Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'New Zealand Political satire'
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1
MacDonald, G. G. Vince. "The evolution of socio-political cartoon satire in the New Zealand press during the 19th and early 20th centuries : Its role in justifying the alienation of Maori lands." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/6838.
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This thesis examines the evolution of socio-political cartoon satire and how it came to be used as a weapon in the Pakeha media campaign to facilitate the total alienation of Maori land in New Zealand in the nineteenth century and the first three decades of the Twentieth century.
The thesis begins by examining the role of key media controllers and relevant elements of their backgrounds. Outstanding from among these elements is the initial overlap of the business and political interests of the key players. Intrinsic to this overlap is the split which occurred from about the 1860s. This split saw certain media controllers divorce themselves from direct political involvement in order to pursue an agenda which necessarily included the unfettered and total alienation of Maori land and the resouces contained on, in and around them.
In particular, the thesis focuses on Wilson and Horton, leading Auckland provincial as well as national media controllers who, by 1900, were pushing the message of total land alienation through two publications: the daily New Zealand Herald on the provincial level and the weekly Auckland Weekly News on both a provincial and national basis.
The evolution and rise of socio-political cartoons and their use in the above and other publications will be discussed in depth - particularly the work of artist Trevor Lloyd over the period 1902 to 1930. Lloyd, who produced a prolific supply of cartoons, dramatically encapsulated Wilson and Horton's campaign to justify the total alienation of Maori land. Lloyd's work was used to drive home the message that Maori were, apparently, not able to manage their own affairs and that their lands would be better managed by the Pakeha.
Trevor Lloyd's replacement by Gordon Minhinnick in 1930 will be shown to coincide with the shift in attention by Wilson and Horton, and the media generally, away from land alienation toward socialism and unions as virtual alienation of Maori land had been achieved by 1930. The core economic elite, therefore, turned to confront that more considerable threat to the fulfilment of the larger agenda which is identified within the thesis.
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Johnston, Melinda Kelly. "Upon Reflection: parody, satire and irony in the prints of Barry Cleavin." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Art History, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1017.
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This thesis considers the ways in which the prints of Barry Cleavin utilise parody, satire and irony in a myriad of complex and inter-related ways. Cleavin understands the possibility of alternative interpretations, and by presenting this in his art he encourages his viewers to actively participate in the forming of questions. This can for reflection relates to our understanding of pictorial conventions and art historical traditions, as well as to contemporary society, our use of language and the incongruities ofthe human condition. In considering parody, satire and irony in Cleavin's prints, this thesis shows that they are not simply separate devices employed only occasionally, but rather that an three are inter-related and inextricably linked to Cleavin's search to provoke questions, disturb complacencies, and present alternative realities.
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Larner, Wendy. "The New Zealand experiment, towards a post-structuralist political economy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq22170.pdf.
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Larner, Wendy (Wendy Joan) 1963 Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "The 'New Zealand experiment'; towards a post-structuralist political economy." Ottawa.:, 1997.
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Sheed, Toni Michelle. "Māori political agency : a q-method study of Māori political attitudes in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9884.
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While self-determination is often considered to mean political and sometimes territorial independence, for indigenous peoples that have been colonised self-determination often manifests in a different way. For Māori, the concept of tino rangatiratanga encapsulates many of the issues associated with the desire for political equality and self-determination. It includes the right for Māori to decide how they want to be governed, including having the ability to make decisions about their own futures, and it is contingent upon having a sense of political agency.
To date there is little research that explores Māori political agency. The aim of this thesis is to address this research gap by examining what Māori aspire to as political agents, what some of the barriers to those aspirations might be, and whether Māori believe that they can make a difference in the political realm if they choose to do so. The thesis draws together several strands of literature, from empirical to theoretical, and examines Māori political agency in the context of self-determination. Primary data is also gathered and analysed using Q-methodology to better understand these questions. A further goal of this thesis is to analyse the effectiveness of traditional efficacy measures for studying political agency in indigenous groups.
The results support the self-determination literature that argues that Māori want to have the ability to make decisions about their own futures. It also finds, as is to be expected of a diverse peoples, that there is no single view or aspiration in regard to political agency, and that attitudes to politics are as diverse as the participants themselves. Accessibility to political networks was identified as being important, but such networks were also identified as a potential barrier to agency. Thus, the findings suggest that there must be a degree of individual effort in order to achieve a sense of agency. The research also found several limitations with traditional efficacy measures for studying agency within indigenous groups. This is primarily due to the focus of such methods on institutional forms of political participation such as voting, which is assumed to have similar outcomes for everyone – for minorities this is not the case. Moreover, the data reveals that it is difficult to draw a linear relationship between efficacy, and participation, and that there may be other reasons individuals choose to participate in politics or not.
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Lewis, James Philip. "Political Parties, Factions and Conflicts:The New Zealand Labour Party 1978- 1990." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5757.
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The Labour Party is New Zealand’s oldest continuous political Party. Steeped in Social Democratic tradition the Party underwent major conflicts as three major factions emerged between 1978 and 1990. Using Frank Baumgartner’s Conflict and Rhetoric in French Policy Making (1989), this thesis investigates why the three factions inside the Labour Party during this period used conflict in order gain influence over the Labour Party and its political and legislative agenda. What was to emerge was a party struggling to maintain unity as the factions began to tear apart the very framework that was the Labour Party. This was to ultimately have an effect on both articulation of Labour policy and the aggregation of support at the polls. Using interviews with various former and current members of the Labour Party this thesis sets out to piece together how the factions inside the party used conflict to their advantage in order to gain influence in a fragmenting party. The emergence of splinter parties in the 1990s on both the left and right of the Labour Party in particular ACT and the Alliance shows just how fractured and divided the party was during the tenure of the fourth Labour Government.
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McMillan, Katherine Alexandra. "Citizenship Under Neo-Liberalism: Immigrant Minorities in New Zealand 1990-1999." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2347.
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Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.
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Edwards, Bryce. "Political parties in New Zealand: A study of ideological and organisational transformation." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5725.
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Political parties in New Zealand are now affected by elements of ideological erosion - they are characterised by both a policy convergence and a general electoral pragmatism. This thesis attempts to characterise and explain this ideological erosion in New Zealand party politics. It also aims to show that the erosion of ideology is closely related to a host of other aspects of party transformation, such as weakened partisan ties (including the decline in party membership, decline in linkages with interest groups, and class dealignment), as well as an increased reliance on the state for resources, the professionalization of the party organisations, and an increased anti-party sentiment in society. The central argument of this thesis is that these phenomena relate closely to and reflect the shift away from the 'mass membership' type of political party to an 'electoral-professional' model. It is argued that this transition has been in motion since the 1950s, but accelerated in the 1970s and then again in the 1990s.
This debate revolves around a paradox in which, on the one hand, political parties in advanced industrial countries remain central to the conduct of parliamentary democracy and, on the other, they often seem to be less connected to the constituencies they claim to represent and less able to provide
voters with effective choices. This thesis engages with this debate by examining both ideological and organisational transformation in one particular democracy, New Zealand.
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Conner, James. "The political economy of health care in New Zealand : A comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/6750.
