Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'New Zealand government policy'

Government involvement in New Zealand sport spans over 70 years from provisions of the Physical Welfare Act in 1937 to current provisions of the Sport and Recreation Act 2002. Thousands of volunteers in non-profit organisations continue to underpin New Zealand's sport system. It is axiomatic that sport defines part of what it means to be a New Zealander. Governments frequently use the rhetoric of community cohesion, national pride, life skills and public health benefits to justify its involvement. This thesis examines the impact of government intervention on the sport sector, its funding paradigms and the extent of sector engagement in a policy for sport. Through an examination of available government and sport sector records, and the author's own experience as a participant in events, the thesis recounts a sequence of five milestones for the New Zealand sport system and views them through a public management system lens. The passing of the Physical Welfare and Recreation Act in 1937, the establishment of a Ministry and Council for Recreation and Sport in 1973, the ministerial Sports Development Inquiry in 1984, the Prime Minister's Review of High Performance Sport in 1995 and the Sport, Fitness and Leisure Ministerial Taskforce. Government funding of sport now stands at around $100 million annually from small beginnings of $3,295 in 1945/1946, despite the absence of a comprehensive national policy for sport. By examining the chronology through a wider state sector lens, the thesis opens a window to the practical effect of public policy processes on matters of importance to the New Zealand sport sector and its voluntary sector foundations. This thesis also provides a rationale for revitalising the engagement between government and the New Zealand sport sector to meet the expectations of a modern state sector to meaningfully engage citizens and the non-government sector in the formation of policy and planning its implementation.

Hepatitis B emerged as a significant public health problem in New Zealand in the early 1980s. Initially seen as an infectious threat to transfusion recipients and an occupational hazard for health care workers, epidemiological studies revealed the unexpectedly high prevalence of the disease, particularly among Maori children, who were found to be at higher risk of developing chronic hepatitis B and its longterm complications. Despite these findings, however, factors other than scientific research influenced policy makers. The Health Department was reluctant to acknowledge that New Zealand, unlike other Western countries, had a high prevalence of a ‘third world’ disease. An effective vaccine was available from late 1982, but in an era of increasing fiscal constraints, the Health Department cited its high cost as a barrier to state-funded immunisation. From the mid-1980s community-based health activists and prominent Maori, rather than public health officials, drove the hepatitis B policy agenda. Individual policy players proved more influential than central policy advisors; nevertheless, in the absence of a comprehensive control strategy, attempts at hepatitis B prevention faltered. Despite the introduction of universal childhood hepatitis B immunisation in 1990, vaccine uptake was persistently poor, particularly among ‘high risk’ children. Equally, a three-year screening programme to identify and follow up hepatitis B carriers, introduced in 1999 in spite of strong opposition from official advisors, reached less than half of its targeted population. Adopting a chronological approach and drawing on archival sources and oral history interviews, this thesis examines the factors that shaped the formation of hepatitis B policy in New Zealand from 1970, when the first test for hepatitis B provided the means of protecting the blood supply, to 2005 when policy makers finally took a firm stand on the management of hepatitis B infected health care workers. It considers the debates around the introduction of hepatitis B immunisation and screening policies and locates the individuals and issues that influenced those debates within an international context.

This thesis concerns an investigation of the tripartite arrangements between the government, the nursing and the medical sectors in New Zealand over the period 1984 to 2001 with a particular focus on primary health care. The start point is the commencement of the health reforms instituted by the Fourth New Zealand Labour Government of 1984. The thesis falls within a framework of critical inquiry, specifically, the methodology of depth hermeneutics (Thompson, 1990), a development of critical theory. The effects of political and economic policies and the methodologies of neo-liberal market reform are examined together with the concept of collaboration as an ideological symbolic form, typical of enterprise culture. The limitations of economic models such as public choice theory, agency theory and managerialism are examined from the point of view of government strategies and their effects on the relationships between the nursing and medical professions. The influence of American health care policies and their partial introduction into primary health care in New Zealand is traversed in some detail, together with the experiences of health reform in several other countries. Post election 1999, the thesis considers the effect of change of political direction consequent upon the election of a Labour Coalition government and concludes that the removal of the neo-liberal ethic by Labour may terminate entrepreneurial opportunities in the nursing profession. The thesis considers the effects of a change to Third Way political direction on national health care policy and on the medical and nursing professions. The data is derived from various texts and transcripts of interviews with 12 health professionals and health commentators. The histories and current relationships between the nursing and medical professions are examined in relation to their claims to be scientific discourses and it is argued that the issue of lack of recognition as a scientific discourse is at the root of nursing�s perceived inferiority to medicine. This is further expanded in a discussion at the end of the thesis where the structure of the two professions is compared and critiqued. A conclusion is drawn that a potential for action exists to remedy the deficient structure of nursing. The thesis argues that this is the major issue which maintains nursing in the primary sector in a perceived position of inferiority to medicine. The thesis also concludes that the role of government in this triangular relationship is one of manipulation to bring about necessary fundamental change in the delivery of health services at the lowest possible cost without materially strengthening the autonomy of the nursing or the medical professions.

Integrated water management is a wicked public policy problem with no clear path to resolution. This dissertation is an in-depth qualitative comparative analysis of two collaborative governance processes created to tackle complex water problems in New Zealand and Oregon, U.S.A. Both cases convened a wide range of state and non-state actors in efforts to find common ground, build consensus for change, and develop innovative water policy solutions. The goal of this comparative case study analysis is to gain a better understanding of collaborative network governance frameworks as applied to integrated water management and primary factors for success. The proposition posits that collaborative networks involving public, private, and non-profit actors are better equipped than government-driven efforts to develop desired outcomes. To test this proposition, the research questions probe the role of state and non-state policy actors, conditions for collaboration, strength of actor ties, development of trust and social capital, barriers to success, and the role of climate change as a policy driver in these two case studies. The comparative case study analysis yields fascinating insights that adds to the network governance literature. In the New Zealand case, a collaborative-led process called the Land and Water Forum (LAWF) showed that this ongoing network offers benefits to creating consensus on complex water issues. LAWF succeeded in moving policy conversations forward where previous government-led efforts had failed. Within the LAWF collaborative network, non-state actors formed strong ties; however, relationships with state actors exhibited weaker ties. With Oregon's integrated water policy, a collaborative network approach created a more conducive environment for meaningful dialogue among vested interests, and built some levels of interdependency and trust, thus generating a wider array of policy options than through previous legislative and bureaucratic efforts. However, long-standing political, legal, and institutional challenges continue to constrain effective integrated water management and the delivery of integrated outcomes in Oregon. The Oregon case did not exhibit strong leadership within the collaborative to broker challenging policy issues. Also, it faced implementation challenges as one state agency was given responsibility for stewarding integrated water management but lacked authority for implementation or coordination with other state agencies. Overcoming fragmented natural resource governance arrangements remains a daunting challenge. This research revealed three key findings: (1) in both cases, collaborative network governance worked well for framing and designing new integrated water policies, but encountered implementation challenges; (2) managing the complexities around the intersection of top-down, vertical command and control governance with horizontal collaborative approaches remains an ongoing challenge to New Public Governance; and (3) the two cases represent examples of the use of formal and informal processes for policy development. The benefits of collaborative governance for policy development are substantial, and the limitations appear to be obstacles to overcome and not fatal flaws. The main challenge lies in transitioning from policy and planning to implementing changes on the ground affecting the way we manage water today and in the future.

