Advertising by Interest Groups in a New Zealand General Election." Media International Australia 92, no. 1 (August 1999): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9909200112.

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During New Zealand's 1996 general election, neo-liberal employment law became the subject of two opposing advertising campaigns. Although the campaigns confined themselves to a single piece of legislation, the Employment Contracts Act, they reflected a deep division within New Zealand society. This article examines the two campaigns which were run by the Engineers' Union and the Employers' Federation. At its core, the Engineers' campaign was a defence of collectivism both in terms of the values underlying trade unionism and, more broadly, of Keynesian social democracy, whereas the Employers' Federation campaign championed the ethic of individualism within a free-market economy. Such a clear ideological positioning was absent from the campaigns of the major political parties who fought for the middle ground during New Zealand's first proportional representation election. This article, then, examines how interest groups used network television to confront voters with a stark choice between an unasked-for neo-liberal present and an apparently discredited Keynesian past.

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Wilson, Ross. "Prevention Strategies: New Departures A Union Perspective." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 35, no. 4 (December 1, 2004): 937. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v35i4.5729.

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This paper provides a trade union perspective on the changes to the New Zealand statutory framework for injury prevention during the 1990s, in the context of the political, social and economic environment of the time, and the measures taken since the election of the Labour led government in 1999 to legislate employee rights, foster applied injury programmes on an industry basis, and to acknowledge injury prevention as a community responsibility. It concludes that these "new departures" are essentially those identified by the Woodhouse Royal Commission in 1967.

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Xue, Huidan, Chenguang Li, and Liming Wang. "Spatial Price Dynamics and Asymmetric Price Transmission in Skim Milk Powder International Trade: Evidence from Export Prices for New Zealand and Ireland." Agriculture 11, no. 9 (September 8, 2021): 860. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture11090860.

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A fast-changing global landscape highlights the importance of understanding spatial price dynamics in key international markets such as China, especially in the era of COVID-19 pandemic with international food trade and food system experiencing an unprecedented challenge. Nowadays, New Zealand’s dominant position in China’s dairy import market is being challenged by European Union (EU) dairy exporters leading to intensified market competition. Using monthly export data of skim milk powder (SMP), we applied threshold cointegration models along with asymmetric error correction models to examine spatial price dynamics and price transmissions of New Zealand and Ireland in Chinese and global markets. We found that New Zealand’s export prices retain their leadership position in China, Ireland’s export prices are well more aligned with those in international markets. In terms of own-country price transmission, Ireland’s relatively symmetric and swift adjustments were found to contrast with New Zealand’s SMP export prices, which displayed more asymmetric price transmissions.

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Bogg, Alan, and Tonia Novitz. "The Politics and Law of Trade Union Recognition: Democracy, Human Rights and Pragmatism in the New Zealand and British Context." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 50, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v50i2.5745.

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In this article, we seek to examine the potential for cross-fertilisation of legal regimes relating to trade union representation of members in collective bargaining. The United Kingdom has moved from an entirely voluntarist model in the 1980s to a statutory regime which facilitates recognition of a trade union following majority support from workers (usually by a ballot). By way of contrast, New Zealand has shifted from a highly regulated award-based model in the 1980s to an "agency" model whereby an employer is required to bargain in good faith with any union representing two or more of the employer's employees, but with some balloting also contemplated for coverage of non-unionised workers. It is uncontroversial that the United Kingdom legislation has been severely limited in its effects in a context of ongoing decline in collective bargaining, while the New Zealand model offers only faint remediation of the dismembering of the collective bargaining system by the Employment Contracts Act 1991. In both legal systems, a Labour Party is now proposing implementation of forms of sectoral bargaining. We explore the reasons for these political and legal developments, exploring democratic and human rights rationales for their adoption, as well as more pragmatic approaches. In so doing we examine the scope for democratic trade union representation via consent or ballot, the role of individual human rights and regulatory rationales. We conclude by considering how representative and regulatory approaches may be mutually reinforcing and address different understandings of "constitutionalisation". In so doing, we reaffirm the emphasis placed in Gordon Anderson's writings on substance over form.