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This thesis develops a comprehensive theoretical framework on which to analyse the political economy of health care. It brings together the major political, social and economic forces affecting health care in New Zealand. It also places the New Zealand health care system within a comparative context, and in particular examines the political economy of health care in Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan.
The study examines the contemporary New Zealand health care system against a backdrop of socio-economic restructuring and the hegemony of neo-liberalism. It deals with major issues of power and control in relation to factors such as social class, wealth and income, ownership and business influence. Cutting across all these issues are gender, ethnic and resource inequalities.
It is argued that the socio-economic determinants of health status are not receiving the attention they deserve. Economic changes over the past decade have served to increase rather than diminish disparities in the distribution of wealth and income in New Zealand society. There are no signs of this situation abating; indeed it is more likely to get worse.
The findings show that many of the same business people and outside consultants who are dominant in shaping the New Zealand economy also dominate the health policy-making process. It is argued that the overriding presence of business people on the decision-making bodies of the health institutions serve to legitimise, reproduce and strengthen free market principles. In Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea and Japan, however, the free market has not been accepted unconditionally as a matter of dogma, and the state plays a major role in the economy. It is suggested that these countries may offer valuable policy alternatives or lessons for New Zealand as it enters the new political environment.
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Sturman, Anna. "Capital, the State and Climate Change in Aotearoa New Zealand." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26881.
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For in excess of 30 years climate change mitigation in New Zealand has stalled over the country’s chief source of emissions: biogenic methane emissions from livestock. This thesis argues that this stasis, and the international condemnation it has provoked, is a key for unlocking a critique of New Zealand’s political economy which extends New Zealand’s scholarship by situating the climate crisis as a crisis of capitalism. This form of crisis derives from the contradiction between capital’s requirement for ongoing expansion, and the ability of its conditions of production (and humanity’s conditions of reproduction) to absorb the corresponding increasing demands on regenerative capabilities. An associated theory of change for achieving meaningful action on climate change can thus be oriented around uniting labour, social and environmental movements in the struggle for democratic, collective control over the conditions of (re)production. The analysis presented here advances ecosocialist scholarship by centring a theorisation of the state as a, if not the, key terrain of struggle over the conditions of (re)production in this conjuncture. The thesis anchors this theoretical exploration in concrete historical analysis of New Zealand’s political economic development since colonisation to the contemporary moment, providing what Cindi Katz terms a ‘countertopography’ oriented around class struggle for socio-ecological reproduction in-against-and beyond the capital relation, as crystallised in the state form over time. In doing so, the thesis aims to fortify and extend a theoretical framework which is of use to the labour, environmental and social movements it considers. Meaningful action on climate change is here unable to be divorced from meaningful action addressing the root cause of social and environmental crisis tendencies in capitalism.
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Subritzky, John Anton. "Britain, the United States, Australia, New Zealand and the Malaysian-Indonesian confrontation, 1961-1965." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265418.
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This thesis analyses an international crisis in the mid-1960s known as the Malaysian-Indonesian Confrontation (Konfrontasi). It began in January 1963 and effectively ended with the establishment of military rule in Jakarta during late 1965. The focus of the thesis is to examine how the four western powers most involved in the crisis - Britain, the United States, Australia and New Zealand - responded to Confrontation and, as a consequence, how they intended to protect their respective strategic interests in Southeast Asia. In particular, the thesis seeks to place both the crisis, and the reactions of these allies, within the regional and international context of the period under review. Accordingly, issues such as Britain's continued military presence east of Suez, the escalation by the US of the war in Vietnam, the West's containment of an increasingly assertive communist China and the role of the Australasian dominions in British and American policies regarding Southeast Asia, are all examined in detail. Finally, the thesis is developed chronologically. It begins in 1961 when Britain finalised its plans for decolonisation in the region by establishing a greater Malaysia federation. It ends with the 'coup' in Jakarta and the latter months of 1965, when the Wilson government commenced preparations for a British withdrawal east of Suez. Extensive research was carried out in the archives of the four western powers. In Britain this mostly consisted of viewing recently declassified documents at the PRO. In the United States materials were gathered from the JFK and LBJ presidential libraries, the US national archives and the State Department's Foreign Relations of the United States series. In Australasia, research was primarily conducted at Australian Archives, Canberra and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Wellington.
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Freeth, M. D. H. "Politician-reporter interactions in the New Zealand Parliament : a study in political communication." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Political Science and Mass Communication, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1770.
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The relationship between government politicians and reporters in the Parliamentary Press Gallery may be conceptualised as a process of interaction, by actors with divergent but overlapping purposes, from which political communication emerges as news. Interactions may be characterised as role-regulated and involving mutual adaptation by the actors. Divergence of purpose implies a constant potential for conflict in interaction. Mutual purposes and adaptation enhance co-operative interaction. Analysis of role concepts held by the politicians and the reporters provides some insight into the nature of conflict and co-operation in interaction. Constant sources of conflict may be indicated by differences over news definitions applied by the reporters and the publicity interests of the politicians. Adaptation by each towards the other can be seen in the operation of routine channels for the passage of information and in shared understandings surrounding other, informal information flows. Specific elements in the relationship can be identified as assisting mutual adaptation. Mechanisms exist for the management of overt conflict. Adaptation may raise issues relevant to the normative role of the press. Co-optation of the reporters for the communication purposes of the politicians is contrary to notions of a "strong" press, providing critical scrutiny of government as well as conveying information accurately from it to the public.
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Symon, Toni. "Paparua Men's Prison: A Social and Political History." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7775.
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Situated amidst farmland 18 kilometres from the centre of Christchurch is Paparua men’s prison, one of New Zealand’s oldest and largest penal institutions. Prisoners have been housed at the Paparua site since 1915 and when the prison buildings were completed in 1925, around 120 prisoners were incarcerated there. Still at the same location where the two original wings continue to accommodate inmates, Paparua has the capacity for nearly 1,000 low to high-security male prisoners.
Despite being almost a century old, very little has been recorded about Paparua, which is symptomatic of the paucity of published material on New Zealand prisons. This thesis seeks to address this shortfall in the literature by, for the first time, documenting the events which have taken place at Paparua and giving insight into life for prisoners there over the last 100 years. These events and the changes to prison life have been driven by the social conditions of the day and their intersection with a complex range of factors at the inmate, community and administrative levels. Paparua’s evolution, therefore, has been the product of the changing socio-political climate and by contextualising the prison’s history I will show how these dynamics have contributed to the development of Paparua.
The research undertaken to achieve such a task involved an historical analysis of 130 years of departmental reports, government reports, parliamentary debates and newspaper articles. This was accompanied by 13 comprehensive interviews with former and current staff and inmates of Paparua.
The reconstruction of Paparua’s past is valuable not only in that it captures the details of an interesting feature of New Zealand history but because it offers insight into the complex range of forces that a are likely to influence its development in the future.
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Chambers, Kirsten Elizabeth. "Political Communication in a Multicultural New Zealand: Ethnic Minority Media and the 2008 Election." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3777.
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New Zealand’s 2008 general election, with its unprecedented focus on the “ethnic vote” and ethnic minority candidates with highest-ever party list rankings, proved compelling from a migrant engagement perspective. How do migrant communities achieve voice in their adopted country? And how does a now unmistakably multicultural nation address the political communication needs of an increasingly vocal, pro-active, and politically involved migrant population?