Background: In September 2001, in addition to their existing management of primary care pharmaceutical expenditure, PHARMAC, the New Zealand government�s Pharmaceutical Management Agency, was authorized to manage pharmaceutical expenditure in public hospitals.[1] In February 2002 PHARMAC launched a three-part Strategy, the National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy (NHPS), for this purpose.[2] The Strategy focused on Price Management (PM), the Assessment of New Medicines (ANM), and promoting Quality in the Use of Medicines (QUM). Major initiatives planned were: for PM, to negotiate new, national (as opposed to current, local) contracts for frequently used pharmaceuticals; for ANM, to provide economic assessments of new hospital medicines; and for QUM, to coordinate activities in hospitals. Aims: To assess the impact of each of the three parts of the National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy, and assess any impact of the Strategy�s new contracts on the availability of those medicines. Methods: Price Management was assessed in 2003, 2004 and 2005 using data from eleven selected hospitals to estimate savings for all 29 major hospitals, and by tracking hospital pharmaceutical expenditure from 2000 to 2006. For other aspects, cross-sectional surveys were administered to chief pharmacists at all hospitals employing a pharmacist; 30 hospitals in 2002, 29 in 2004. Surveys were undertaken in 2002 and 2004 to examine ANM and QUM activity in hospitals before and after the Strategy. Surveys were undertaken in 2004 and 2005 to examine any changes in the availability of medicines on new contracts, in hospitals. In 2005 a survey was undertaken of opinions on PHARMAC�s specially-developed pharmacoeconomic (PE) assessments. Results: PM results indicated that, by 2006, savings of $7.84-13.45m per annum (6-8%) had been made on hospital pharmaceutical expenditure, and growth in inpatient pharmaceutical expenditure appeared to slow for all types of hospitals in 2003/4. ANM surveys indicated that, by 2004, hospital new medicine assessment processes, predominantly formal, became more complex, more focused on cost-effectiveness, and the use of pharmacoeconomic information increased. The PE survey indicated that PHARMAC�s economic assessments of new medicines were mainly viewed favourably but were not sufficiently timely to be widely used in hospital formulary decisions. Availability surveys indicated that new contracts occasionally caused availability problems e.g. products that were "out of stock", or products considered inferior by respondents. Problems were usually resolved within weeks, but some took over a year. QUM activities showed little change between surveys, but during the period an independent organisation was formed by the District Health Boards of New Zealand, with representation from PHARMAC, to coordinate the Safe and Quality Use of Medicines in New Zealand. Conclusion: The National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy has been moderately successful in New Zealand. Savings of NZ$7.84-13.45m per annum were made, and growth in inpatient pharmaceutical expenditure appeared to slow in the year following the Strategy�s launch. The study has indicated some important short-term effects from the Strategy, but further research is needed to ensure that favourable effects are sustained and unfavourable effects kept to a minimum. Similar, centralized, multifaceted, approaches to managing pharmaceutical expenditure may be worth considering in other countries. 1. New Zealand Parliament. New Zealand Public Health and Disability Act. In: The Statutes of New Zealand 2000. No 91.Wellington: New Zealand Parliament; 2000 2. Pharmaceutical Management Agency. National Hospital Pharmaceutical Strategy Final Version. Wellington: PHARMAC; 2002

The purpose of this thesis was to research the systems issues surrounding identity fraud in New Zealand. There is only limited published research on the topic, either at an academic or industry level. The New Zealand Government has been conducting work in identity fraud in recent times but New Zealand appears to be lagging behind other similar westernised countries in terms of developing specific identity fraud policy or legislative provisions. The research showed that New Zealand does have serious problems in its systems, which in some cases facilitate identity fraud. There is a lack of synchronicity between New Zealand Government systems which undermines a whole of government approach to minimising the risk of identity fraud. Issues in the private sector with identity fraud are just as serious, with financial advantage being one of the main reasons that identity fraud is committed. However, the lack of information sharing between the public and private sectors does not help stem the flow of identity fraud that is currently occurring. Finding policy solutions to combat identity fraud is far from being simplistic. Public policy in this area is fraught with social, political and financial implications. Identity fraud is committed with speed while public policy faces a slow battle with red tape. Nonetheless, the New Zealand Government does not even appear to categorically know what is happening on its own door step with respect to identity fraud. There are no statistics on identity fraud and no concrete figures as to the cost of identity fraud to New Zealand. To compound problems, identity fraud is not even an official offence classification so even when it is occurring, it is not always being recorded. The damage resulting from identity fraud can be catastrophic. Identity fraud is a breeder crime for other offences. It can enable an act of terrorism to occur, women and children to be trafficked, and organisations and individuals to suffer serious financial loss. In New Zealand however, the benefits of identity fraud can be great while the deterrents are weak. New Zealand faces potential harm to its international reputation if its systems are not strengthened to fight identity fraud. In order for this to occur, New Zealand needs to develop a specific identity fraud policy so that it has the basic knowledge in place to allocate the necessary resources to this problem.

In New Zealand, the development of wind energy is occurring predominantly at a large scale level with very little opportunity for local people to become involved, either financially or conceptually. These conditions are creating situations of conflict between communities and wind energy developers – and are limiting the potential of the New Zealand wind energy industry. The inception of community ownership in small scale wind farms, developed in Europe in the late 20th Century, has helped to make a vital connection between wind energy and end users. Arguably, community wind farms are able to alleviate public concerns of wind energy’s impact on landscapes, amongst a wide range of other advantages. In Austria, community wind farms have offered significant development opportunities to local people, ushered in distributed generation, and all the while increasing the amount of renewable energy in the electricity mix. This thesis investigates whether community small scale wind (SSW) farms, such as those developed in Austria, are a viable and feasible option for the New Zealand context. The approach of this thesis examines the history of the Austrian wind industry and explores several community wind farm developments. In addition, interviews with stakeholders from Austria and New Zealand were conducted to develop an understanding of impressions and processes in developing community wind energy (CWE) in the New Zealand context. From this research an assessment of the transfer of the Austrian framework to the New Zealand situation is offered, with analysis of the differences between the wind energy industries in the two countries. Furthermore, future strategies are suggested for CWE development in New Zealand with recommendations for an integrated governmental approach. This research determines that the feasibility for the transfer of the Austrian framework development of ‘grassroots’ community wind farms in the next 10 years is relatively unlikely without greater support assistance from the New Zealand Government. This is principally due to the restricted economic viability of community wind farms and also significant regulatory and policy limitations. In the mid to long term, the New Zealand government should take an integrated approach to assist the development of community wind farms which includes: a collaborative government planning approach on the issue; detailed assessment of the introduction of feed-in tariff mechanisms and controlled activity status (RMA) for community wind farms; and development of limited liability company law for community energy companies. In the short term, however, the most feasible option available for the formation of community wind farms lies in quasi community developments with corporate partnerships.

This thesis is a historical case study tracing the establishment and evolution of Regional Tourism Organisations (RTOs) in New Zealand. It describes their role, structure and functions and the political processes that have influenced how they have operated and changed from 1980 to 2005. RTOs are examined in the context of government policies, local and national politics and tourism private and public sector relationships. RTOs were central to many of the key recommendations of the New Zealand Tourism Strategy 2010 (NZTS 2010) released in 2001. The NZTS 2010 attempted to address a range of tourism policy gaps created by a policy vacuum in the 1990s whereby the public and private tourism sectors focused mainly on international marketing. This strategy shaped government policy during this decade. The research findings show that although public and private sector institutional arrangements impacting on RTOs have changed, there remains, as in the past, no uniformity in their role, structure, functions and their future financial and political viability remains insecure. The NZTS 2010 raised destination management and its alignment with destination marketing as a major policy issue that needed to be addressed in the decade leading up to 2010 with RTOs having a pivotal role. A generic regional destination management model is presented. Structures and processes incorporated into this model include: a national destination management tourism policy; support for tourism by local government at the national level; a well defined destination management team; community collaboration; and tourism being integrated into the wider planning processes of local government. The model identified requisite building blocks to support regional destination management such as: the provision of staff and financial resources for regional tourism; the building of a high tourism profile in the community; the availability of statistics and research data at the regional level; local government planners acknowledging the impacts of tourism; and the existence of a legal mandate for tourism at the regional and/or local government level. When applying this model to the New Zealand context, it was found that a number of the structures and processes required for effective regional destination management were lacking, such as regional statistics and research data, staffing and financial resources for both RTOs and local government, the ability of council planners to understand and integrate tourism into the wider planning processes and a legislative mandate for tourism. The thesis concluded that a vacuum remains in the alignment of destination marketing and management. The historical and political processes of RTO change were also examined in the context of chaos and complexity theory. Chaos and complexity theory provided a complementary and different means to view change. This thesis also presented the opportunity to reflect upon the research process which led to the adoption of a multi-paradigmatic and bricoleur research methodology. Further reflexivity and reflection towards the end of the research process articulated ontological and epistemological philosophical investigations that underlay the multi-paradigmatic approach. A model is presented emphasising that a multi-paradigmatic research approach rests on ultimate reality (metaphysics) which informs the ontology. The model then highlights that ontology precedes and directs epistemology and that both inform the multi-paradigmatic research framework.

The focus of this thesis is the current policy situation in relation to assisted reproductive technologies (ART) in Aotearoa/New Zealand. I explore how government policies (and lack of policy) have shaped access to ART. I also explore the policy initiatives of funding agencies, the National Ethics Committee on Assisted Human Reproduction (NECAHR), managers, healthcare professionals, and interest groups. My investigation into ART policy issues critically examines the various formal mechanisms and policies used to regulate and control ART in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Drawing on my analysis of policy-focused documents and material from in-depth interviews with key actors in the policy debate, I demonstrate how the ad hoc and contingent approach to ART developments, practices, funding, and access has contributed to inconsistent and inequitable access to ART services. I argue that the lack of an ART-specific policy organisation contributes to fragmented, and possibly discriminatory, policy decisions. I examine how the use of restrictive access criteria to manage the increasing demand for publicly funded ART services disadvantages certain groups wishing to use these services. By investigating the influence of rationing strategies on the allocation of resources and regulation of access, I provide some appreciation of the 'messy reality' of policy creation, interpretation, and implementation. I argue that the criteria used to limit access to public ART services obscure the use of social judgements and provider discretion. Likewise, they succeed in limiting publicly funded ART treatments to those who conform most effectively to the normative definition of family. My analysis of the ART policy discourse identifies silences and gaps in relation to specific ART practices, particularly the use of ART by Maori. I highlight the invisibility and marginalisation of Maori within the ART policy debate. After examining the broader issues concerning Maori access to health services, I explore how these may affect Maori using ART services to overcome infertility. I argue that the gathering of information about the utilisation of ART services is crucial for the accurate identification of the needs of Maori. It is also fundamental for effective monitoring of state health policy decisions and outcomes.