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MBAATYO, AKPE, and ROBERT A. BERG. "OPPORTUNITIES FOR ENTREPRENEURS: A TRADE UNION BETWEEN CHINA AND INDIA." Journal of Enterprising Culture 03, no. 03 (September 1995): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218495895000180.

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With heated debate on the benefits to business, to labour, and to governments from economic union, many nations commit their people within the European Union (EU), North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Australia and New Zealand Closer Economic Relations (CER), and other trade pacts. What if two emerging giants and neighbours, India and China, were to form an economic union? This paper undertakes a preliminary discussion of the viability of a China-India economic integration and recommends further study of the subject. Using Huang and Tu's (1994) revealed comparative advantage (RCA) as a backdrop, this paper discusses areas of possible trade creation (TC) and trade diversion (TD) that will occur should a China-India economic integration take place. The role of the government and information flow as new factors of production have been examined. After considering the history, economic growth zones, economic liberalisation programs in China and India, available resources, and regional and global trade, the paper concludes that a China-India economic integration holds the key to prosperity in the so called "Asian century". This paper suggests that such integration will be economically viable and should be studied and encouraged, both by business and government.

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Wilson, Ross. "1990s – Decade of Change." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 34, no. 2 (June 2, 2003): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v34i2.5777.

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This paper provides a trade union perspective on the changes to New Zealand accident compensation laws during the 1990s, in the context of the political, social and economic environment of the time, and measures those changes, including the changing structure of the statutory scheme and its delivery, against the original Woodhouse Commission principles of Community Responsibility, Comprehensive Entitlement, Real Compensation, Complete Rehabilitation, and Administrative Efficiency.

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Cassell, Catherine, and Bill Lee. "Understanding Translation Work: The evolving interpretation of a trade union idea." Organization Studies 38, no. 8 (October 19, 2016): 1085–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840616670435.

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This paper uses data from a longitudinal, seven-year, cross-national study to explore the translation of a trade union idea. The aim of the paper is to examine and explicate the nature of the translation work undertaken to translate a trade union idea in a multi-organizational setting. In examining how the idea of the learning representative initiative was translated into the New Zealand context we draw upon a narrative analysis to reveal the complexities of the dynamic and ongoing translation of the idea and identify the nature of the translation work required. As such we contribute to the literature on the translation of ideas firstly by explicating the concept of real-time translation work in a novel empirical context, and secondly theoretically, by drawing attention to the distinctive characteristics of trade union translation work. In doing so we argue that translation work in this distinctive socio-political context requires ongoing vigilance and proprietorship of the idea by trade union actors and that such proprietorship is crucial in other cases where translators are coming from subordinate positions.

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Chan, Sean. "Future-Proof Doctrine or Relic of an Equitable Past? Unconscionable Conduct in the Fair Trading Amendment Act 2021." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 53, no. 2 (August 29, 2022): 185–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v53i2.7708.

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The Fair Trading Amendment Act 2021 introduced a New Zealand prohibition on "unconscionable conduct" in trade. Previously, the law on unconscionable conduct was found in the equitable doctrine of unconscionable bargain. This article describes how New Zealand law has moved away from equitable unconscionability with this new prohibition. This article critically analyses some of the legal, social and economic justifications for introducing the prohibition, finding that some of the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment's justifications are not persuasive. The s 7 prohibition is based strongly on an equivalent section in the Australian Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (Cth). It is argued that long-standing doctrinal issues with Australia's prohibition provided a strong basis for New Zealand to pursue a different standard. Finally, this article explores the "unfair commercial practices" doctrines in the United States and European Union through the lens of anti-consumer practices in digital marketplaces. The conclusion is that the unfair commercial practices doctrine captures a wider range of anti-consumer conduct than does unconscionable conduct.

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Cregan, Christina, Chris Rudd, and Stewart Johnston. "Young People and Trade Union Membership: An International Comparative Study." Economic and Labour Relations Review 3, no. 2 (December 1992): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469200300209.