This thesis examines the role of ethnic minority media in engaging migrant communities in the democratic process. In particular, it examines South Asian media in New Zealand and the extent to which they represented a vital public sphere for informing and engaging their wider migrant communities in public political debate during the 2008 election campaign.
Applying qualitative and quantitative research approaches, this thesis elicits and analyses diverse perspectives of the extent to which local South Asian newspapers and radio current affairs programming represented an important complementary public sphere for informing and engaging migrant voters during the campaign.
Ultimately, this study provides an alternative perspective on media coverage of the 2008 New Zealand general election, and insight into the role and influence of ethnic minority media within democratic discourse. As a contribution to the body of academic literature examining the media and minority political engagement, it is intended to provoke critical consideration of the communications needs facing new migrants in an increasingly multicultural New Zealand.
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Orders, Paul. "Britain, Australia, New Zealand and the expansion of American power in south-west Pacific, 1941-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266244.
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Grainger, Steven. "Church, society and imperial metalities, c.1790-1870 : the political and ideological context of the Canterbury Association." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263154.
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Wilson-Roberts, Guy. "Nuclear arms control negotiation with special reference to New Zealand and the comprehensive Test Ban Treaty." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2274.
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In 1996, at a special session of the United Nations General Assembly, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was opened for signature. Within one week, seventy states, including all five nuclear-weapon states, signed the Treaty. This brought to an end fifty years of both nuclear tests and nuclear test-ban negotiations. For many states, the achievement of the CTBT was a major success for nuclear arms control. New Zealand played an important role in the early stages of the CTBT negotiation. Every year from 1972, New Zealand and Australia tabled a resolution in the General Assembly calling for a CTBT. After two decades of diplomacy, the resolution was adopted by consensus in 1993, allowing negotiation for a CTBT to take place in the Conference on Disarmament. Substantive negotiation for a CTBT began in 1993, but test-ban negotiations had been taking place almost since the start of nuclear testing in 1945. Like many other nuclear arms control issues, the negotiations had been dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. Engaged in their own nuclear arms race, the two superpowers pursued their own bilateral nuclear arms control negotiations to manage their strategic relationship. Until the CTBT negotiation, multilateral nuclear arms control was mostly limited to the Treaty for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The NPT reflected the desire of many non-nuclear states to become involved in nuclear arms control and use multilateral agreements to place obligations on the nuclear-weapon states. While both bilateral and multilateral nuclear arms control often languished due to disagreements, multilateral nuclear arms control negotiation has also dealt with the complexity of reconciling the perspectives of many states. This complexity has made the use of negotiation theories difficult, although if used pragmatically, theory can be a useful tool for the study of negotiation events. Through the test-ban resolution, New Zealand was able to contribute to the process of reaching consensus by acting as a facilitator. New Zealand is a good example of how a small non-nuclear state can make a useful contribution in multilateral nuclear arms control negotiation, typically dominated by large nuclear-weapon states, and still advance its national interests.
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Robinson, Claire Elizabeth. "Advertising and the market orientation of political parties contesting the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University. School of History, Philosophy and Politics, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/243.
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This thesis proposes an alternative way of establishing a link between market orientation and electoral success, by focusing on market orientation as a message instead of as a management function. Using interpretive textual analysis the thesis examines the advertising messages of the highest polling political parties for evidence of voter orientation and competitor orientation in the 1999 and 2002 New Zealand general election campaigns. Relating manifest market orientation to a number of statistical indicators of electoral success the thesis looks for plausible associations between the visual manifestation of market orientation in political advertisements and parties' achievement of their party vote goals in the 1999 and 2002 elections. It offers party-focused explanations for electoral outcomes to complement existing voter-centric explanations, and adds another level of scholarly understanding of recent electoral outcomes in New Zealand.While the thesis finds little association between demonstration of competitor orientation in political advertisements and electoral success, it finds a plausible relationship between parties that demonstrated a voter orientation in their political advertisements and goal achievement. The parties that achieved their party vote goals in 1999 and 2002 tended to demonstrate an affinity for their target voter groups by showing images of voters and their environments and images of party leaders interacting with voters. They demonstrated concern for the satisfaction of the needs of existing voters by using words of togetherness and proving they had met their previous promises. They did not change their policy or leadership messages dramatically between campaigns. There was a visual consistency to their television, print and billboard advertising messages which rendered the messages easy to recognise and remember. They were clear about what they were offering in exchange for the party vote and recognised the need to offer something in addition to previous offerings in order to attract new voters.
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Allen, Michael James. "Maori political thought in the late nineteenth century: Amicrohistorical study of the document of speeches from John Ballance's tour of seven Maori districts, 1885." Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1040.
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This thesis explores the nature of ambivalence in Maori political thought as expressed during John Ballance's tour of seven Maori districts in 1885. A microhistorical study of Maori speeches recorded during the tour, undertaken by Ballance as minister of Native Affairs, reveals three overlapping points regarding Maori political thought in the late nineteenth century. Firstly, despite a lack of power in processes of government and the effects of numerous land laws, Maori remained optimistic at the possibility of gaining equality, an optimism generated by the very act of Ballance's visit to Maori communities. Secondly, optimism was grounded in a pragmatic approach to state power, one that acknowledged the realities of the colonial government's positionin the New Zealand political system. Thirdly, a strongly held desire for equality, in combination with a pragmatic approach to state power, explains why Maori continued to seek solutions through the colonial government in the late nineteenth century. These three implicit positions can be seen in the greetings, criticisms and requests made by Maori leaders during the twelve hui that constituted Ballance's tour. In combination, these points suggest an ambivalence in the conceptual bases of Maori political thought in the late nineteenth century. This argument challenges existing interpretations of late nineteenth century Maori political activity, particularly the idea that Maori increasingly sought 'autonomy' in their own sphere. By adopting the approach of the microhistorian, this thesis opens a brief and unique window onto a period between the New Zealand wars and the resurgent protest movements of the 1890s, one that historians have yet to capture.
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Jardine-Coom, Laura. "When men and mountains meet : Rūiamoko, western science and political ecology in Aotearoa/New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Geography, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3821.
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On the 13th of March, 2007 a failure of the tephra dam at Te-wai-a-moe, the Crater Lake of Mt
Ruapehu in the North Island of Aotearoa/New Zealand, caused a lahar to travel down the Whangaehu
River channel. The lahar event had been predicted after an eruptive event at Mt Ruapehu eleven years
before. As a result of the early prediction, the lahar event and potential risk was well studied, and
twenty four management options were proposed to mitigate risk. After a period of consultation with
stakeholders, including local iwi, the Minister for Conservation ratified a non-intervention option which
emphasised monitoring and prohibited engineering intervention on the mountain.
The media event associated with 2007 lahar event drew considerable attention to the 1953
Tangiwai tragedy which occurred following a similar lahar event at Mt Ruapehu. The 2007 lahar media
event constructed Tangiwai as a site of risk that belonged to science, technology and Pakeha tragedy,
dominating understandings of Tangiwai as an important spiritual place for local iwi and their relationship
with Mt Ruapehu.