The New Zealand Government�s repatriation measures to assist Great War veterans have largely been considered a failure. This thesis examines repatriation through the experiences of Dunedin and Ashburton veterans, demonstrating that within the context of the 1920s pre-welfare state these provisions proved to be both generous and far more successful than is often suggested. The Government�s repatriation response to returning veterans reflected contemporary attitudes towards dependency and need. Belief in self-reliance underpinned repatriation policy, with a stated aim of restoring veterans to the civil position they held prior to enlistment rather than providing assistance to move up the occupational ladder. Fear of the morally corrosive effect of dependency, as well as economic concerns, meant the repatriation provisions were principally concerned with ensuring veterans regained financial independence through employment. To that end war pensions compensated for lost earning power, rather than providing a full living income, and repatriation provisions largely consisted of assistance in finding jobs or obtaining farms and businesses. The Government�s repatriation provisions also reflected contemporary medical knowledge. The repatriation legislation restricted war pensions and free medical care to veterans with disabilities directly attributable to military service. However the link between military service and disability remained unclear in many cases. Slightly more than half of those discharged unfit suffered from sickness rather than wounds, many from conditions common among the civilian population. Contemporary aetiological knowledge often did not support the war pension applications lodged by returned soldiers disabled as a result of non-contagious disease, and an absence of clinical evidence undermined claims of latent illness. In addition the medical profession�s failure to adopt psychological theory and practice meant that by the early 1920s shell shock sufferers were treated according to psychiatric medicine�s understanding of mental illness. Within the context of 1920s New Zealand the repatriation provisions were generous: the Repatriation Department�s work had no precedent; the war disabled were one of the few groups to receive state pensions and received more than other state pensioners; and the provisions of the soldier settlement scheme were available to all veterans, regardless of health, capital or farming experience. Despite the limited aims of the Government�s repatriation provisions many veterans did successfully re-establish themselves in civilian society. By the 1930s Ashburton soldier settlements had proved more successful than others in Canterbury, and compared well with other crown settlements in Ashburton County. More generally war service produced no dramatic change in the occupational structure of veterans: veterans generally retained their occupational status during the post-war decade, volunteers faring slightly better than conscripts but neither as well as their civilian counterparts. Although some veterans certainly did experience need and indigence after the war the majority of urban and rural men in the sample groups were financially stable, particularly after the boom and bust of the immediate post-war years. The men in the Dunedin and Ashburton sample groups represent the most successful of the returned soldier population nevertheless they show that a significant proportion of Great War veterans were successfully repatriated by the end of the post-war decade.

This is a Case Study Research done inside a poor community in Brazil. The main goal of the research is to facilitate this community to understand their problems and to overcome it. Therefore the researcher and the researched developed the following question ‘why NovaMosanta is not achieving its goals? The researcher wanted to work as a facilitator throughout the whole process of dialogue that aims to empower the community. Departing from that question and based on Freire’s ideas of education the research aims to build new knowledge from the interaction of academic and community knowledge. To implement this case study field research the researcher decided to use Participant observation and questionnaires. Surprisingly during the research the NGO called NovaMosanta faced the challenge of remodeling a public school without government help; otherwise the school would be closed. This NGO succeeded with the help of the New Zealand Government that gave NZ$15,000 to build two new classrooms in the school. Community members helped working in the remodeling and local commerce gave discounts to enable the remodeling. As a result the school will not be closed and the students will continue to study there. It also helped to increase community support and participation. Although not designed as a Participant Action Research, this thesis evolved to produce action and to change the community reality. It was an empowering process to the researcher and the researched. The community support increased and it also served s a catalytic event in the process of transformation and inclusion. Finally it clarifies the importance of producing fast results to maintain community support. You can check the research results in the links below that contain two local network reports about it. (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hz_FItXp3nM) & (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=py5emCNXRlo)

The New Zealand Government is striving to improve the way it measures progress and plans for change in an integrated ‘whole of government’ manner. The Local Government Act 2002 serves to strengthen participatory democracy and community governance. Under the Act, local authorities are charged with monitoring, and, not less than once every three years, reporting on the progress made by the community in achieving its outcomes for the district or region. These outcomes belong to the community and encompass what the community considers important to progress towards. Indicators that measure economic, social, environmental, cultural and democratic progress at local level are a primary tool that local authorities use to measure the progress towards their desired outcomes. To successfully track progress, it is important that indicators are technically sound and reflect the values of the entire community. The monitoring of indicators is expected to be ongoing and participatory. The New Zealand Government has leant heavily towards a decentralised locally driven approach to community indicators. The purpose of this study was to explore the manner in which different local authorities have undertaken community indicator: development, monitoring and reporting. This was undertaken through a two pronged approach: 1). A scoping exercise assessing the contents of eighteen local authority LTCCPs, 2). In-depth case studies of community indicator programmes of five of the eighteen local authorities. It was found that the approaches used to develop, monitor and report community indicators ranged abruptly across local authorities. Some councils appear to have relatively robust and meaningful indicator processes in place, which are both technically sound and have gained representative community input. In contrast, other councils hold a compliance mentality towards community indicators and have done the bare minimum when designing their indicator frameworks. These frameworks have tended to be council dominated with few opportunities for community involvement. In addition to this, local authorities poorly communicated indicators through their LTCCPs. The inadequate information detailing indicators processes is unlikely to both educate and promote community buy-in. Councils must place greater emphasis on the engagement of the entire community including other governmental departments, to ensure that indicators are relevant and meaningful for all. Consistency across local authority indicator frameworks will also help to ensure that all local authorities are working in an integrated manner towards the common goal of improving community well-being. Initiatives such as the Linked indicators Project and the Quality of Life Project are possible methods of ensuring consistent indicator frameworks. Finally, councils must provide greater information about community indicators within their LTCCPs.

This thesis examines how cultural heritage policies are developed in New Zealand. Cultural heritage symbolises the development of a society, illustrating past events and changing customs and values. Because of its significance, the government has accepted responsibility for protecting cultural heritage, and has developed a number of institutions and a variety of policies to address this responsibility. It is important to understand how the goverment uses these mechanisms to protect cultural heritage, and the subsequent relationships that have developed between actors in the cultural heritage area. These will have an impact on the effectiveness of the policy which is developed. Cultural heritage is treasured by society for a number of reasons, but as social attitudes change, so does the treatment of cultural heritage. It is re-defined, re-interpreted and used to promote a sense of pride in the commmunity. This manipulation extends to policy making. Since the 1980s, the government has influenced, and been influenced by, two major social changes. There has been an introduction of free market principles such as rationalisation, competition and fiscal responsibility into the New Zealand economy and political structure. These principles have been applied to cultural heritage and consequently cultural heritage is treated as a commodity. As the result of changing attitudes towards the treatment of the Maori and Maori resources, there has been a movement towards implementing biculturalism. This has meant a re-evaluation of how Maori taonga is treated, particularly of the ways Maori cultural heritage has been used to promote a sense of New Zealandness. There are several major actors involved in cultural heritage policy making - government, policy units, cultural heritage organisations and local authorities. Central government is the dominant force in the political process, with control over the distribution of resources and the responsibilities assigned to other actors. Because the use of market principles and movement towards biculturalism have been embraced at the central government level, other actors in the policy making process are also expected to adopt them. Policy units develop options to fit with the government�s general economic and political agenda. The structures adopted for the public service are designed to encompass market principles, particularly the efficient use of resources and competitiveness. While cultural heritage organisations may influence the government�s agenda through lobbying and information-sharing, they are limited by issues such as funding and statutory requirements. Government has shifted many responsibilities to the regions, but while territorial authorities are influenced by the concerns of their communities, they are also subject to directions from the government. The process and structures which have been outlined do not contribute to an effective policy making system. The use of market principles to direct cultural heritage protection tends to encourage uneven and inconsistent policies, both at national and local levels. The range of cultural heritage definitions used by government agencies also promotes inconsistency. Cultural heritage is encompassed in a large number of government departments and ministries, which makes the co-ordination funding by meeting required �outputs� and the government�s requirement of fiscal responsibility. This is not appropriate language for cultural heritage, which should not have to be rationalised as an economic good. Although the government has devolved a number of responsibilities and territorial authorities have a variety of mechanisms available to protect cultural heritage, there is no nation-wide criteria for territorial involvement. Because of regional differences there is an uneven treatment of cultural heritage. Those policies developed by territorial authorities will also be influenced by the government�s economic direction. Organisations supported by the Dunedin City Council, for example, must also provide budgets and strategic plans which fit with Council�s fiscal objectives.