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This paper attempts to test the recent British Industrial Relations model of trade union membership by an examination of a survey of early school-leavers in Dunedin, New Zealand which was carried out in October 1989. The findings offer strong support for the model because the same distinct strands of core motivation and remainder attitudes were evident. This demonstrates that the model could be successfully applied in a different institutional, cultural and economic context. The major cross-national differences to emerge were that most Dunedin youngsters intended to join a union; for them, collective instrumental reasons were very important and values of little significance. Furthermore, there was little evidence of disinterest or ignorance amongst the minority which was negative towards trade union membership. A recent article on trade union membership (Cregan and Johnston, 1990) suggested that conventional neoclassical theories are flawed by the free rider paradox, whereby a rational individual will not bear the costs of joining a union to gain rewards that are available to all the workforce as public goods. It proposed that the dilemma could only be solved by a membership theory which takes into account several different sources of individual motivation drawn from several disciplines. These were identified in a longitudinal survey of London early school-leavers, 1979–1981, in reasons given by young people for their membership decision, positive or negative, from which employees could be categorised in social movement parlance as core and remainder. However, the authors proposed that further direct investigations should be made in different contexts. For example, it may be that some responses were culturally or institutionally specific, or were based on economic context. Accordingly, a similar survey of a single cohort of early school-leavers was carried out ten years later in Dunedin, New Zealand. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to test the validity of the framework of the model within a different national context. The article will be organised in the following way. First, a brief summary of the Industrial Relations model of trade union membership will be presented and two hypotheses will be drawn from it. Second, the latter will be tested by a discussion of the results of the Dunedin survey and a comparison with those of the London survey. Third, implications of the findings for the consequences of the 1991 Employment Contracts Act will be briefly examined.

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Castle, Matthew. "Embedding regional actors in social and historical context: Australia-New Zealand integration and Asian-Pacific regionalism." Review of International Studies 44, no. 1 (July 19, 2017): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000316.

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AbstractThe regionalisation of the world economy is one of the most important developments in global governance in the past two decades. This process has seen ‘inter-regional’ economic agreements emerge between two or more regional groupings. Drawing mainly on the European Union’s external relations, observers accordingly point to the growing importance of regional actors, explaining their agency (or ‘actorness’) with regional attributes such as (supranational) institutional design, size, and member state cohesion. This article challenges this dominant explanation of regional agency. It argues that regional actors are socially, politically, and historically ‘embedded’. Agency reflects the contingency of regional integration processes, the motivations that underpin those processes, and the specific relationships between regions and third parties. This approach explains an important case of inter-regionalism from the Asia-Pacific: CER-ASEAN relations. Since the early 1990s, Australia and New Zealand have used their ‘Closer Economic Relations’ trade agreement for relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. This reflects the ambitions of Australasian officials to shape processes of Asian-Pacific regionalism, and the interests of ASEAN officials in consolidating their own process of transnational market-making. Here, regional agency owed to a transforming world economy and the reconceptualisation of regions within new networks of trade governance.

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Saunders, Caroline, Anita Wreford, and Selim Cagatay. "Trade liberalisation and greenhouse gas emissions: the case of dairying in the European Union and New Zealand." Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics 50, no. 4 (December 2006): 538–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8489.2006.00343.x.

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Bryson, Jane. "The role of trade union collective voice in the access to training for workers in New Zealand." International Journal of Training and Development 24, no. 3 (July 30, 2020): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ijtd.12194.

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Moir, Hazel V. J. "Understanding EU Trade Policy on Geographical Indications." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 6 (December 1, 2017): 1021–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017040.

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This article explores European Union (EU) policy on geographical indications (GIs) as expressed in the outcomes of EU trade negotiations. This empirical approach provides a factual basis about the GI deals which are acceptable to the EU. Across the EU’s six recent Global Europe treaties the EU has achieved a good degree of success in obtaining strong-form GI rights (no use of -like, -style qualifiers on labels) for a number of specific products. The article also identifies GI outcomes in recent treaties driven by US negotiating demands. While US-driven treaties prioritize a trademark approach to GIs, they also allow for coexistence with EU-style strong-form GIs. Comparing these two sets of outcomes provides useful insights for future EU trade negotiations, such as the proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the US or the proposed Free Trade Agreement with Australia and New Zealand. In particular the Canada-EU Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) shows how the interests of domestic cheese and meat producers can be protected while allowing for strong-form GI privileges for a reasonable number (163 in CETA) of listed product names.