The lahar event also highlighted the dominant western science based hazard management
paradigm and its interactions with matauranga Maori. Inherent in the dominant western science
paradigm is the natural/social split born of the scientific Enlightenment and the removal of non-humans
as actors. Bruno Latour (2004) calls for a move beyond the natural/social dualism and recognition for
the importance of non-humans in contesting and recreating worlds; this thesis considers Charles Royal’s
tangata whenua paradigm as an answer to Latour’s call.
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Marett, Alexandra. "Participating Online: The Internet and its Role in Political Participatory Behaviour in the Context of the New Zealand General Election 2008." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Science, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4962.
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Recent developments in Internet technology have opened up new doors for political campaigning and related news information with video and social networking applications. These have created new spaces that the voting public can politically participate in. This study explores the extent to which such participation takes place, in order to contribute to the wider question of whether changes in the media can rejuvenate a growing apathetic electorate that has become increasingly isolated from the more traditional methods of political participation (Putnam 2000). There are now many unanswered questions regarding how this new technology will play a role in influencing voter preferences and behaviour compared to other forms of traditional mass media. The exponential growth of Internet technology and its use means that the majority of literature written on the subject becomes time-bound leaving large gaps of research and analysis that needs to be done. This thesis examined the opportunities made available for political campaigning by the Internet and how widening political knowledge can ultimately influence Internet consumers at the voting booth. The research undertaken was a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis using participatory groups in a controlled environment. Participants consumed different forms of mass media and any significant changes in preferences and behaviour was noted. The overall hypothesis of this thesis is that the Internet does have an effect on potential voters by providing a wider and more in-depth look at politics that broadens political knowledge, leading to greater political participation.
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Buck, Jessica Kai Ling. "The Puzzle of Young Asian Political Participation: A Comparative Discussion of Young Asian Political Participation in New Zealand and the United States." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2901.
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Prominent theories in political participation literature predict that those with higher levels of income and education are more like to engage in politics. Given the perception of Asian New Zealanders as wealthy and well educated it is puzzling not only to find that this community has low levels of political participation, but that a similar pattern emerges in the United States. It is to this background that this thesis aims to shed light on the political attitudes and participation of young Asian New Zealanders, and reports on results from depth interviews held in Christchurch between December 2007 and early 2008. A small pilot study of six Asian New Zealanders aged between 18-24 years and five of their parents were interviewed regarding their voting habits, their participation in other political activities, and their interest in politics. This thesis identifies six prominent theories of political participation and assesses their ability to explain the political participation of this small sample of young Asian New Zealanders. The results of this study are also compared with research conducted on Asian participation in the United States so as to gain a more in depth perspective of Asian immigrant political participation.
This thesis finds that while the participants in this study relate closely to their ethnic and cultural backgrounds, they often identify New Zealand as ‘home’ and see their future in New Zealand. The participants also discussed politics and participation in terms commonly associated with a typical youth cohort, rather than what might be expected of a minority youth cohort. While the six youth participants in this study did not participate extensively in political activities, the interviewees indicated they are interested in politics and feel that they can influence politics in New Zealand, should they choose to do so.
Furthermore, this research highlights how theories which have been found to be influential in predicting the political engagement of majority groups may not adequately explain the engagement of immigrant communities. While most theories of participation have had their widest application in relation to majority communities, minority groups are faced with a unique set of informational, legal and linguistic barriers. Thus, traditional assumptions about what serves to influence political engagement may not fully explain immigrant political participation.
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Cook, Helena Mary. "Performing identity : descriptive and symbolic representation in New Zealand and the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14927.
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Previous studies of identity and representation fail to fully recognise the complexity of identity and its inherent relevance to representation. In addition, they insufficiently acknowledge the institutional factors which mediate the performance of identity in representation. This thesis moves beyond this existing research by more critically analysing the relationship between identity and political representation through the lens of performative claim-making. Given that both representation and identity are concepts which have come to be understood as complex and multiply constructed, their interrelationship deserves a more critical and nuanced analysis. I argue that identity inherently shapes representative roles. Representation as a concept can be modelled as a series of claims to and understandings of representation. By applying Goffman’s interpretation of identity as performance, claims to representation are therefore a series of performative moves which evoke identity strategically and vary according to context and audience. Through the examples of the two case studies of New Zealand and the United Kingdom, the thesis explores the ways that MPs perform their identities in three distinct contexts: web biographies, maiden speeches and interviews. These allow for comparisons of contexts or ‘stages’ for performance of identity by MPs and shows how claim-making plays out in reality for MPs. I argue that performance of identity by MPs will vary depending on the method of selection of the MP, parliamentary norms and culture, and the audience. The potential for variation of performance due to contextual shifts requires an explicit consideration of the institutional factors which impact a representative’s performative role. Political space - its rules and regulations and its culture and norms – needs to be incorporated in more depth into studies of representation, claim-making and performance because these factors impact the extent to which MPs will engage with and perform identity within their representative roles. By investigating the ways in which MPs perform identity in different contexts and with different audiences, we can better understand the relationship between the two concepts of identity and political representation.
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White, Jill Fredryce. "The commodification of caring : a search for understanding of the impact of the New Zealand health reforms on nursing practice and the nursing profession : a journey of the heart /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw5822.pdf.
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Lee, Thomas Charles. "A Desire for Active Citizens: An Exploratory Analysis of Citizenship Education for Young Migrants in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3012.
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This thesis examines whether the introduction of citizenship education in New Zealand would increase the levels of active citizenship of young migrant New Zealanders, using voter turnout as a measure. This research draws attention to an overlooked part of New Zealand political science research by studying young migrant New Zealanders. The theories and topics covered in this research include the notion of citizenship, education, political participation, social capital and multiculturalism. Both surveys and interviews are used to gauge young New Zealanders’ political attitudes and opinions, and their levels of political knowledge, interest, sophistication and socialisation are examined.
The findings of this research suggest that citizenship education would not only be beneficial to young migrant New Zealanders but that citizenship education would benefit all young New Zealanders. It is argued that an increase in all young New Zealanders’ levels of political knowledge and interest are likely to have a positive effect on voter turnout levels. It is also argued that the current education curriculum does not explicitly encourage such learning. Using these findings in conjunction with theory, it is recommended that citizenship education is implemented into the New Zealand secondary school curriculum to ensure that New Zealand’s democracy is in good health for the current and future generations.
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Kang, Won-Taek. "Support for third parties under plurality rule electoral systems : a public choice analysis of Britain, Canada, New Zealand and South Korea." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1465/.
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Why do parties other than major parties survive or even flourish under plurality rule electoral systems, when according to Duverger's law we should expect them to disappear. Why should rational voters support third parties, even though their chances of being successful are often low . Using an institutional public choice approach, this study analyses third party voting as one amongst a continuum of choices faced by electors who pay attention both to the ideological proximity of parties, and to their perceived efficacy measured against a community-wide level of minimum efficacy. The approach is applied in detailed case study chapters examining four different third parties. Two of the cases cover long-established and relatively successful third parties - the British Liberal Democrats; the Canadian NDP. The other two cases cover shorter-lived third parties - the New Zealand Social Credit; and the UNP in South Korea. In each case the study examines the party's specific history and dynamics, looks at the social base of its support and its ideological positioning, explores the party's perceived efficacy, and analyses the articulation of the third party's strategy. Two key themes emerge. First, plurality rule electoral systems impose severe constraints on third parties, but also create niches (such as one-party safe seats or regions, or unoccupied ideological space) within which a long-term third party can become established, flourish and develop strategies to partially overcome its lower perceived efficacy. Second, third party voting under plurality rule is not an isolated behaviour, but part of an integrated spectrum of choices (encompassing abstention, protest voting, tactical voting, and positive party support) which citizens make. People respond both to the ideological positioning and to the perceived efficacy of the competing political parties, within a specific voting context and using a collectively defined sense of what constitutes efficacious political behaviour.