Sweeping financial management reforms occurred in New Zealand during the late 1980s and early 1990s which radically changed the face of the New Zealand public sector. These reforms sought to significantly restructure and reorganise local government thereby improving their effectiveness and efficiency and improving their accountability to their stakeholders. The principal vehicle for the discharge of this accountability is the annual report, which must be prepared according to Generally Accepted Accounting Practice (GAAP) and commercial principles. Organisations in the private sector are beginning to recognise the value of accounting for intellectual capital (IC) (see for example Quinn, 1992; Brooking, 1996; Sveiby, 1997; Edvinsson Malone, 1997; Bontis, Dragonetti, Jacobsen Roos, 1999; Guthrie, Petty Johanson, 2001; Bounfour, 2003). Studies on the measurement, management and reporting of IC have been undertaken internationally in Asia (Abeysekera Guthrie, 2005; Goh Lim, 2004; Ordenez de Pablos, 2002), Australia (Guthrie Petty, 2000), Europe (Bozzolan, Favotto and Ricceri, 2003; Olsson, 2001; Ordenez de Pablos, 2004), United Kingdom (Collier, 2001; Williams, 2001) and Ireland (Brennan, 2001). Despite the significant research interest in the field of intellectual capital internationally, scant attention has been paid to intellectual capital reporting by commercial organisations in New Zealand. An extensive review of the IC literature yielded only two New Zealand based studies (Miller Whiting, 2005; Wong Gardner, 2005). Further, no studies to date have addressed intellectual capital reporting by local governments in either New Zealand or internationally. This study aims to fill this gap through the development of an intellectual capital disclosure model that could be applied to local authorities. The research describes and explains the development of a disclosure index used to measure the extent and quality of current intellectual capital disclosure by local authorities in New Zealand. The index was developed through a consultative process with a panel of local government stakeholders which was used to establish the weightings for each item. The final index comprised 26 items divided into three categories: internal capital, external capital and human capital. The 2004/2005 annual reports of 82 New Zealand local authorities were scored for extent and quality of disclosure against the index. The results indicate that intellectual capital reporting by local authorities is varied. Manukau City Council scored the achieved the highest overall score (76%) out of the 82 reports analysed while Whakatane District Council scored the lowest with 33%. The most reported items were joint ventures/business collaborations and management processes. The least reported items were intellectual property and licensing agreements. The most reported category of intellectual capital was internal capital, followed by external capital. The least reported category was human capital. The findings indicate a number of areas of reporting that could be improved in order to meet with stakeholder disclosure expectations. In the internal capital category, intellectual property disclosures could be improved. In the external capital category disclosure concerning ratepayer demographics and licensing agreements could be improved. In the human capital category, disclosure of most items could be improved, in particular, entrepreneurial innovativeness and vocational qualifications. The study provided an insight into the current level and quality of intellectual capital disclosure by the NZ local government sector. The results indicated that local authorities are disclosing some aspects of intellectual capital in their annual report, however there is no consistent reporting framework, and many areas of IC disclosures are not meeting stakeholder expectations. More research is needed in the area of intellectual capital reporting in the public sector. This study provides a preliminary framework which can be used by local authorities to enhance intellectual capital disclosures in their annual reports.

The evolution of the architecture of government buildings erected by the Crown's principal architectural office in New Zealand is surveyed from 1840, when New Zealand was annexed by Britain, to 1922, when its first Government Architect retired. The focus is on the emergence of a unified approach towards government architecture across the broad range of building-types erected by the office: colonial hospitals, courthouses, customs houses, departmental offices, gaols, government printing offices, lunatic asylums, native schools, police stations, post and telegraph offices, Government Houses and Parliament Buildings. Constitutional arrangements and political initiatives which shaped the evolution and work of the office are outlined throughout the survey and form the basis of chapter divisions. In chapters one and two, the mainly primitive, timber government buildings of the Crown Colony period of government (1840-52) are considered as the first efforts of British officials to assert an architectural presence in the colony, as well as the beginnings of a New Zealand tradition of timber governmental architecture. Buildings erected by the early Superintendents of Public Works, notably William Mason (1810-97) and Frederick Thatcher (1814-90), are discussed. Chapter three documents the Crown's residual involvement in design and construction of governmental buildings from 1853 to 1868 when Provincial Governments assumed responsibility for erection of their own accommodation. Both the unrealised projects and government buildings the Crown commissioned are discussed. The remaining chapters examine the General Government's efforts to link disparate settlements and to house the growing government bureaucracy after centralised control of design of government buildings was reasserted in 1869. Chapter four documents the creation of the Colonial Architect's office, headed by New Zealand's first and only Colonial Architect, William Henry Clayton (1823-77), and his work designing mainly timber government buildings. It is argued that together such buildings created a unified architectural expression of government which reflected and complemented the efforts of the Colonial Treasurer, (Sir) Julius Vogel (1835-99), to 'build a nation' by assisting immigration and linking remote settlements via construction of a comprehensive road and rail network. The long decline of the Colonial Architect's office (1878-88), following Clayton's death in 1877, is traced in chapter five. Two remaining chapters examine a renewed burst of building activity initiated by the Liberal Government (1891-1912) and directed by Premier Richard John Seddon (1845-1906) and others. The emergence of the state's architectural office, headed by John Campbell (1857-1942), as the largest architectural practice in the country is documented, as well as the creation of a new architectural image of government. The Queen Anne and Imperial Baroque government buildings erected by the office are discussed and it is argued that the increasing monumentality of buildings marked New Zealand's attainment of Dominion status in 1907. The survey concludes with the construction of a new Parliament House through which the architectural message of Crown sovereignty was conveyed more emphatically than ever before. Viewed as a whole the survey reveals that by 1922 the Government's architects had achieved what early colonial administrators envisioned as early as 1840 - the assertion through architecture of the authority of the British Crown in buildings erected in brick and stone which resembled those at 'Home', but that New Zealand government architecture had also developed a distinctive character of its own. The use of timber (in response to budgetary constraints, its ready availability and the threat of earthquakes), an additive and piecemeal approach typical of colonial New Zealand architecture as a whole and a commitment to following British architectural fashion emerge as the characteristics of New Zealand's colonial and early Dominion government buildings. Government architecture thus emerges as a powerful expression of New Zealand's loyalty to the Crown.

This research investigates the relationship between principalship and policy in small New Zealand primary schools. A distinctive feature of small primary schools is that their principals typically have to teach as well as manage. Overseas research indicates that in times of educational reform, teaching principals face particular difficulty and may need special support. Following the watershed educational reforms of 1989 and a decade of ‘hands-off’ policy in education (1989-1999), central policy towards school support in New Zealand is now more ‘hands-on’. The impact of this policy change on small schools has not been researched hi New Zealand, where such schools make up over fifty percent of all primary schools. The aims of this study are to analyse the impact of current support policy in New Zealand on small primary school principalship, and to evaluate the extent to which policy adjustment might be needed in the future. Using multiple methods and a case study approach to gather data, the study focuses on small school principalship in one New Zealand region - the Central Districts region. It also considers the recent policy initiatives, their rationale and the extent to which they appear to be meeting the support needs reported by the principals whose work has been researched in the study. Broadly, the study has found that within small schools, the role-balance within a teaching principal’s work is a critical factor, as the ratio within the principal’s role-balance between the teaching role and the management role creates variation in work-demands, work-strategies and types of support needed. Teaching principals in New Zealand generally feel better supported now than they did in the 1990s and the study identifies factors associated with this change. However the analysis in this study suggests that the current policy aim to both rationalise and strengthen the small school network as a whole is rather problematic. Without better targeted support policy in this area, old style parochial and competitive attitudes between schools are unlikely to change in the future.