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Abbott, Keith. "Lessons for the Australian Trade Union Movement from the Industrial Relations Policy Experiences of Britain and New Zealand." Policy, Organisation and Society 18, no. 1 (December 1999): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1999.11876709.

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Chia, Siow Yue. "Whither East Asian Regionalism? An ASEAN Perspective." Asian Economic Papers 6, no. 3 (October 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep.2007.6.3.1.

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East Asia is catching up with the rest of the world in establishing regional trade arrangements (RTAs). This region is responding to pressures from globalization, regionalism in the Americas and Europe, the rise of China and India, improved political relations in the region with the end of the Cold War, as well as market-driven trade and investment integration and the emergence of production networks. ASEAN formed the first RTA in 1992, and by the turn of the decade, ASEAN was signing or negotiating free trade agreements (FTAs) with Japan, China, South Korea, India, Australia–New Zealand, and the European Union. It also entered into bilateral FTAs with the United States and countries in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. ASEAN is also considering an East Asian FTA. Can ASEAN remain in the driver's seat of regional integration and be an effective hub? The FTA proliferation also has important consequences and effects for East Asia and the world trading system.

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Terin, Mustafa, and Fahri Yavuz. "Türkiye Peynir Sektörünün Uluslararası Rekabetçiliğinin Avrupa Birliği Ülkeleriyle Karşılaştırılmalı Analizi." Turkish Journal of Agriculture - Food Science and Technology 6, no. 9 (September 15, 2018): 1243. http://dx.doi.org/10.24925/turjaf.v6i9.1243-1250.2023.

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Cheese, in addition to being a rich foodstuff regarding protein and calcium, has an important place in international trade. Cheese export consists 40.3% of the world’s dairy products exports. European Union countries such as Germany, Netherland, France, Italy and Denmark, in addition to the USA, New Zealand and Australia have an important market share in international cheese trade. Germany, Netherland, France, Italy and Denmark export 54.8% of the world and 71.8% of European Union total cheese export in 2016. Turkey is in 25th place in the world ranking with exports value of $150 million in 2016. About 45.0% of Turkey's dairy products are exported in the form of cheese exports. Turkey and EU are also net exporters in international cheese trade. The objective of this study is to analyze the competitiveness of Turkey's cheese sector and compare with EU-28 and selected European Union Countries like Germany, Netherland, France, Italy and Denmark. The data for this study were provided by the International Trade Centre database for the period 2001-2016. Balassa and Vollrath’s Indexes were used for measuring the international competitiveness level of Turkey in the cheese sector. In addition to these indexes, Trade Balance Index was also used for comparison. The results revealed that the average RXA, RTA, RC and TBI scores for Turkey were 0.44, 0.34, 1.51 and 0.49, and for EU-28 were 2.21, 0.34, 0.17 and 0,10 respectively. Although Turkey has a comparative advantages in the international cheese trade, the EU is more comparative advantageous than Turkey.

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Solomon, Russell. "Bargaining with the Strong: New Zealand and Australia’s Bilateral Trade Relations With the United States and the European Union." Political Science 51, no. 2 (December 1999): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879905100204.

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Gul, Nazia, and Hafiz M. Yasin. "The Trade Potential of Pakistan: An Application of the Gravity Model." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 23–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2011.v16.i1.a2.

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This paper attempts to estimate Pakistan’s trade potential, using the gravity model of trade. Panel data for the period 1981-2005 across 42 countries is employed in the analysis. The coefficients obtained from the model are then used to predict the country’s trade potential worldwide as well as within specific trading regions. The results reveal that Pakistan’s trade potential is highest with countries in the Asia-Pacific region (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN]), the European Union (EU), the Middle East, Latin America, and North America. Specifically, the maximum potential exists with Japan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Malaysia, the Philippines, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Italy, and Denmark. Therefore, Pakistan should explore ways and means to further improve its trade relations with the countries concerned, and also concentrate on ASEAN, the Middle East, and the EU to increase its market share as far as possible. The volume of trade between Pakistan and other members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is very low, despite the existence of significant potential. The main obstacles to this end are the political and social tensions among neighboring countries, particularly between Pakistan and India, which are the main players of SAARC. The same obstacles exist in the case of the EU and NAFTA, where Pakistani exports are adversely affected by political considerations.