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Thelin, Julia. "Environmental migration in the South Pacific : A frame analysis of policies in Australia and New Zealand." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-416190.
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Pearce, Robert Anthony. "The Great War : manpower, conscription and political machinations: a comparative study of Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia /." Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2005. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp3591.pdf.
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Leitch, Shirley R. "Unemployment in New Zealand, 1981-1983: a study of the presentation by radio, television and the press of a major social problem." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2451.
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In New Zealand there is a marked scarcity of material on the workings of the indigenous news media. This thesis is intended to partially fill the large gap in New Zealand scholarship in this area. It provides a case study of the production of meaning by mainstream New Zealand news media organisations. Its purpose is to explicate the dominant messages in circulation from 1981 through 1983 regarding unemployment. The neutral face of the news discourse is shown to conceal the routinized signification practices of journalistic professionalism. These practices act to separate the normative from the deviant. They also serve the interests of society's established and legitimated institutions. This process was aided by the simplistic, as opposed to simplified, nature of news media presentations.
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Jiang, Xiaoping (Isadora). "Globalisation, internationalisation and the knowledge economy in higher education: A case study of China and New Zealand." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3189279.
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This thesis analyses the contemporary phenomena of globalisation, the knowledge economy and internationalisation in terms of their synergistic impacts on higher education and with special reference to China and New Zealand. Globalisation and the knowledge economy are seen to fuel each other as well as driving trends in higher education. Internationalisation is shown to be intimately related to, but conceptually distinguishable from, globalisation, and to occur partly as a consequence of the latter (and of developments in the knowledge economy) but partly also as a response to these forces. All three phenomena are addressed through assessments of their dominant economic imperatives. As a prerequisite to understanding and critiquing these forces and their dominant imperatives, the early chapters expound a further tripartite structure, this time of political-economic theories: neoliberalism, neo-Marxism, and Giddens' 'Third Way'. The lens through which the analysis is made is explicitly neo-Marxist. The thesis critiques the ascendancy of neoliberalism in the discourse of globalisation, and the knowledge economy and the internationalisation of higher education. Neoliberalism's ascendancy is shown to be promoted through global, regional, national and sub-national entities, and this promotion is found to be often covert. The middle section of the thesis traces the effects on higher education of the economic, and specifically neoliberal or global-capitalist imperatives that the foregoing analysis reveals. Policies of deregulation, liberalisation, marketisation, privatisation and commercialisation are shown to exert largely negative influences on universities and, by extension, on other higher education institutions. They over-emphasise the private value of both knowledge itself and higher education as a knowledge agent, something which leads to a homogenising, devaluing 'commodification' of higher education. Having made the general case, the thesis then considers the Asia-Pacific region before focusing in depth on China and New Zealand. This structure makes for a macro-meso-micro approach to the development of the inquiry but with emphasis on the macro and the micro. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the establishment of a 'counter-hegemony' to oppose the dominance of neoliberal principles and policies. The study culminates by recommending the emergent concept of interculturalism as both an accurate description of the intersection of cultures on campus and a desirable nonnative policy which should complement internationalisation as part of national and institutional response strategies. The thesis argues for the legitimation and encouragement of neo-Marxist interculturalisation and outlines its relevance to New Zealand higher education institutions, which host many international and new immigrant students, above all from China.Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.
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Friman, Nanna. "Justifying Legal Rights of Nature : An ideational analysis of the Te Awa Tupua Bill debate in New Zealand." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443634.
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In 2017, the Whanganui River in New Zealand gained legal personality, a potentially norm-breaking legislation that could challenge society to view nature differently. It is thus important to understand the reasons and justifications behind such a decision. This is an explorative case study that aims to examine the interplay between different philosophies on legal rights of nature and minority rights within the context of a political discourse by investigating how the implementation of the Te Awa Tupua Bill in 2017 in New Zealand was justified. The arguments were identified in the three parliamentary readings of the bill through argument analysis and analyzed through ideational critique. The Te Awa Tupua Bill was justified through anthropocentric, animistic and ecocentric arguments. A majority of the arguments related to protecting the indigenous Māori culture. Further, the results from the ideational critique suggests that the argumentation at times was rather weak and that many arguments were not fully developed. This study shows how the practical political debate on legal rights of nature relates to the theoretical one. It also provides insights on how big part protecting minority rights play when implementing legal personality for natural objects. This study contributes to an emerging field of research with many open doors for future studies.
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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.
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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
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Cox, Noel Stanley Bertie. "The evolution of the New Zealand monarchy: The recognition of an autochthonous polity." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3002348.
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The aims of this thesis are to determine to what extent the Crown remains important as a source of legitimacy for the constitutional order and as a focus of sovereignty; how the Crown has developed as a distinct institution; and what the prospects are for the adoption of a republican form of government in New Zealand. The imperial Crown has evolved into the New Zealand Crown, yet the implications of this change are as yet only slowly being understood. Largely this is because that evolution came about as a result of gradual political development, as part of an extended process of independence, rather than by deliberate and conscious decision. The continuing evolution of political independence does not necessarily mean that New Zealand will become a republic in the short-to-medium term. This is for various reasons. The concept of the Crown has often been, in New Zealand, of greater importance than the person of the Sovereign, or that of the Governor-General. The existence of the Crown has also contributed to, rather than impeded, the independence of New Zealand, through the division of imperial prerogative powers. In particular, while the future constitutional status of the Treaty of Waitangi remains uncertain, the Crown appears to have acquired greater legitimacy through being a party to the Treaty. The expression of national identity does not necessarily require the removal of the Crown. The very physical absence of the Sovereign, and the all-pervading nature of the legal concept of the Crown, have also contributed to that institution's development as a truly national organ of government. The concept of the Crown has now, to a large extent, been separated from its historical, British, roots. This has been encouraged by conceptual confusion over the symbolism and identity of the Crown. But this merely illustrates the extent to which the Crown has become an autochthonous polity, grounded in our own unique settlement and evolution since 1840. Whether that conceptual strength is sufficient to counterbalance symbolic and other challenges in the twenty-first century remains uncertain. But it is certain that the Crown has had a profound affect upon the style and structure of government in New Zealand.
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Bond, Greta Jane. "Evangelistic Performance in New Zealand: The Word and What is Not Said." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Theatre and Film Studies, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1804.
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In 1518, Martin Luther is reputed to have nailed his 95 theses to the door of the Castle Church at Wittenberg, an act that sparked the Protestant Reformation. Luther sought change in the Catholic Church: a return to an unmediated relationship with God based on a closer understanding of the Word. Since then, Protestant evangelism has been a force for social change: and this is particularly true in New Zealand, where evangelism has gone hand in hand with the colonisation of the country.