The purpose of this thesis is to develop a policy towards anticompetitive price discrimination in New Zealand. Price discrimination occurs where the ratio of price to cost in two sales differs. Legislation against price discrimination may be enacted as part of our Competition Law, a set of laws designed to promote efficiency and competition in industry and commerce. The first section of this thesis examines the economics of price discrimination and its effects on efficiency, income distribution and competition. We conclude that the effects are ambiguous and depend upon the circumstances in which the discrimination is practiced. However we conclude that systematic price discrimination can be harmful to competition, whilst unsystematic price discrimination can promote competition and that there are a priori grounds for anti-price discrimination legislation. The second section examines specific approaches taken to price discrimination legislation. Particular emphasis is placed on the U.S. Robinson-Patman Act which is one of the most extensively litigated price discrimination laws in the world. A review of the implementation of this Act shows that it has failed to promote competition or increase efficiency. In fact, it has done more to inhibit these goals than promote them. We conclude that there are conceptual problems with antiprice discrimination legislation and this conclusion is reinforced by a study of the Australian price discrimination law. We therefore examine the conceptual framework in which price discrimination is controlled in other developed countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Eire, France, West Germany and the EEC. We conclude generally that price discrimination is a problem of monopoly and should be treated as such. The final part of this thesis reviews price discrimination law in New zealand and suggests a policy that would align the Commerce Act with our conclusion that legislation against price discrimination is undesirable.

The main focus of this thesis was to learn about the individual investor and their view of dividends. It set out to investigate whether private investors regard dividends as important (to themselves personally or as a signal of the company's performance) and also how dividends impact upon a company's value. The subject group is one which has been neglected by previous finance research as very little is known about their demographics and investing practices. Five major areas of dividend research were examined. These were: do investors believe that dividends affect the value of the share, how they prefer to obtain their income from shares, the reasons for dividend increases and decreases, whether dividend changes (increases and decreases) occur for different reasons and whether an age clientele effect exists. Most of these problems have been investigated previously by other researchers, but few have used individual investors to analyse these areas. A survey of 280 private investors tested these questions and concluded that private investors believe that dividends do affect the value of a share, dividends were perceived to be a safer form of income (but capital gains is preferred), that dividend increases and decreases occur because of different reasons (mostly related to profitability or liquidity) and that an age clientele does exist. Most significantly, this analysis revealed that investors behave in a way best described by Lintner's view of dividend policy, as they: prefer higher dividends to lower dividends, believe dividends are a safer form of income and believe that dividends affect the value of a share.

The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey's policies of racial amalgamation. Focusing on Grey's first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey's web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey's main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey's 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia. Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority. Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God's divine plan for improving humankind.

There is no generally accepted accounting practice for infrastructural assets with respect to either their definition or how to account for them. Renewal accounting is an alternative to the generally accepted basis of accounting for fixed assets-traditional depreciation. It assumes that infrastructural networks have indefinite useful lives. Expenditure on maintenance is expensed and no depreciation is charged, provided the network's service potential is maintained. This thesis examines recent developments in accounting for infrastructural assets in New Zealand local government. A survey, comprising 18 senior managers from within 12local authorities, was undertaken with the aim of ascertaining accounting practices and gaining their views on key issues identified from the literature. The survey found that local government managers perceive asset management planning to be very important. Consequently, there is a concerted effort toward collecting information on infrastructural assets and developing asset management plans (AMPs). Developments in these areas will improve both the reliability of information for internal management purposes and for general purpose financial reporting, whether under renewal accounting or traditional depreciation. It is concluded from the study that infrastructural assets should be defined as a conceptually distinct group which have the characteristics of networks with indefinite useful lives. The study also revealed that renewal accounting has widespread acceptance within New Zealand local government and is, arguably, the preferred alternative for infrastructural assets. This is because it contributes to better asset management; it makes maintenance and deferred maintenance on infrastructure transparent; and it supports the democratic process, where levels of service in AMPs are agreed in consultation with the public. Following the direction suggested by the interviewees' views canvassed in this thesis, the next stage requires the development of a financial reporting standard which addresses renewal accounting and the circumstances under which it should be applied.

Among commentators and Parliamentarians in both Britain and New Zealand, petitioning has been viewed as an ineffective means of influencing Government. Yet this opinion has never been verified with data on the outcome of petition campaigns. Such data was available to this study for petitions considered in New Zealand between 1969 and 1983. It was analysed and revealed that less than one in twelve petitions were actioned in any way. In addition it was found that none of the petition characteristics tested were significantly associated with the success of petitions. Similarly it was found that a petition's chances of success were not significantly affected by the way it was considered. Few variables changed appreciably over time. These findings are laid out in detail in chapters four and five, and are summarized at the start of the conclusion. The conclusion also contains a discussion of this study's limitations and a tentative exploration of two questions suggested by this study. Specifically, factors which may contribute to petition ineffectiveness, and to the continued popularity of petition organization despite their ineffectiveness, are suggested.

This dissertation investigates the nature, scope and characteristics of recent adult literacy policy in New Zealand, and explores the reasons and mechanisms by which such reform took place. In this analysis of adult literacy policy, the author considers the context in which adult literacy rose to ascendancy in New Zealand government policy during the first decade of the millennium. In addition, she examines the relationship between adult literacy policy and changes in political ideology and government leadership, assessing the impact of both neoliberalism and inclusive liberalism (Craig & Porter, 2006) and Third Way thought (Giddens, 1999) on policy. Analysis was undertaken of government documents published from 1999-2008, as well as policies released during the previous political era, 1984-1999, to situate later policy. Additionally, interviews were conducted with 20 adult literacy policy actors in the country, including government bureaucrats, literacy researchers, and other experts who worked in and for unions, interest groups, and community and workplace literacy organizations. In drawing from Bowe, Ball and Gold (1992) and Ball (1994), the findings focus on three contexts of policy: the context of text production; the context of influence; and, the context of interpreted practices and outcomes. To address these contexts, the author drew on an array of methodological and theoretical tools. The findings from this study provide four keen insights: First, adult literacy policy formed a legitimate part of economic and social policy; in other words, adult literacy policy was developed for both economic and social purposes and constituted actual policy response beyond rhetoric. Second, adult literacy policy, while developed between 1999-2008, was a continuation of previous government policies set in motion during New Zealand’s so-called neoliberal era (1984-1999). Third, policy was characterized by paradoxical discourses of “control” and “freedom.” And, fourth, government prioritized practices of economically related workplace literacy and of targeted social support. This dissertation contributes to both the understanding of inclusive liberal/Third Way government education policy as well as to the emergent field of policy studies on adult literacy in developed countries.

All policy involves the transmission of language and ideas and therefore power. Public sport and recreation policy, through which millions of tax dollars are allocated and which disseminates knowledge and understandings about sport and recreation, is one arena where power relations are constantly formed, reformed and challenged. To understand more about the exercise of power in New Zealand sport and recreation policy, this research examines the dissemination and challenge of policies written by Sparc (Sport and Recreation New Zealand), the organisation responsible for public sport and recreation policy in New Zealand. Three questions were used to understand the exercise of power in New Zealand public policy. These questions included: How is knowledge about sport and recreation produced and disseminated through public policy? How is �the truth� about sport and recreation proclaimed and constructed in public policy? How can individuals affected by sport and recreation policy challenge existing relations of power? Theoretically, this research draws on Foucauldian conceptions about power, knowledge, truth and the self. Foucault argued that individuals and groups exercise power discursively, by promoting and deploying certain dominant discourses (or understandings) to the exclusion of other (subjugated) knowledges. As such, the way in which individuals within a society understand knowledge, truth and the self is governed by dominant discourses, and is continually formed discursively over time. Discourses are deployed through a variety of means, including the writing, implementation and resistance of public policy. Methodologically, the thesis merges Foucault�s archaeological and genealogical approaches to studying discourses. Further, it is guided by a critical discourse analysis, which enables the researcher to question the assumptions behind policy discourses. Data is gathered from various sources, including policy documents, public debate over policy, media articulations of policy and interviews with individuals involved in the writing and resistance of public policy. This research highlights four distinct practices (or techniques) that illustrate how power is exercised in public sport and recreation policy. These techniques include an analysis of bio-power, techniques used to analyse, control, and define the body; governmentality, which dictates the range of possible actions of individuals and citizens; games of truth, through which �the truth� is part of a constant discursive debate; and parrhesia, a practice through which citizens can lessen the effect of dominant discourses on their lives. These practices are analysed through specific case studies within the discursive terrain of public sport and recreation policy. With each case study both theoretical considerations and practical suggestions for policy making are offered. Four findings are discussed. Firstly, public policy can discursively and problematically construct understandings of the world through policy goals and measurements. Secondly, the thesis suggests that while public sport and recreation policy is often defended by policy makers as scientific and rational, its writing and implementation is formed by a number of other understandings which cannot be reconciled with the espoused, positivist logic. Thirdly, the thesis suggests that because policy writing is an ongoing process, and because of changing social conditions, �the truth� about particular policies is also susceptible to change. Fourthly, despite protestors of public policy often believing their resistance is in vain, this study suggests that their efforts do appear to influence the subsequent writing of policy. The research concludes with reflections about the problematic discursive effects of public policy as well as a consideration of the potential for groups and individuals to challenge or resist understandings about sport and recreation which they do not agree with. In turn, it offers recommendations about the future development of sport public policy, as well as a reflection of this particular type of research approach used. Finally, using this research as a pivot point, sites for future research are considered. In particular, an examination of the effect of public policy on individuals� lived experiences (as distinct from communities or nations) might be of interest, as would an investigation of effects of global discourses about sport, recreation and physical activity on national public policy.