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Peci, Jurgen, and Ana I. Sanjuán. "Regulatory patterns in international pork trade and similarity with the EU SPS/TBT standards." Spanish Journal of Agricultural Research 18, no. 1 (April 22, 2020): e0102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5424/sjar/2020181-15005.

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Aim of study: With the increasing protagonism of non-tariff measures (NTMs) in trade policy, better indexes are needed to depict the prevalence and similarity of NTMs across countries for further use in trade impact assessments.Area of study: Worldwide, with special focus on the European Union (EU)Material and methods: Using the TRAINS database on NTMs, we calculated and proposed some indicators, stressing both regulatory intensity and diversity, as well as similarity of regulatory patterns between trade partners. Our application focuses on pork trade and main importers, amongst which, the EU is singled out.Main results: We found a high level of heterogeneity in NTMs’ application, both, in the number and variety of measures. The bilateral similarity was relatively low, such as only 30% of sanitary and phytosanitary measures (SPS) and 20% of technical barriers to trade were shared, providing ground and incentive for discussing trade policy harmonization. Our analysis suggests that SPS regulations prevail in those sectors and countries more engaged in trade, while a negative correlation with tariffs raises protectionism concerns. Our bilateral indicators rank country pairs according to the similarity of their regulatory patterns. The EU, for instance, is closer in SPS regulations to China or USA than to Canada or New Zealand, which will require actions in the context of the bilateral trade agreements in course.Research highlights: The low similarity of regulatory patterns evidence the challenges faced by policy makers to streamline technical regulations. For an accurate representation of regulatory patterns and their impact on trade, both uni- and bilateral indicators need to be considered.

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Kashiwagi, Kenichi, Erraach Yamna, Lamia Arfa, and Lokman Zaibet. "Growing Olive Oil Export and Intra-Industry Trade in Mediterranean Countries: Application of Gravity Model." Sustainability 12, no. 17 (August 28, 2020): 7027. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12177027.

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While olive oil production is spreading to the non-traditional producer countries, including the US, Australia, and New Zealand, Mediterranean countries are still major producers and exporters. However, little is known about their olive oil exports simultaneously growing in tandem with their large volume of imports. This paper examines the factors that affect olive oil exports and imports in Mediterranean countries. Using balanced panel data of olive oil trade in Mediterranean countries from 1998 to 2016, we estimated the commodity-specific gravity model. Results suggest that an increase in the overall bilateral size of trading partners positively affects the flow of olive oil trade. The difference in factor endowments has a negative impact on exports, whereas its effect is positive on their imports. The members of the European Union (EU) are competitive in olive oil export, and the volume of its import is large among the EU countries whose per capita income and demand properties are similar. These results support Linder’s hypothesis rather than the predictions from the traditional Heckscher–Ohlin trade theory. The simultaneous export and import of olive oil in Mediterranean countries implies the relevance of a growing intra-industry trade rather than a country’s specialization following its comparative advantage.

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KAWAI, MASAHIRO, and KANDA NAKNOI. "ASEAN’s TRADE AND FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT: LONG-TERM CHALLENGES FOR ECONOMIC INTEGRATION." Singapore Economic Review 62, no. 03 (October 7, 2016): 643–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590818400040.

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This paper explores the long-term challenges for economic integration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) through trade and foreign direct investment (FDI). The region has emerged as an important production base for global multinational corporations by joining East Asia’s supply chains. While proceeding to establish the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by the end of 2015, ASEAN has also forged five major free trade agreements (FTAs) with its dialogue partners (China, India, Japan, Republic of Korea, and Australia–New Zealand) and is currently negotiating the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. In addition, four ASEAN member states have completed Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. Econometric evidence suggests that (i) trade flows and inward FDI mutually reinforce each other, i.e., an increase in trade flows stimulates inward FDI and vice versa; (ii) a larger market tends to attract more inward FDI; (iii) FTAs tend to help stimulate inward FDI; and (iv) strong institutions, good physical infrastructure, and low costs of doing business are critical in boosting inward FDI. The paper suggests that in the long run it is ASEAN’s interest to further integrate itself with the rest of Asia and the world (through a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific and an Asia–Europe FTA), while substantially deepening its internal integration (by moving from the AEC to a customs and economic union) and thereby maintaining ASEAN centrality.