This thesis proposes that it is not, in fact, the literal understanding of the Word that gives these services meaning, and that such an understanding is problematic and perhaps even impossible: the Word is always a translation. Instead, it is through what is not said - the performative aspects of evangelistic services, including the use of space, the actions of the evangelist, and pre-existing cultural “horizons of expectation” - that meanings are produced.
Taking as material Samuel Marsden’s first service in New Zealand in 1814, in which the Word was preached in English to a congregation who primarily spoke only Maori, the more contemporary example of televangelist Benny Hinn, who performs miracles to television cameras, and the religious and political performances of Destiny Church’s Brian Tamaki, this thesis uses the tools of performance studies to undertake an ethnographic study of evangelistic services. This brings into focus the ways in which evangelists may create congregations and produce meanings in their services through different modes of performance and the ways in which these ulterior meanings impact, and have impacted, on New Zealand society.
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Sheerin, Celia Anne. "Political Efficacy and Youth Non-Voting: A Qualitative Investigation into the Attitudes and Experiences of Young Voters and Non-Voters in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/962.
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This thesis examines political efficacy and youth non-voting in New Zealand. Drawing from a focus group discussion and depth interviews with 20 young people, I compare and contrast the attitudes and experiences of 18-24 year-old voters and non-voters. I assess whether the theory of political efficacy is a useful conceptual tool for distinguishing between their attitudes, and evaluate the ability of efficacy theory to explain youth non-voting in New Zealand. The thesis draws attention to the oft-overlooked benefits of using qualitative methods to conduct political science research. Based on my research, I find that the standard (quantitative) operationalisation of efficacy obscures the complex and nuanced nature of young people's thoughts about politics. Depth interviews and focus groups are found to be valuable means to gain insight into the political attitudes of young people, as - unlike quantitative methods - they allow participants to elucidate themselves using language and ideas of their own. A purposive sampling strategy using snowball referrals also proved to be a useful way to recruit young non-voters, indicating to future researchers that such an approach may be a good way to access disengaged populations. Contrary to the predictions of efficacy theory and to the findings of research in the quantitative tradition, I find fewer differences between young voters and non-voters than expected: the interviews and focus group in fact reveal surprising similarities in the political efficacy of young voters and non-voters. Through my research I identify three types of young non-voters: 'disinterested', 'inconvenienced' and 'principled' non-voters, each of whom give different and diverse explanations for their non-participation. These findings suggest that the usefulness of efficacy theory as an explanation for youth non-voting may have been overstated, and my research highlights the need to remain open to other explanations for youth electoral disengagement - such as rational choice and post-materialist theories.
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Schneider, Christian Elias. "Orientation towards Asia Pacific or Europe - Political, economic and socio-cultural aspects of the current discourse on identity in New Zealand." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02604973001/$FILE/02604973001.pdf.
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Cantzler, Julia Miller. "Culture, History and Contention: Political Struggle and Claims-Making over Indigenous Fishing Rights in Australia, New Zealand and the United States." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306269394.
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Thomson, Grant. "Community small scale wind farms for New Zealand: a comparative study of Austrian development, with consideration for New Zealand’s future wind energy development." Lincoln University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/961.
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In New Zealand, the development of wind energy is occurring predominantly at a large scale level with very little opportunity for local people to become involved, either financially or conceptually. These conditions are creating situations of conflict between communities and wind energy developers – and are limiting the potential of the New Zealand wind energy industry. The inception of community ownership in small scale wind farms, developed in Europe in the late 20th Century, has helped to make a vital connection between wind energy and end users. Arguably, community wind farms are able to alleviate public concerns of wind energy’s impact on landscapes, amongst a wide range of other advantages. In Austria, community wind farms have offered significant development opportunities to local people, ushered in distributed generation, and all the while increasing the amount of renewable energy in the electricity mix. This thesis investigates whether community small scale wind (SSW) farms, such as those developed in Austria, are a viable and feasible option for the New Zealand context. The approach of this thesis examines the history of the Austrian wind industry and explores several community wind farm developments. In addition, interviews with stakeholders from Austria and New Zealand were conducted to develop an understanding of impressions and processes in developing community wind energy (CWE) in the New Zealand context. From this research an assessment of the transfer of the Austrian framework to the New Zealand situation is offered, with analysis of the differences between the wind energy industries in the two countries. Furthermore, future strategies are suggested for CWE development in New Zealand with recommendations for an integrated governmental approach. This research determines that the feasibility for the transfer of the Austrian framework development of ‘grassroots’ community wind farms in the next 10 years is relatively unlikely without greater support assistance from the New Zealand Government. This is principally due to the restricted economic viability of community wind farms and also significant regulatory and policy limitations. In the mid to long term, the New Zealand government should take an integrated approach to assist the development of community wind farms which includes: a collaborative government planning approach on the issue; detailed assessment of the introduction of feed-in tariff mechanisms and controlled activity status (RMA) for community wind farms; and development of limited liability company law for community energy companies. In the short term, however, the most feasible option available for the formation of community wind farms lies in quasi community developments with corporate partnerships.
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Allen, Chadwick 1964. "Blood as narrative/narrative as blood: Constructing indigenous identity in contemporary American Indian and New Zealand Maori literatures and politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289022.
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Following the end of World War II and the formation of the United Nations organization, indigenous minorities who had fought on behalf of First World nations--including record numbers of New Zealand Maori and American Indians--pursued their longstanding efforts to assert cultural and political distinctiveness from dominant settler populations with renewed vigor. In the first decades after the War, New Zealand Maori and American Indians worked largely within dominant discourses in their efforts to define viable contemporary indigenous identities. But by the late 1960s and early 1970s, both New Zealand and the United States felt the effects of an emerging indigenous "renaissance," marked by dramatic events of political and cultural activism and by unprecedented literary production. By the mid-1970s, New Zealand Maori and American Indians were part of an emerging international indigenous rights movement, signaled by the formation and first general assembly of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP). In "Blood As Narrative/Narrative As Blood," I chronicle these periods of indigenous minority activism and writing and investigate the wide range of tactics developed for asserting indigenous difference in literary and political activist texts produced by the WCIP, New Zealand Maori, and American Indians. Indigenous minority or "Fourth World" writers and activists have mobilized and revalued both indigenous and dominant discourses, including the pictographic discourse of plains Indian "winter counts" in the United States and the ritual discourse of the Maori marae in New Zealand, as well as the discourse of treaties in both. These writers and activists have also created powerful tropes and emblematic figures for contemporary indigenous identity, including "blood memory," the ancient child, and the rebuilding of the ancestral house (whare tipuna). My readings of a wide range of poems, short stories, novels, essays, non-fiction works, representations of cultural and political activism, and works of literary, art history, political science, and cultural criticism lead to the development of critical approaches for reading indigenous minority literary and political activist texts that take into account the complex historical and cultural contexts of their production--local, national and, increasingly, global.
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Slagter, Marcelle. "Poverty in perception : a study of the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/32090/1/Marcelle_Slagter_Thesis.pdf.