This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.

This study investigated the normalisation of gambling within the New Zealand context to explore whether an ausugenic environment exists, using qualitative interviews in combination with a self-ethnography. An ausugenic environment is one where gambling has become embedded in the cultural attitudes and behaviour of a society to the extent that it is no longer considered to be an abnormal or noteworthy activity. In order to investigate this two phases of qualitative interviews were conducted with the first being with members of the public who were also asked to record a diary of gambling related things they noticed over the course of a weekend. To better understand the results for diary participant responses, the researcher underwent the same diary keeping process during the same weekend while also revisiting locations described by the participants to validate their reports. The second phase involved interviews with counsellors from the Problem Gambling Foundation of New Zealand to explore their attitudes towards gambling and experiences that their clients who were most affected by gambling in New Zealand. The outcomes of this research were two conceptual models that propose how individuals normalise gambling behaviour personally as well as how society both creates and perpetuates an ausugenic environment. This study also discusses the concept of environmental normalisation as a development upon advertising wearout theory. It suggests that individuals may become blind to attitudes and stimuli within their environment after prolonged periods of exposure through many different sources. The idea that this may be not simply something that advertisers seek to avoid as is classically thought, but implemented as a deliberate strategy for organisations seeking to gain wide acceptance of their product or service is also proposed. The study ten seeks to make significant contributions towards the betterment of society through use of the findings to recommend policy alterations the New Zealand Government should implement and suggest alternative ways that the treatment of problem gambling is addressed in future.

In this thesis I portray through a history of music and art education in New Zealand the forms knowledge production took in these subject and the discourses within which they were embedded. This enables a more comprehensive understanding of curriculum and unearths connections with what Lyotard (1984) described as 'grand narrative' used to legitimate knowledge claims and practices at certain historical moments. Through such histories we may chart the progress of European civilization within the local context and provide the historical raison d'être for the present state of affairs in music and arts areas of the New Zealand curriculum. Curriculum and its 'reform' representing in part the distribution of public goods and services, has been embroiled in a market project. I seek to expose the politics of knowledge involved in the construction of the notion of The Arts within a neo-liberal policy environment. This environment has involved the deliberate construction of a 'culture of enterprise and competition' (Peters, 1995: 52) and, in the nurturing of conditions for trans-national capital's freedom of movement, a withdrawal from Keynesian economic and social policy, an assault on the welfare state. The thesis delves beyond the public face of policy-making. It follows and scrutinizes critically the birth of The Arts in the New Zealand Curriculum to the production of the first draft of the proposed policy presented by the Ministry of Education in 1999. I examine it as a site of the 'accumulation of meaning' (Derrida, 1981: 57) through a discussion of the history of meaning of 'art' and 'art' education. There is much of value in the Draft document. In particular, the arts have been invested with a new intellectual weight and the professionalism, passion and dedication of those involved in its writing shines through in each of the subject areas within the arts. However, through a process of analysis, I will show that there has been, in fact, a fashioning of a new container for the isolation of artistic knowledge. This is despite official sentiments mentioning possibilities within the document for flourishing separate Music, Art, Dance, and Drama education that implies increased curriculum space. The Draft Arts (1999) document both disguises and rehashes the 'master narrative' of universal rationality and artistic canons and is unlikely to work towards revitalising or protecting local cultural identities though not through lack of intention. I use Lyotard's notion of 'performativity' to critique notions of 'skills' and their 'development' which are implicitly and explicitly stated within the 'levels' of development articulated in the Draft Arts (1999) document. It is argued that this conflation works to enforce cultural homogeneity. There are clear dangers that the Draft Arts' (1999) conception of 'Arts Literacies' might operate as mere functional literacy in the service of the dominant culture's discourse of power and knowledge-one which celebrates the art-as-commodity ideal. It is argued that the Education Ministry's theoretical and epistemological construction of The Arts as one area of learning is unsound, and in fact represents a tightening of modernism's hierarchical notion of culture. New Zealand, now post-colonial or post-imperialist, both bi-cultural and multi-cultural, is situated on the south-western edge of the Pacific Rim. Culturally, it now includes Pacific Island, Asian, and new immigrants, as well as Maori and people of European descent. This therefore necessitates aesthetic practices which, far from promoting a set of universal principles for the appreciation of art - one canonical rule or 'standard' - recognise and reflect cultural difference. Merely admitting cultural difference is inadequate. By working away critically at the deeply held ethno-centric assumptions of modernism, its selective traditions concerned with 'practices, meanings, gender, "races", classes' (Pollock, 1999: 10), its universalising aesthetics of beauty, formal relations, individuality, authenticity or originality, and self-expression, of 'negativity and alienation, and abstraction' (Huyssens, 1986: 209), it is possible to begin to understand the theoretical task of articulating difference with regard to aesthetics. The development of the arts curriculum in New Zealand is placed within the modernism/postmodernism and modernity/postmodernity debates. These debates have generated a number of questions which are forcing us to re-examine the assumptions of modernism. The need for the culture of modernism to become self-critical of its own determining assumptions in order to come to understand its cultural practices, is becoming an urgent theoretical task, especially in disciplines and fields concerned with the transmission of acquired learning and the production of new knowledge. The culture of modernism is often taken as the historical succession of twentieth century avant-gardes (B. Smith, 1998) yet the culture of modernity, philosophically speaking, strictly begins with René Descartes several hundred years earlier, with a pre-history in the Florentine renaissance and the re-discovery of Graeco-Roman artistic and literary forms going back to the thirteenth century. Aesthetic modernism identifies with consumer capitalism and its major assumptions are rationalist, individualist and focus upon the autonomy of both the 'work of art' and the artist at the expense of the artwork, its reception and audience within its localised cultural context. The ideological features of humanism/liberalism - its privileging of the individual subject, the moral, epistemological and aesthetic privileging of the author/artist - are examined as forces contributing to modernism's major values (or aesthetic). Such approaches, it is argued, were limited for dealing with difference. The security and reproductive nature of modernistic approaches to curriculum in the arts areas are destabilized by thinking within the postmodern turn, and the effects of the changes questioning the basic epistemological and metaphysical assumptions in disciplinary fields including art/literature, artchitecture, philosophy and political theory, are registered here, within the field of the education in and through the arts. In a seminal description or report on knowledge, Jean-François Lyotard defines postmodernism as 'incredulity towards metanarratives' (1984: xxiv). Postmodernism, he argues, is 'undoubtedly part of the modern', 'not modernism at its end but in its nascent state and that state is constant (1984: 79). After Lyotard, postmodernism might be seen, therefore, not just as a mode or manner or attitude towards the past, but also as a materializing discourse comprising a dynamic reassessment and re-examination of modernism and modernity's culture. The thinking subject (the cogito) seen as the fount of all knowledge, its autonomy, and transparency, its consideration as the centre of artistic and aesthetic virtuosity and moral action, is subjected to intellectual scrutiny and suspicion. The need for an aesthetics of difference is contextualised through an examination of western hierarchies of art and the aesthetics of marginalized groups. I use the theories of poststructuralist, Jacques Derrida and Jean-François Lyotard, to examine the concept of difference. These theoretical inspirations are used as methodological tools for offsetting the privileging of the liberal individual and individualism. Rather than the mere consideration of difference in curricula, I seek to insert and establish the principle of an aesthetics of difference into relations of pedagogy and curricula. The implications for professional practice resulting from a recognition of a politics of representation are examined and a politics of difference. I argue that art education in all its manifestations can no longer avoid the deeper implications of involvement with representation, including forms of gender, ethnicity and class representation as well as colonial representation. The Western canon's notion of 'artists' and their 'art', often based upon white bourgeois male representations and used in many primary school classrooms, are part and parcel of 'social and political investments in canonicity', a powerful 'element in the hegemony of dominant social groups and interests' (Pollock, 1999: 9). Difference is not appreciated in this context. School art, music, and drama classrooms can become sites for the postmodern questioning of representation of 'the other'. In this context, an aesthetics of difference insists upon too, the questioning of images supporting hegemonic discourses, images which have filled the spaces in the 'chinks and cracks of the power/knowledge-apparati' (Teresa de Lauretis, 1987 cited in Pollock, 1999: 7-8). What would an 'eccentric rereading', a rediscovery of what the canon's vicarly cloak disguises and reveals, mean for music, and for the individual arts areas of the curriculum? I hope to reveal the entanglements of the cultural dynamics of power through an examination of the traditions of Truth and Beauty in imagery which are to be disrupted by inserting into the canon the principle of the aesthetics of difference. Art education as a politics of representation embraces art's constitutive role in ideology. This is to be exposed as we seek to unravel and acknowledge which kinds of knowledges are legitimised and privileged by which kinds of representations. Which kinds of narratives, historical or otherwise, have resulted in which kinds of depictions through image? A recognition of the increasing specification of the subject demands also the careful investigation of colonial representation, the construction of dubious narratives about our history created through visual imaging and its provision of complex historical references. How have art, music, dance, drama been used in the service of particular political and economic narratives? Through revisioning the curriculum from a postmodern perspective, suggestions are made for an alternative pedagogy, which offsets the ideological features of humanism/liberalism, one in which an aesthetics of difference might pervade cultural practices - 'systems of signification', 'practices of representation' (Rizvi, 1994). I draw upon Lyotard's notion of 'small narratives' (1984), and present an investigation of what the democratic manifestation of 'the differend', and multiple meaning systems, might indicate in terms of 'differencing' music education as a site in which heterogenous value systems and expression may find form.
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New Zealand experienced dramatic restructuring programs after the Labor party won the national elections in 1984. Deregulation of price controls, removal of the log export ban, and privatization of public assets were the main shocks to the forest sector. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impacts of these reforms on wood and paper industry cost, production, and cost efficiency. Unlike previous work, the effects of privatization and deregulation are compared to determine which shock had the most influence on the forest sector. Results show that production decreased, total cost increased, and cost efficiency decreased after deregulation for the sector, and that deregulation was more significant than privatization for the wood and paper sectors. In particular, removal of the log export ban had the greatest impact, while privatization had little effect on industry production and cost. This suggests that countries with comparative advantages in wood processing who implement deregulation or privatization may suffer through a short term period of lower cost efficiency as the economy adjusts to higher input costs in those sectors. In New Zealand's case, the adjustments most likely affecting efficiency have been investments in new technologies, which require time to attain maximum efficiency. The results are contrary to other studies that have predicted increased efficiency as a result of privatization.
Ph. D.