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Mason, David S. "Poland's new trade unions." Soviet Studies 39, no. 3 (July 1987): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668138708411708.

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Gourley, C. J. P., and D. M. Weaver. "Nutrient surpluses in Australian grazing systems: management practices, policy approaches, and difficult choices to improve water quality." Crop and Pasture Science 63, no. 9 (2012): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/cp12154.

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Nutrient surpluses, inefficiencies in nutrient use, and inevitable leakage of nutrients from grazed animal production systems are putting growing pressure on Australian inland and coastal water resources. While there are some examples of regulatory policy approaches in Australia which aim to reduce nutrient emissions and improve water quality around important and impaired coastal and inland waters, most policy options involve voluntary schemes, often including financial incentives to both industry organisations and farmers to offset the costs of implementing improved management practices. In contrast, much stronger land management regulations have been implemented in the European Union, USA, and to a lesser extent New Zealand. In the near future, greater societal expectations for water quality, stricter standards from international markets, and increasing costs for purchased nutrients will mean that improving nutrient-use efficiency and reducing nutrient losses will be a necessary part of Australia livestock production systems. This is likely to require somewhat varied and difficult choices to better balance production and environmental goals. Policy responses may include voluntary adoption of appropriate nutrient management practices, caps on nutrient inputs, mandatory nutrient surplus targets, limits to stock numbers per hectare, and re-positioning of higher input farms to more resilient parts of the national landscape. Alternatively, society may have to accept that there are unavoidable trade-offs between water quality standards and livestock productivity, with increasing treatment of polluted water at the community’s expense.

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Dörre, Klaus, Birgit Beese, and Bernd Röttger. "The “New Economy”." Concepts and Transformation 7, no. 1 (June 13, 2002): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.7.1.05dor.

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The article discusses industrial political activities conducted in regional networks by German trade unions. Referring to the example of Dortmund it is shown that the industrial political strategies of local trade union sections are currently at a watershed. On the one hand, trade unions prove capable of socially compensating for the consequences of a radical structural change. On the other hand, however, they have great difficulties in gaining a foothold in the newly emerging economic sectors. ‘Action research’ will help the trade unions to develop adequate strategies for the new economic sectors.

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Taylor, Robert. "New Labour and the trade unions." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 3, no. 3 (November 1997): 622–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899700300312.

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Kristensen, Peer Hull, and Robson Sø Rocha. "New Roles for the Trade Unions." Politics & Society 40, no. 3 (November 16, 2011): 453–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329211424863.

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Ngai, Mae M. "Trouble on the Rand: The Chinese Question in South Africa and the Apogee of White Settlerism." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000326.

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The importation of more than 60,000 Chinese laborers to work in the Witwatersrand gold mines in South Africa between 1904 and 1910 remains an obscure episode in the history of Asian indentured labor in European colonies. Yet the experience of the coolies on the Rand reverberated throughout the Anglo-American world and had lasting consequences for global politics of race and labor. At one level, the Chinese laborers themselves resisted their conditions of work to such a degree that the program became untenable and was canceled after a few years. Not only did the South African project fail: Its failure signaled more broadly that at the turn of the twentieth century it had become increasingly difficult to impose upon Chinese workers the coercive and violent exploitation that had marked the global coolie trade in the era of slave emancipation. At another level, the Chinese labor program on the Rand provoked a political crisis in the Transvaal and in metropolitan Britain over the “Chinese Question”—that is, whether Chinese, indentured or free, should be altogether excluded from the settler colonies. Following the passage of laws limiting or excluding Chinese immigration to the United States (1882), Canada (1885), New Zealand (1881), and Australia (1901), Transvaal Colony and then the Union of South Africa, formed in 1910, likewise barred all Chinese from immigration—making Chinese and Asian exclusion, along with white rule, native dispossession, and racial segregation the defining features of the Anglo-American settlerism.