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Australia and New Zealand, as English-speaking nations with dominant white populations, present an ethnic anomaly not only in South East Asia, but also in the Southern Hemisphere. Colonised by predominantly workingclass British immigrants from the late eighteenth century, an ethnic and cultural connection grew between these two countries even though their indigenous populations and ecological environments were otherwise very different. Building a new life in Australia and New Zealand, the colonists shared similar historic perceptions of poverty – perceptions from their homelands that they did not want to see replicated in their new adopted countries. Dreams of a better life shaped their aspirations, self-identity and nationalistic outlook. By the twentieth century, national independence and self-government had replaced British colonial rule. The inveterate occurrence of poverty in Australia and New Zealand had created new local perspectives and different perceptions of, and about, poverty. This study analyses what relationship existed between the political directions adopted by the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand and their perceptions of poverty. Using the existential phenomenological theory and methodology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the study adds to the body of knowledge about poverty in Australia and New Zealand by revealing the structure and origin of the poverty perceptions of the twentieth-century prime ministers.
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Jay, Grace Mairi M. "Symbolic order and material agency: A cultural ecology of native forest remnants on Waikato dairy farms." The University of Waikato, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2603.
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Loss of native biological diversity is a world-wide problem of growing international concern. One of the main causes of native biodiversity loss is destruction and degradation of native habitat through land development for agriculture. The Waikato region is an example of the destruction and degradation of native habitat in association with the development and intensification of farming, including dairy farming. This thesis explores cultural reasons for the loss of native forest in the Waikato region, and reasons why fragments of native forest remain. The research involves a participant observation study of 'typical' dairy farm families for 9 months of the dairy year, in-depth interviews of dairy farmers who have protected a significant proportion of their land for conservation of native habitat, a questionnaire of dairy farmers, and an examination of dairy farm magazines and other literature to identify the values and attitudes that motivate dairy farmers in relation to land management and protection of native habitat. The title of the thesis suggests two elements that are important for understanding the loss and persistence of native forest in Waikato's farmed landscapes. Symbolic reason refers to the values, attitudes and perceptions of farmers that derive from socio-political and economic forces which encourage productivist practises that leave little opportunity for native forest to survive. Material agency refers to the local circumstances of particular farms and individual people which enable native forest to persist. The thesis argues that persistence of native forest depends on the idiosyncrasies of material circumstance in the face of relentless pressure to transform the production landscape for economic purposes. The thesis concludes with a suggestion that policies to assist survival of native habitat in farmed landscapes need to include ones that encourage the odds in favour of fortuitous circumstance. In the face of globalised economic pressures, policies for conservation of native biodiversity need to involve a 'portfolio' of measures that apply to individual landowners and the wider rural community by recognising, assisting and rewarding management for non-production values.
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Murray, Nicole Anne. "Who gets their hands 'dirty' in the knowledge society? Training for the skilled trades in New Zealand." Lincoln University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1714.
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The vision of New Zealand as a 'knowledge society' is a mantra that has opened the twenty-first century. Underpinning any 'knowledge society', however; are people who turn resources into concrete products and who build, maintain and service the technological and social infrastructure essential to society. This thesis examines the skilled trades and, in particular, how people are trained for those trades. Industry training is a crucial component of the wealth-generating capabilities of New Zealand. It is also an essential part of the way that many young people make the transition from school to work and from adolescence to adulthood. The means of training tradespeople has moved over the years from the rigid and prescriptive apprenticeship system, to the more voluntaristic, industry-led 'industry training' strategy, introduced following the Industry Training Act 1992. Regardless of the system used to organise training, however, there have been long-standing problems in New Zealand with achieving the optimum number of skilled workers, possessing the correct 'mix' of skills required. In this research, based upon semi-structured interviews with industry training stakeholders four industry case studies, policy content analysis and an in-depth examination of the Modem Apprenticeships scheme, I ask three key questions. First, what are the things that, as a country, we could or should reasonably expect a 'good' industry training system to contribute to? These may be things like: an adequate supply of appropriately skilled workers, the ability to upskill or reskill these workers as needed, clear transition routes for young people, lifelong learning opportunities, equity goals and foundation skills. Second, I ask how the current system performs against these criteria. The short answer is that the performance is 'patchy'. There are dire skill shortages in many areas. While opportunities for workplace upskilling, reskilling or 'lifelong learning' are available, I argue that they are not yet cemented into a 'training culture'. Workplace-based learning is an important transition route for a small percentage of our young people but the favoured route is some form of tertiary education, which may be an expensive and not necessarily relevant option. Third, I ask why the performance of New Zealand's industry training system is often less than desirable. My argument is that the problems and solutions thereof, of skill formation in New Zealand have been understood largely in terms of the supply-side. That is, we have either critiqued, or looked to reform, whatever system has been in place to train skilled workers. The inadequacy of this approach is evident from weaknesses in the ability of either the prescriptive apprenticeship system or the voluntaristic industry training strategy to deliver an appropriately skilled workforce. Thus, I also examine the demand side of skill formation: the wider influences that impact on employers' training decisions. Training decisions made by individual employers, the aggregation of which represent the level and quality of training for New Zealand as a whole, are influenced by a plethora of factors. At the micro level of the employer or firm, I explore barriers to training and some of the constraints to the demand for skills. I then examine broader influences, such as the changing shape of the workforce, labour market regulation and wider economic factors, all of which impact on training levels.
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Lyons, Katherine. "0027: the EU : an international agent in Palestine? : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1156.
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This thesis examines the ability of the European Union (EU) to impact on the Palestinian people and their institutions. Before using the formal concept of actorness to examine the extent of this impact, it presents a model of actorness that synthesises aspects of Bretherton and Vogler’s and Sjösjedt’s models. It uses the components of this model as a series of lenses through which to focus on and examine various facets of the EU’s influence. The analysis deals with diplomacy, aid, and the effects of the unexpected Hamas victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections. The thesis finds that the EU’s early lack of diplomatic direction improved for a period but was limited by its consistent inability to have an effect if it ignored the US. In the field of aid, the EU has been a more successful actor. However, the EU’s best efforts in these spheres have been undone by two EU blunders. First, it classified Hamas as a terrorist organisation and subsequently felt unable to provide aid to a Hamas-run government. Second it joined the Quartet in the hope of increasing its own diplomatic clout, but found that it had given the US the opportunity to erode its ability to act as an independent financial agent.
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Emil, Schröder. "Abortion policy reform in New Zealand : Examining the significance of issue networks during the reform process leading up to the Abortion Legislation Act 2020." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412119.
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Berlianto, Aprinto. "Tax competition and harmonization in Southeast Asia : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Albany, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/966.