This thesis explores the phenomenon of leadership by senior public servants in Westminster system governments. Despite the important constitutional position held by senior public servants (SPS), we know relatively little about what they do day-to-day – in particular what their ‘leadership’ looks like, or how and why it occurs. To address this gap in knowledge, I use an inductive lens to study individual SPS leadership practices in response to strategic challenges they face, and the sensemaking pathways that lead them to engage in those practices. My approach in this study draws upon a critical realist application of the Gioia Methodology, a systematic approach to the development of new concepts designed to bring qualitative rigour into the process and presentation of inductive research (Gioia, Corley, Kevin and Hamilton, 2013). I examine SPS leadership and sensemaking in two sites of Westminster system government – New Zealand and Wales – and draw upon qualitative interview data to forge narratives and a conceptual model to explain how SPS leadership is accomplished. The findings reveal that SPS are not neutral, impartial bureaucrats, but are individuals whose identities and preferences shape their leadership on strategic challenges. Their preferences can align them to their minister’s agenda (agenda leadership), or lead them to try to alter an agenda, by engaging in practices to reframe the challenge and/or proposed government response (steward leadership). The model maps two distinct sensemaking pathways underpinning agenda and steward –leadership respectively, revealing how key extrinsic and intrinsic factors combine to shape each. The model, and its component freshly-instantiated concepts, afford new empirical evidence to the debate on the appropriate role of SPS in Westminster system governments, which to date has been dominated by theoretical and normative contributions. Drawing upon this new evidence, I argue that both agenda leadership and steward leadership by SPS are demanded to supplement the bounded leadership of elected ministers; and recommend updating socialisation, scrutiny and accountability routines to recognise the reality of SPS as independent, human sensemakers and leaders in government.

The 1990's saw a rapid growth in the use of Enterprise Systems by organisations to undertake quick and strategic decisions. Significant to the use of Enterprise systems, is their implementation in the organisation. The increased use of paper documents in government organisations and the augmented implementation rate of Electronic Document Management Systems within government organisations in New Zealand, is what triggered this research and subsequently the framing of the research objectives and thereby the research question. This research encompasses the factors which affect the implementation process of an Enterprise Document Management System and thereby render it a success or a failure. The study used an ethnographic approach in order to introduce rigour in the research. The data was collected by conducting eight semi-structured interviews at the client organisation. The interviews were transcribed and later coded using an open - coding methodology. A thematic analysis based schema was developed to later analyse the coded data.The research found that, factors such as change management, behaviour management / emotions, communication, implementation process approach and system functionality had profound effects on the implementation success of the Electronic Document Management System in the research organisation. The thesis has been mostly written in the first person to represent the author's interpretation of the implementation process and its related factors.

A study of the architecture of John Campbell (1857-1922), an architectural employee of the New Zealand Government between 1890 and 1922. Campbell's early designs in the ‘Queen Anne’ style are discussed and the increasing use of Baroque elements in his work is traced as he establishes a new government style of architecture throughout New Zealand, namely, Imperial Baroque. The buildings Campbell designed in that style are then discussed and the same search for a new government style traced in the design of one particular building type, post offices. Finally Campbell's designs for Parliament Buildings are discussed. Campbell emerges as an inventive and intuitive designer whose work, by virtue of its distinctively British character, is expressive of New Zealand's former status as a member nation of the British Empire.

Despite rapid uptake overseas environmental education has received no formal commitment from the New Zealand education system. This study is a multidisciplinary examination of four key questions that are considered to frame the implications of environmental education for educational policy in New Zealand, now. Findings are considered to have international implications.

Are there policy markets in Australia, and if so, how do they operate? This is the core question for this dissertation. Beginning with a focus on this simple formulation of the problem, the thesis explores the idea of policy markets, breaking it down into its constituent parts��policy� and �markets��and develops four different ways in which policy markets (i.e. markets for policy analysis, research and advice) might be modeled: 1. the dimensions of knowledge, values and competition in policy development systems and processes; 2. a hierarchy of policy markets according to strategic, programmatic and operational concerns; 3. policy markets in the context of cyclical process models of policy-making, especially the variant posited by Bridgman and Davis (1998); and 4. a typology of policy markets ranging from �pseudo� forms through to a form of full (or �pure�) policy market. Against the background of this theory-building, the empirical evidence�which was gathered through a combination of documentary investigation and some 77 interviews with senior public servants, consultants and ministers�is addressed through three interrelated approaches: an analysis of the (relatively limited) government-wide data; a comparison of this material with experience in New Zealand; and a set of three extended case studies. The three case studies address the idea and experience of policy markets from the point of view of: � the supplier�in this case, the economic forecasting and analysis firm, Access Economics; � ministers-as-buyers�through a study of the Coalition Government�s 1998 efforts to reform the waterfront; and � the bureaucracy as implementers of an extensive program of outsourcing�through a detailed examination of the outsourcing of corporate services (especially human resource management) by the Department of Finance and Administration. Several conclusions are drawn as to the character, extent and theoretical and practical significance of policy markets in Australia. While various elements of actual markets (e.g. contracts, price and service competition, multiple sources of supply, etc.) can be detected in the Australian approach to policy-making, policy markets are not as prevalent or as consistent as the rhetoric might suggest. In particular, while the language of the market is a common feature throughout the Australian policy-making system, it tends to mask a complex, �mixed economy�, whereby there is a continued preference for many of the mechanisms of bureaucratic ways of organising for policy analysis, combined with a growing challenge from various forms of networks, which are sometimes �dressed� as markets but retain the essential elements of policy (or, perhaps more particularly, political) networks. Nevertheless, the growing use of the language and some of the forms of the market in Australia�s policy-making system suggests that practitioners and researchers need to take this form into account when considering ways of organising (in the case of practitioners) or ways of studying (for researchers) policy development in Australia.

The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.

In the nineteenth century, the steam railway became, for many people, the superior conduit for the inland translocation of people and freight. Once devised, steam railways offered such a huge improvement on previous modes and made such a dramatic change to the unity, organisation and commerce of most countries that almost everyone wanted one. New Zealand proved no different, but was faced with not only the twin problems of low population and often rugged geography, but also serious economic problems from difficult world trading conditions and a debt greatly increased by railway construction costs. In the later 1880s, a conservative government decided to vest the Government Railways in independent Commissioners to try to improve productivity and cut out political influence, corruption and jobbery in the huge commercial presence the colony�s railways represented. While this move was successful, a change to one-man-one-vote, together with the pivotal 1890 Maritime Strike, saw the country move left in the elections of 1890, bringing to power a Liberal Government. This new Ministry then set out to reduce the autonomy of the Railway Commissioners, taking four years to return the management of Railways to the direct control of the Government. While interesting in itself, this is part of the story of the process of the democratic development of New Zealand. This was a community struggling with the often conflicting demands of using railways to not only service the railway debt but also fulfil public transit requirements, including encouraging settlement and economic growth. The organisation�s monopolistic nature and great economic presence, however, offered multiple, including corrupt, opportunities to support the political aspirations of those in power, while offering a less than wonderful service to its customers. Taking place against a backdrop of agitation for railway reform, particularly orchestrated by railway activist Samuel Vaile, the outcome can be seen to have been less than completely desirable for the economic development of the country or its people. This was despite huge support for the principal activist against the Railway Commissioners, Liberal Premier Richard Seddon.