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Greenstock, Jeremy. "Reorienting Foreign Policy." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R34—R39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000115.

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Executive SummaryAfter Brexit, the UK must show that it has a voice. It will need to re-earn international respect, and in particular establish the concept of a ‘global Britain’ on the basis of performance, not rhetoric. That means re-establishing a strong network of relationships around the world in support of its security and economic health, but also continuing to play a leading role in support of the international rules-based order. For example, it should make the most of its continuing status as a Permanent Member of the UN Security Council to act as a problem-solver and system-enhancer in the collective interest.An early, first-order priority will be establishing a new, mutually beneficial partnership with the European Union, which continues to form our economic and political neighbourhood. Reconstructing a modern relationship with the United States is not secondary to that, but cannot substitute for it and must be undertaken in recognition of the differing interests and instincts of the two sides. A further challenge is building the right relationship with China based on mutual interest in trade, peace, and international respect and on confronting expansionist or opportunistic practices. With Russia, too, it is possible to design a predictable set of behaviours on either side, and with both countries good communication channels will need to be maintained.Brexit gives the UK the scope to construct a more deliberate diplomatic approach to the rest of the English-speaking world than was explicitly possible as an EU member – notably in working with Canada, Australia and New Zealand to promote the international rules-based order. But this should be complemented by more effective outreach to non-English-speaking countries, notably in support of trade and investment opportunities with emerging nations. But with them as with all the UK's interlocutors, the need to earn its place, and to show that it realises that, will be vital.In defence and security, the UK will continue in its commitment to the strength of NATO as its essential alliance under US leadership, while also liaising carefully with EU Member States as they seek to improve their own capacities to contribute to European security. But it cannot simply rely on old institutional structures. It needs to lead, for example by playing a stronger role in the control of non-military forms of aggression, such as cyber warfare, economic sanctions, rivalry in space, and commercial espionage.A strategy for realising the UK's interests in the international arena will require the Prime Minister's constant attention, but also a specific mandate for a very senior minister to supervise the interlinked policy areas of foreign affairs, international development, and international trade within a single government department.

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HARCOURT, MARK, HELEN LAM, and SONDRA HARCOURT. "Unions and Discriminatory Hiring: Evidence from New Zealand." Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society 44, no. 2 (March 22, 2005): 364–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0019-8676.2005.00388.x.

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Harbridge, Raymond, and Anthony Honeybone. "External legitimacy of unions: Trends in New Zealand." Journal of Labor Research 17, no. 3 (September 1996): 425–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02685858.

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Fudge, Judy. "Trade unions, democracy and power." International Journal of Law in Context 7, no. 1 (February 4, 2011): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174455231000042x.

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Should the law support union recognition by employers? If so, what form should this legal support take? These are the questions that Alan Bogg addresses in his excellent monograph,The Democratic Aspects of Trade Union Recognition. His focus is New Labour's 1999 statutory recognition procedure for trade unions, which he situates within the historical context of the United Kingdom's distinctive approach to the relationship between labour law and the social practice of collective bargaining – aptly (and famously) named collective laissez-faire by Otto Kahn-Freund (1972). Combining political philosophy and legal analysis, Bogg argues for robust legal support for trade union recognition that preserves the autonomy of trade unions to determine their own constituency and recognises their distinctive power to strike. Inspired by the idea of deliberative democracy and an ethical commitment to freedom as non-domination, he argues that civic republicanism provides the best normative basis for trade union recognition procedures. He contrasts this normative framework with the rights-based individualism and state neutrality characteristic of the liberal approach, which, he argues, is embodied in the United States and Canadian versions of industrial pluralism. Bogg also demonstrates the ‘yawning chasm between New Labour's civic rhetoric and New Labour's liberal legal reform agenda’ (pp. 118–19) when it comes to trade union recognition procedures. He concludes by offering a series of proposals that would enhance union recognition and further the values of freedom as non-domination, democratic participation through deliberative democracy, and community.

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Journal articles on the topic 'New Zealand Trade Unions'

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