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Policy makers in the Southeast Asian region are faced with many challenges in national policy taxation from globalization, in particular the increasing cross-border mobility of capital. One of the challenges is the competition to attract a mobile capital base which leads to a trend towards declining statutory corporate taxation rates and a pressure to harmonize taxation policy. This study explores taxation literature and uses empirical evidence from the period of 1996-2006 to examine tax competition and tax harmonization in the region. The study seeks evidence for the existence of tax competition by analyzing recent trends in two groups of measures of taxation: tax rates and tax revenues. This begins with looking at the trends of statutory corporate tax rate. Evidence is found for a decline in statutory corporate tax rates, developments commensurate with the existence of tax competition. On the contrary, the tax revenue data presented here, show that the expected decline in total tax revenues has not occurred; indeed, a significant increase has been recorded. It is also supported by empirical evidence of the ratio of corporate tax revenue either relative to GDP or to total tax revenue. The strengthening of these revenues has meant that the expected shift in the tax burden away from mobile to immobile factors has also failed to materialize. The two groups of measures of taxation thus provide apparently inconsistent views of the impact of tax competition. There follows an analysis of the elements of tax competition according to literature, in an attempt to draw out its implications for the experience within the Southeast Asian region. This study also examines the case for tax harmonisation and the Southeast Asian experience and it is concluded that the progress of tax harmonisation between countries has tended to be difficult to achieve because of the differences among the countries in terms of the tax structures and level of economies.
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Puckey, Adrienne 1946. "The substance of the shadow: Māori and Pākehā political economic relationships, 1860-1940: a far northern case study." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/3387.
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Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy.Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.
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Rocha, Alberto Frederico Moraes da. "Case study of a Brazilian community association : a thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand." Massey University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/974.
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This is a Case Study Research done inside a poor community in Brazil. The main goal of the research is to facilitate this community to understand their problems and to overcome it. Therefore the researcher and the researched developed the following question ‘why NovaMosanta is not achieving its goals? The researcher wanted to work as a facilitator throughout the whole process of dialogue that aims to empower the community. Departing from that question and based on Freire’s ideas of education the research aims to build new knowledge from the interaction of academic and community knowledge. To implement this case study field research the researcher decided to use Participant observation and questionnaires. Surprisingly during the research the NGO called NovaMosanta faced the challenge of remodeling a public school without government help; otherwise the school would be closed. This NGO succeeded with the help of the New Zealand Government that gave NZ$15,000 to build two new classrooms in the school. Community members helped working in the remodeling and local commerce gave discounts to enable the remodeling. As a result the school will not be closed and the students will continue to study there. It also helped to increase community support and participation. Although not designed as a Participant Action Research, this thesis evolved to produce action and to change the community reality. It was an empowering process to the researcher and the researched. The community support increased and it also served s a catalytic event in the process of transformation and inclusion. Finally it clarifies the importance of producing fast results to maintain community support. You can check the research results in the links below that contain two local network reports about it. (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hz_FItXp3nM) & (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=py5emCNXRlo)
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Warren, Krystal Te Rina Fain. "Runanga: Manuka kawe ake: a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Development Studies at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/955.
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This thesis examines the location and role of the runanga institution. As a prominent contemporary organization for Maori development, relevant theory locates runanga with regard to a broader developmental framework and their potential to function within it. The position of runanga, as a facilitator of Maori development, is assessed with reference to Dependency theory, World Systems theory and Modes of Production. These theories highlight the systematic historic dis-empowerment of Maori through the processes of colonisation with particular regard to runanga. The thesis also considers the evolution of the runanga since its migration from Hawaiki, its utilisation as a forum of colonial resistance, its co-option into the governmental system and its contemporary resurgence. This provides a historical overview of the runanga as an institution. In addition, Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whitikaupeka has been used as the case study which considers the issues of becoming a runanga and includes what the structure of the runanga might look like for Ngati Whitikaupeka as an iwi. The theories of Community Development and Empowerment are offered as means to counter the further dis-empowerment of Maori, where institutions such as runanga can utilise these notions to facilitate positive outcomes for iwi and Maori development. Field research contained in this thesis identifies some of the specific concerns and aspirations of Ngati Whitikaupeka iwi members. In utilising the notions of empowerment and community development the field research provides an explicit statement of Iwi aspirations to maintain the connection between Ngati Whitlkaupeka Iwi members at the flax-roots and Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whitikaupeka as a representative body that can facilitate those aspirations. Supplementary to this the iwi aspirations that have been identified in this study are intended to provide some direction for the runanga as the representative decision-making body moving into the future.
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Saha, Shrabani. "Causes of corruption : an empirical investigation in a cross-country framework : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosphy in Economics, Massey University, Turitea campus, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1327.
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In recent years corruption has come to be considered as a pervasive phenomenon, and a major obstacle in the process of economic development. However, there exist few studies that discuss the factors that cause corruption and why some countries are more corrupt than others. This research contributes to that rather scanty literature and focuses on the causes of corruption. More importantly, the study empirically investigates various causes of corruption, in particular the role of economic development, democracy and economic freedom in explaining the observed variations in corruption across countries, and the nexus between democracy and economic freedom in combating corruption. The study first tests the reliability of the recent quantitative innovations in the study of corruption in terms of the Corruption Perception Index, constructed by Transparency International. Using theoretical and empirical analysis, various hypotheses regarding corruption and its determinants are examined using panel data for 100 countries during the period 1995 to 2004. The empirical findings show that the subjective indexing process of corruption perception eventually converges to a common consensus. In evaluating the relationship between economic development and corruption, the results suggest that income per capita, education, unemployment, income inequality, economic freedom and democracy are among the factors which determine and help explain the cross-country differences in corruption. Furthermore, the assessment of the relationship between democracy and corruption shows that an ‘electoral democracy’, represented by ‘political rights’, is not in itself sufficient to reduce corruption. Instead, for low levels of corruption to exist, the presence of an advanced fully-formed mature democracy is required. A characteristic of a mature democracy is the existence of an environment where the probability of being caught, if acting corruptly, is very high. In addition, the examination of the interaction between economic freedom and democracy suggests that economic freedom reduces corruption in any political environment, and the effect is substantially larger with a high level of democracy. The interesting and important findings of the analysis indicate that there exists a non-linear relationship between corruption and the level of income as well as democracy. The findings suggest that developed countries have succeeded in controlling corruption through higher levels of economic development along with the economic and political freedoms that their peoples enjoy.
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Qunby, Rohan G. H. "Time, space, city and resistance : situating Negri's multitude in the contemporary metropolis : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in Public Policy at Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/923.
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Cities are not merely inanimate objects. They are complex living environments, built over time by cultures and civilisations. This thesis argues that cities have a central place in human history and civilisation because they are imbued with meaning and meaningful activity. Thus, cities are inherently political spaces, and it may be reasonably expected that they will be important sites of social transformation in the postmodern era. In order to understand the relationship between urban space and political consciousness, this thesis traces several different interpretive paths within the marxist tradition. First, we examine the work of Henri Lefebvre, who argues for an understanding of urban space as socially produced. Next, the thesis looks at the contributions of Guy Debord, particularly at his understanding of the relation between time and the city. Both writers struggle to understand the urban in the context of the shift to what we now call postmodernity. Despite their many strengths, Debord and Lefebvre ultimately fail to theorise a social subject capable of resisting capitalist domination of the city. As a result, the thesis turns to a consideration of the work of Antonio Negri. Negri’s analysis of the fate of contemporary subjectivity has reinvigorated marxist critique with a return to the question of political change. His figure of the multitude takes leave of traditional marxism in challenging and productive ways, and helps us better understand the nature of subjectivity and resistance in a world of immaterial labour and virtuality. Nevertheless, this thesis argues that there is still work to be done before Negri’s work can be mapped out onto the contemporary metropolis.