Active labour market programmes are an important component of government labour market policy internationally and in New Zealand. The growth in unemployment, and in particular male and long term unemployment, since the mid 1980's in New Zealand have contributed to the enhanced role of active labour market programmes in government policy. In the early 1990's the New Zealand government introduced a menu of interventions including subsidy, work experience and training programmes. Concomitant with this development has been increased pressure from political, business and social groups to assess the effectiveness of this approach in lowering unemployment. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the effect of active labour market policy utilised in New Zealand from 1989 to 1997. Whether or not these active labour market interventions were beneficial to those males who participated in them, the effect of treatment upon the treated, is the parameter estimated. The range of programmes makes it possible to analyse a number of programme evaluation issues. These include the overall question of the impact of subsidy, work experience and training programmes in general, but also other specific research questions. In particular the range of subsidy programmes makes it possible to identify that subsidies to private sector firms are more effective than those to public sector organisations. The effectiveness of start-up subsidies for the unemployed are also evaluated and found to be beneficial. The effects of participation upon selected education and ethnic groups are also estimated. Since there is no one estimation approach that works in all circumstances, both regression and matching estimators are used. In order to achieve this it is necessary to create two estimation datasets as the data requirements vary for each technique. The main findings from the research are that participation in active labour market programmes is beneficial in reducing the length of time that participants are registered as unemployed. Work experience programmes have the largest impact, followed by subsidies. The effect of training programmes is smallest. The major beneficial effect occurs in the year following participation and then reduces in subsequent years. There are also some important methodological findings, including the sensitivity of results to the time frame, to the datasets chosen, and to the estimation techniques used.

Public service broadcasting aims to serve the public good rather than private gain. Advocates believe that the work of broadcasting should be regarded as a public service for a social purpose. To achieve this purpose it should fulfil a number of ideals: cater for all sections of the community, service all geographic regions of a nation regardless of cost, be independent from political or commercial interests, educate, inform, entertain and improve the public it serves. The public service model was used as an ideal, to examine the performance of the Broadcasting Standards Authority in its first five years. It was found that for the Authority to be equitable and efficient requires: independence from political and broadcast industry influences, adequate funding, revision of the complaints system to improve public accessibility, and members with expert and specialised knowledge. Furthermore, there needs to be recognition of the principle that programmes should be assessed on individual merit, to increase the accountability of the Authority's decisions to the public The Broadcasting Standards Authority was instituted to retain public service broadcasting obligations in a deregulated environment. If the above issues are not addressed, then the credibility of the Authority's function as a public forum for the consideration and discussion of broadcasting standards must come into question.

The 1980s and 1990s was a period in which dramatic changes occurred in New Zealand’s political landscape. These changes affected many aspects of the way democracy in New Zealand was understood and operated. In the 10 years from 1984- 1994, New Zealand moved from being a highly protected reasonably insular mixed economy with significant levels of state intervention in most areas of the socioeconomic framework to one with permeable borders that was quickly globalising based on a market-model for both domestic and international business functions. This was accompanied by a change in the electoral system from a simple majoritarian plurality first-past-the-post system to a mixed member proportional representation system that led to the breakdown of single-party government as it gave way to coalition politics. The causes of this latter shift related to a feeling that the previous system was both unfair and gave too much power to a few individuals in one party who seemed to have limited accountability. It was the belief of a substantial portion of the electorate that successive governments had breached the people’s trust by ignoring unwritten conventions around implementing an electoral mandate based on campaign manifesto promises. This thesis seeks for the first time to answer how real these perceptions were by assessing pledge fulfilment before 1984, during the 1984 to 1996 period, and after the advent of MMP, in order to reveal any changes that have occurred across this critical period in New Zealand’s political history in relation to the application of the mandate theory of democratic government. It will also provide insight for the first time into the impact changing an electoral system has on election policy implementation for major parties and raises important questions about popular ideas of democracy, electoral support for election promise-keeping and methods of accountability as traditional notions of democracy are challenged by the revealed reality of both government action and voter reaction.

Ideally, a citizen is an individual who is a formal member of a self-governing political community, with individual rights and freedoms that are equal to those of other citizens, and which are protected by law. This thesis investigates how closely the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities in New Zealand approximated this ideal during the 1990s. Its particular focus is on how the neo-liberal ideology of National and Coalition Governments between 1990 and 1999, and those Governments' understandings of the nature and political significance of ethnicity, affected the ability of those belonging to non-Maori ethnic minority groups to be full and equal members of the New Zealand political community, with an equal capacity for self-governance at the individual level and as members of the political community. The thesis takes the form of a survey of public policy and law over a period of nine years. Five broad areas or aspects of public policy are examined: the collection and dissemination of official 'ethnic' statistics; immigration and citizenship policy; civil rights provided for in domestic and international law; mechanisms for ensuring access to political decision-making; and social policy. The question asked in the thesis is whether the policies developed and administered in each of these areas during the 1990s enriched or detracted from the citizenship status of non-Maori ethnic minorities.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that one way New Zealand's high prevalence of child abuse can be reduced is by the government increasing the legislative and policy responses within an ecological framework, to child abuse prevention. This is because such responses would ensure a 'best practice' approach to child abuse prevention. This 'best-practice' approach is one where child abuse prevention measures are community-driven, child-centred, multi-disciplinary and inter-sectoral. Section 1 of this thesis will provide a background on the different types of child abuse, why child abuse occurs and what the consequences of child abuse are. This section will also cover some current statistics on the incidences of child abuse in New Zealand. Additionally, there is a discussion on how child abuse is increasingly being minimised within a family violence paradigm - even though family violence is only one form of child abuse. New Zealand does not have a good track record when it comes to its rates of child abuse. Section 1 is intended to give the reader a very clear picture of how children in New Zealand are not currently being protected adequately enough from child abuse. This protection should be coming from the adults in their lives, in their community and in their nation. Section 2 of this thesis outlines an ecological framework for child abuse prevention. More specifically the way in which such an ecological model is operating presently in New Zealand, at particularly an exosystem (community) and macrosystem (national) level. The second part of this section discusses factors which will ensure the 'success' of an ecological framework for child abuse prevention. By 'success' the author is referring to a framework in which the primary outcome is the prevalence of child abuse in New Zealand is reducing. Section 3 of this thesis will contain the substantive arguments of this paper. New Zealand does currently have in place legislative and policy responses to child abuse prevention. However, the author maintains these responses to date have not been sufficient because New Zealand's rates of child abuse continue to escalate. This section consists of 19 recommendations of legislative and policy responses that could be implemented at a macrosystem/national level. At the conclusion of the recommendations contained in this thesis, it becomes clear that the government does need to respond urgently to New Zealand's growing child abuse rates. New Zealand can no longer afford to have a reactive, ad-hoc approach to child abuse. Nor can the response at a macro level continue to be one of rhetoric where there is more talk on child abuse prevention than there is on activating, monitoring and funding practical solutions. It is the author's contention that if the government considered the interests and welfare of children as paramount in legislative and policy decisions that relate to children, then this will send a strong and clear signal to the adults in childrens' lives that children are not to be abused. Instead, children are to be nurtured, respected and cherished in every way.

Since 1984, when the fourth Labour Government was elected to office, there have been major changes in the structures of society in Aoteroa/New Zealand. A wide range of reviews and reforms of economic and social policy have been undertaken, and not surprisingly the structures and policies of adult education have come under scrutiny and been subject to major changes. The purpose of this paper is to examine the politics of policy formation over a six-year period. Using official and unofficial reports and other documents, the paper seeks to identify some of the key changes in adult education policy that have taken place in recent years and to locate them within the context of the contradictory pressures operating upon and within government and the field of adult education.

This thesis focuses on the evolution and framing of xenotransplantation (XTP) policy debate in New Zealand from 1998 to 2011. Its aim is providing a better understanding of both the science-society interface and the importance of issue framing policy debate in understanding of the scientific debate in New Zealand and its relationship with the public. A qualitative study, this thesis draws upon a variety of public science commentary and debate and poses the research question: How did xenotransplantation’s introduction and explanation to the New Zealand public inform its current status as a Restricted Procedure under New Zealand law; and what ethical implications arise from this public policy debate for public participation in bio-medical research in New Zealand?